{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_77791/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_77791","id":"gutenberg_77791","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/77791","summary":null,"tags":["Indians of North America -- Religion","Indians of North America -- Rites and ceremonies","Peyotism"],"text":"Transcriber\u2019s Note: The author\u2019s citations of works published in\nlanguages other than English are sometimes inaccurately spelt. In\naddition, he uses a mixture of standard and nonstandard IPA symbols\nto transcribe words in the Kiowa and other Native American languages;\nthese are preserved as originally printed.\n\n\n\n\n THE PEYOTE CULT\n\n BY\n WESTON LA BARRE\n _Professor of Anthropology\n Duke University_\n\n REPRINTED BY\n THE SHOE STRING PRESS, INC.\n Hamden, Connecticut\n 1959\n\n \u00a9 1959, THE SHOE STRING PRESS, INC.\n\n Originally published as\n Yale University Publications\n in Anthropology\n NUMBER 19\n Reprinted by permission of the Department of Anthropology,\n Yale University\n\n PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE\n\n\nThe field work which is a partial basis of this study was begun in\nthe summer of 1935, when the writer was a member of the Laboratory\nof Anthropology at Santa F\u00e9 ethnological group which worked with the\nKiowa under Dr. Alexander Lesser of Columbia University. The field work\nwas continued alone in the summer of 1936 with funds granted by Yale\nUniversity and the American Museum of Natural History. Field data were\ngathered with varying completeness from fifteen tribes: Kiowa, Comanche,\nShawnee, Kickapoo, Osage, Quapaw, Seminole, Delaware, Pawnee, Cheyenne,\nCaddo, Oto, Ponca, Kiowa Apache and Wichita; in the case of the Kiowa,\nOto, and Wichita two peyote meetings each were attended.\n\nThe debt to my almost constant field companion, Charles Apekaum (Kiowa),\ngame warden, ex-Navy man, graduate of Chilocco, Haskell, and Carlisle,\nand my chief interpreter, is such that I may say my work could not have\nbeen carried out with such comparative facility and speed without his\naid. His knowledge of people and places was invaluable to me. Special\nappreciation is expressed to Mr. Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne) of Thomas,\nOklahoma, several times state president of the Native American Church,\nfor lending me numerous letters and other documents from the official\nfiles of the organization, and to Jim Waldo (Kiowa) and Kiowa Charley\nfor similar documents, including the articles of incorporation and state\ncharter. To Jim Pettit (Oto) of Red Rock, local president of the Native\nAmerican Church, and Charles Tyner (Quapaw) of Miami, the added debt\nof personal hospitality was incurred. The following informants were of\nparticular help in gathering data: Cecil and Henry Murdock (Kickapoo);\nSly Picard, George May and Henry Hunt (Wichita); Jim Aton, Belo Kozad and\nHomer Buffalo (Kiowa); Howard White Wolf (Comanche); Carl Pettit, Murray\nLittle-crow, and Mrs. George Pipestem (Oto); Albert Stamp (Seminole);\nTom and Collins Panther (Shawnee); Tennyson Berry (Kiowa Apache); Robert\nLittle-dance and Louis MacDonald (Ponca); Mack Haag (Cheyenne); Elijah\nReynolds (Delaware); and Sun Chief and James Sun-eagle (Pawnee). To\nJonathan Koshiway (Oto), founder of the Church of the First-born, I wish\nto express appreciation for his painstaking efforts at completeness of\ninformation made on my behalf.\n\nIn a study of this scope one necessarily incurs considerable debts to\ncolleagues for aid generously given and gratefully received. The notes\nof James Mooney on Kiowa, Comanche, and Tarahumari peyote, deposited\nin the Bureau of American Ethnology, as well as manuscripts by Frances\nDensmore on Winnebago, and Dr. Truman Michelson on Sauk and Fox peyote,\nwere made available through the generosity of Dr. Matthew Stirling,\nto whom I express particular thanks. Mrs. Elna Smith very kindly lent\nfurther Bureau of American Ethnology material which had been in her\ncare. Mr. D. F. Murphy of the Indian Office amplified my Osage notes,\nand Mr. John Collier, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, has been generous\nwith information of legal and administrative nature. To Donald Collier,\nstudent at the University of Chicago, and Ing. Luis H\u00edjar y Haro of\nMexico City, I express appreciation for bibliographic items, as well\nas to Dr. Ralph Beals of the University of California at Los Angeles.\nRichard Schultes, student at Harvard University, who was with me for\nan ethnobotanical study during several weeks of my second summer of\nwork, has also been generous in giving help on bibliographic as well\nas botanical and pharmaceutical matters. Dr. E. A. Hoebel of New York\nUniversity made available his notes on Northern Cheyenne and Comanche\npeyote. Dr. Ruth Benedict of Columbia University and Dr. M. E. Opler\nof the University of Chicago have aided with Mescalero Apache notes,\nand the latter has very generously lent valuable manuscript notes on\nTonkawa, Carrizo and Lipan peyotism. Dr. Frank Speck of the University\nof Pennsylvania was fertile with suggestions during the second period of\nfield work, and since its completion has contributed important Delaware\nmaterial. Mrs. Erminie Voegelin, student at Yale University, kindly lent\nher voluminous notes on Shawnee peyote, as did Mrs. Anne Cooke for the\nUte, and John Noon, student at the University of Pennsylvania, for the\nKickapoo. Dr. A. H. Gayton kindly lent an interesting paper on datura.\nWhile the present paper was still in proof form, Dr. Leslie A. White\nof the University of Michigan and Dr. Fred Eggan of the University of\nChicago generously lent material on Taos and Northern Cheyenne peyotism\nrespectively.\n\nTo Dr. Edward Sapir of Yale University, to the Laboratory of Anthropology\nat Santa F\u00e9, and to Dr. Clark Wissler of the American Museum of Natural\nHistory, I wish to express my thanks for making available the funds on\nwhich field work was undertaken. To Dr. Sapir and to Dr. John Dollard\nof the Institute of Human Relations at Yale University I owe the warm\npersonal debt of founding a knowledge and an interest in matters of\npsychological import herein treated. And to Dr. Leslie Spier, my\ndissertation adviser, I express gratitude for his constant stimulating\ninterest, valuable bibliographic help, and leads of considerable\nethnographic significance.\n\n WESTON LA BARRE\n\n\n_Note to the Reprint Edition_\n\nIn the twenty years since the original publication of this book, studies\nof peyotism have continued to appear, until there are at present over one\nthousand bibliographic items on the ethnography of peyotism and related\nsubjects. The author has summarized recent studies in an extended review\nof \u201cTwenty Years of Peyote Studies,\u201d which is in press for appearance in\nan early issue of _Current Anthropology_. Readers interested in following\ntwo decades of developments in peyotism may wish to be referred to this\npublication.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\n PAGE\n\n PREFACE 3\n\n INTRODUCTION 7\n\n BOTANICAL AND PHYSIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF PEYOTE 10\n Botany 10\n Ethnobotany 11\n Names for peyote 14\n Etymology of \u201cpeyotl\u201d 16\n Identification of peyote 17\n Physiology of Peyote Intoxication 17\n\n THE ETHNOLOGY OF PEYOTISM 23\n Non-ritual Uses of Peyote 23\n Ritual Uses of Peyotl 29\n Huichol 30\n Tarahumari 33\n Comparison of Mexican peyote rituals 35\n Mescalero Apache and transitional forms of ritual 40\n Kiowa-Comanche type rite 43\n Comparison of Mexican, transitional, and Plains peyotism 54\n\n COMPARATIVE STUDY OF PLAINS PEYOTISM 57\n\n PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF PEYOTISM 93\n\n HISTORICAL INTERPRETATIONS 105\n The Pre-peyote Mescal Bean Cult 105\n History of the Diffusion of Peyotism 109\n\n APPENDIX 1: Peyote in Mexico 124\n\n APPENDIX 2: Peyote and the Mescal Bean 126\n\n APPENDIX 3: Peyote and Teo-nanacatl 128\n\n APPENDIX 4: \u201cPlant Worship\u201d in Mexico and the United States 131\n\n APPENDIX 5: Chemistry of Peyote 138\n\n APPENDIX 6: Physiology of Peyote 139\n\n APPENDIX 7: John Wilson, the Revealer of Peyote 151\n\n APPENDIX 8: Christian Elements in the Peyote Cult 162\n\n APPENDIX 9: The Native American Church and Other Peyote Churches 167\n\n BIBLIOGRAPHY 175\n\n\n\n\nILLUSTRATIONS\n\n\n PLATES\n\n Explanation of plates AT END\n\n 1. Peyote leaders\n 2. Altar and ash birds\n\n TEXT FIGURES\n PAGE\n\n 1. Arrangement of tipi for peyote meeting (Kiowa) 44\n 2. Peyote paraphernalia 47\n 3. Peyote drum 49\n 4. Peyote altars or moons 75\n 5. The diffusion of peyotism 122\n 6. Cement altar of the Big Moon rite (Osage) 154\n 7. Altar in West Moon Church (Osage) 155\n\n\n\n\nTHE PEYOTE CULT\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\n\nPeyote (Nahuatl, peyotl) or _Lophophora williamsii_ Lemaire, is a small,\nspineless, carrot-shaped cactus growing in the Rio Grande Valley and\nsouthward. It contains nine narcotic alkaloids of the isoquiniline\nseries, some of them strychnine-like in physiological action, the rest\nmorphine-like. In pre-Columbian times the Aztec, Huichol, and other\nMexican Indians ate the plant ceremonially either in the dried or green\nstate. This produces profound sensory and psychic derangements lasting\ntwenty-four hours, a property which led the natives to value and use it\nreligiously. Peyote is not, however, the same as teo-nanacatl, as Safford\nbelieved; the latter is a narcotic mushroom which likewise had a Mexican\ndistribution. The term \u201cpeyotl\u201d is also used in Mexico to designate other\ncacti and non-cacti, some of which, like peyote, are reputed to have\naphrodisiac and other properties.\n\nPhysiologically, the salient characteristic of peyote is its production\nof visual hallucinations or color visions, as well as kinaesthetic,\nolfactory and auditory derangements. Psychiatrists have used it\n(experimentally) with unsatisfactory results in producing temporary\npsychosis, and therapeutically its use has been similarly disappointing\nbecause of the uncertainty of action of the antagonistic alkaloids of\npan-peyotl. First, exhilaration is produced by the strychnine-like\nalkaloids, followed by profound depression, nausea and wakefulness, and\nfinally, under the influence of the morphine-like alkaloids, brilliant\ncolor visions are produced, which last for several hours. There are no\nill after-effects, and peyote is not known to be habit-forming. These\nproperties have led to a number of non-ritual uses by natives for\nprophesying, clairvoyance, finding lost objects and the like, as well as\nempirically for the cure of all manner of illnesses.\n\nIn Mexico peyote was used seasonally in an agricultural-hunting religious\nfestival, preceded by a ritual pilgrimage for the plant. Participants\ndanced all night around a fire to the rasp-music of the shaman, as they\nate the drug in this tribal celebration. Since about 1870 the cult has\nspread to the United States, particularly in the Plains, where nearly all\ngroups use it. In the Southwest transitional region peyote became deeply\ninvolved in shamanistic rivalries and witchcraft, and in the Plains with\nwar. A pre-peyote narcotic, the \u201cmescal bean\u201d (_Sophora secundiflora_)\nhad there prepared the way for its introduction. The Plains cult is\nlike the warriors\u2019 societies of earlier times in some respects. The\nKiowa, Comanche and Caddo were the chief agents of the spread of the\ncult throughout the entire Plains region to southern Canada and parts of\nthe Great Basin. The standard ritual is an all-night meeting in a tipi\naround a crescent-shaped earthen mound and a ceremonially-built fire;\nhere a special drum, gourd rattle and carved staff are passed around\nafter smoking and purifying ceremonies, as each person sings four \u201cpeyote\nsongs.\u201d Various water-bringing ceremonies occur at midnight and dawn,\nwhen there is a \u201cbaptism\u201d or curing rite, followed by a special ritual\nbreakfast of parched com, fruit, and boneless meat.\n\nThe Caddo-Delaware John Wilson had peyote visions that led him to\nmodify the altar and ceremony; this new form has spread to the Caddo,\nDelaware, Quapaw, Osage and others. Wilson was one of a long line of\nIndian prophet-messiahs, and his \u201cmoon\u201d has been somewhat exploited\neconomically. The Oto teacher, Jonathan Koshiway, founded a Christianized\nversion of peyotism which spread to the Omaha, Winnebago and others. An\norganization of confederated tribes known as \u201cThe Native American Church\u201d\ngrew out of Koshiway\u2019s \u201cChurch of the First-born\u201d (which latter spread to\nNegro groups also). The cult has had considerable legal difficulties.\n\nPraying and doctoring in meetings, and occasionally public confession\nof sins, are the major means for the liquidation of life-anxieties of\nthis profoundly functional cult\u2019s many present-day communicants. In the\nfollowing pages we shall attempt to delineate the history of the study\nof the cult, the various botanical questions surrounding peyote, its\nphysiological action and the various ethnological, psychological and\nhistorical questions involved in its diffusion.\n\nFirst of modern students to describe the peyote rite was James Mooney,\nwho visited the Kiowa, Comanche, Tarahumari, and \u201ca number of other\ntribes, among them the Mexican tribes of the Sierra Madre, and as far\nsouth as the City of Mexico.\u201d[1] But at his death he had published no\nfurther study of peyote; ethnographers of the period were in general\nconcerned with preserving complete records of older native cultures, and\nignored or paid scant attention to the modern cult of peyote. Mooney\nhimself gave little notice to the rite in his monographs on the Cheyenne\nand the Kiowa,[2] although at the time he was undoubtedly the authority\non the subject.\n\nWissler, for example, barely mentions the peyote cult.[3] Indeed, in its\nrole of modern destroyer or supplanter of older native religions, peyote\nwas even a matter of concern[4] and annoyance to some ethnographers.\nLumholtz, with wonted thoroughness, published considerable data on\nHuichol and Tarahumari peyote in 1898 and later, and Kroeber in 1902\nwrote a chapter on Arapaho peyote which has remained a model for later\ninvestigators.[5]\n\nIt remained for Paul Radin, however, in his studies of Winnebago\npeyote,[6] to point out to ethnographers an engrossingly interesting,\nbut widely ignored, religious cult which was growing and spreading\nbefore their very eyes. Since the appearance of his papers in the\nyears following 1914, the ethnographic literature on peyote has grown\nconsiderably, due importantly to the impetus Radin gave such studies.\nLowie devoted a chapter partly to peyote in his book _Primitive\nReligion_; Rouhier paid some attention to ethnographic questions in his\npharmacological monograph on peyote; and Wagner wrote a short comparative\npaper based largely on the Comanche and Huichol cults. Petrullo\u2019s\n_Diabolic Root_ was devoted entirely to Delaware peyotism.[7]\n\nNo comparative treatment of the peyote cult of the order of Mooney\u2019s on\nthe Ghost Dance, Lowie\u2019s on Plains societies, or Spier\u2019s on the Sun Dance\nhad ever been made when Dr. Maurice Smith of the University of Oklahoma\nbegan his studies. The unfortunate death of this investigator, however,\nprevented the finishing of his work, of which only a short paper[8] has\nseen publication. But studies of the peyote cult in individual tribes,\nboth published and in manuscript, have multiplied to such an extent since\nthe time of Kroeber\u2019s and Radin\u2019s studies that the time appears ripe to\nattempt an integrated comparative treatment of the religion.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] Mooney, _A Kiowa Mescal Rattle_, 64-65; _Mescal Plant and Ceremony_\n(from which dates the medical and pharmaceutical interest in peyote);\nstatement in _Peyote, as Used in Religious Worship_, 58.\n\n[2] _The Cheyenne_, 418; _Calendar History_, 237-39.\n\n[3] _The American Indian_, 376.\n\n[4] Skinner, _Material Culture_, 42-43; _Societies of the Iowa_, 693-94,\n724.\n\n[5] Lumholtz, _Tarahumari Dances_; _Huichol Indians_; _Explorations en\nMexique_; _Symbolism of the Huichol_; _Unknown Mexico_; Kroeber, _The\nArapaho_, 398-410.\n\n[6] Radin, _Sketch of the Peyote Cult_; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 388-426;\n_Crashing Thunder_.\n\n[7] Lowie, _Primitive Religion_, 200-204; Rouhier, _Monographie du\nPeyotl_; Wagner, _Entwicklung und Verbreitung_; Petrullo, _The Diabolic\nRoot_.\n\n[8] Smith, Mrs. Maurice G., _A Negro Peyote Cult_.\n\n\n\n\nBOTANICAL AND PHYSIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF PEYOTE\n\n\nBOTANY\n\nNumerous errors involved in the study of peyote, many of them still\nwidely current, make it advisable to identify our subject-matter clearly\nat the very outset of our study. The plant peyote was first described by\nSahag\u00fan in 1560 as a narcotic cactus used ritually by the Chichimeca, the\nroot peiotl.[1] Jacinto de la Serna[2] in 1626 mentioned peyote, which\nhe distinguished from other intoxicants. The first properly botanical\ndescription was made in 1638 by Hernandez,[3] the naturalist of Philip\nII of Spain, under the rubric De Peyotl Zacatensi, seu radice molli et\nlanuginosa. Ortega,[4] again, in 1754, mentioned peyote as used in a Cora\ndance.\n\nSince 1845 peyote has had numerous modern botanical classifications,\nbeing listed variously as _Echinocactus williamsii_ Lem., _Anhalonium\nwilliamsii_ Lem., _Mammillaria williamsii_ Coulter, _Echinocactus\nlewinii_ Hennings, _Mammillaria lewinii_ Karsten, _Lophophora lewinii_\nThompson, etc. The commonest designation in the older ethnological\nliterature is _Anhalonium lewinii_ or _A. williamsii_. For a considerable\nperiod it was thought that these last were two species\u2014a point argued\nboth on botanical and ethnographic grounds\u2014but the present classification\nof peyote is as a single species, the unique member of its genus,\n_Lophophora williamsii_.[5]\n\nThe peyote plant is a curious and unique little cactus. It has no spines\nwhatsoever, and ranges from the carrot-like to the turnip-like in shape\nand size, without, however, any branches or leaves. The rounded top\nsurface, which alone appears above the soil (and which, cut off and\ndried, becomes the peyote \u201cbutton\u201d), is divided radially by straight,\nor slightly spiral, or sinuous furrows that in some specimens become so\ncomplex as to lose the appearance of ribs altogether. These ribs bear\nlittle tufts or pencils of matted grayish-white hair, not unlike artists\u2019\nfine camel\u2019s-hair brushes. It is from these that the cactus takes both\nits modern botanical designation, _Lophophora_ (\u201cI bear crests\u201d) and its\nAztec name _peyotl_ (from the resemblance to cocoon-silk). In the center\nof the top there is a little spot of closely matted fuzz, from which the\nribs derive and grow; the flower, borne on a stalk, grows from here too,\nthe pinkish-whitish blossom growing into a rapidly maturing club-shaped\npinkish-reddish fruit.[6]\n\n\nETHNOBOTANY\n\nSeveral matters regarding the botany of peyote should be discussed, for\ntheir having given rise to legends about the plant. After discussing the\nnefarious uses to which the Chichimeca put peyote, Hernandez writes that\n\n on this account the root scarcely issues forth, but conceals\n itself in the ground, as if it did not wish to harm those who\n discover and eat it.[7]\n\nDr. Parsons[8] recounts a Taos origin legend in which peyote acts even\nmore spectacularly. A warrior on the war-path heard a singing, and when\nhe approached,\n\n the plant would go open and shut like this [the narrator moves\n his finger-tips close together and then opens them].... Then\n the plant told the Indian to come inside. But the opening was\n so small. Then it got bigger; it got to be a big hole in the\n ground, a square hole. The Indian went down the hole. There was\n a big hollow place down there in the ground, round like a kiva.\n\nAnd the story continues, telling of how the Indian learned the peyote\nrite from the man in the kiva. On scrutiny this appears to be the Kiowa\norigin legend for peyote, modified by the addition of familiar Pueblo\nfolk-tale motifs. The Kiowa themselves say,\n\n you must look closely at peyote, because it is like a mole when\n it comes on top of the ground\u2014if you don\u2019t look closely it is\n gone again.\n\nThese curious legends, however, are not without some histological[9]\nand ecological reality. In this semi-desert region the subterranean\nfunnel-formed tap-root of the plant is covered with woody scales which\nform a rigid shell. Rouhier writes:[10]\n\n All this chlorophyll-region [the portion above the ground] is\n tumid, plump and fleshy, firm and elastic to the touch, when,\n after the season of heavy rains, the plant is replete and\n vigorous. During the hot season it droops and shrivels, becomes\n soft, and has a dull rumpled look. It retracts then into the\n rigid cylinder formed by the desiccated corky desquammated\n part of the stem; the plant literally gives the impression\n of pulling its head into its neck. (M. Diguet has told us\n that the plant, at this time, buries itself in the soil, as\n though drawn, by a powerful force of traction of its adventive\n radicles, at the base of the funnel which its tap-root has\n bored.)\n\nAnother matter of ethnobotanical interest concerns the supposed existence\nof two varieties of peyote.[11] In discussing Peyotl Zacatensis\nHernandez[12] writes that \u201cthey say they are male and female.\u201d The\nHuichol likewise distinguish two kinds of Peyote, one, the more\nactive and bitter in taste and presenting smaller and more numerous\nmammillations on the surface, called Tzinouritehua-hicouri, \u201cPeyotl of\nthe Gods,\u201d the other, whose physiological effect is less pronounced,\ncalled Rha\u00eftoumuanitarihua-hicouri, \u201cPeyotl of the Goddesses.\u201d In the\nopinion of Rouhier,[13] \u201cThe Peyotl of the Goddesses ... is the young\nform of _Echinocactus williamsii_ [= _Lophophora williamsii_], and the\nPeyotl of the Gods is its adult form.\u201d\n\nNor is this the end of the matter. It is well known that sex is\nattributed to plants in the Plains, but there is also a well-defined\npattern regarding the sex[14] specifically of peyote throughout Mexico\nand the Plains. The Huichol have a tutelary goddess for peyote called\nHatzimouika; the peyote deity of the Tarahumari, on the other hand, is\nmale, and great reverence is paid by them to the hikuli wal\u00fala s\u00e4l\u00edami,\nor \u201chikuli great authority,\u201d literally, who is surrounded by smaller\nplants, his \u201cservants,\u201d and who, not satisfied with mere sheep and goats,\ndemands the sacrifice of oxen.\n\nBeing persons, peyote plants naturally talk and sing on occasion.\nLumholtz[15] writes of the Tarahumari belief that\n\n in the fields in which it grows, it sings beautifully, that the\n Tarahumare may find it. It says, \u201cI want to go to your country,\n that you may sing your songs to me.\u201d ... It also sings in the\n bag while it is being carried home. One man, who wanted to use\n his bag as a pillow, could not sleep, he said, because the\n plants made so much noise.\n\nBennett and Zingg[16] mention the Tarahumari belief that the singing one\nhears as the bak\u00e1nawa moves about in the night near the sleeper may be\nmade clearer by chewing a bit of the plant. Indeed, Mooney[17] says the\nTarahumari find the peyote by hearing its song, H\u00edkur\u00f3wa, which it sings\nday and night. Peyote speaks to the Tarahumari shaman during the night of\ndancing and curing, and encourages him with words and by singing to him.\nThe fetish-plant in the ceremony proper is placed on the altar under a\nhalf-gourd resonator; the rasping of the shaman, thus amplified, is very\npleasing to peyote, who manifests his strength by the amount of noise\nproduced with his aid.\n\nIn the Plains, however, when pleased with the singing, the peyote goddess\nactually joins in with it.[18] The Kiowa call her s\u0119\u2071m\u0105yi, literally,\n\u201cPeyote Woman.\u201d Mooney describes a Kiowa peyote rattle on which she\nis represented, and at her feet the Morning Star, which heralds her\napproach. A Taos origin legend for peyote tells of a warrior abandoned\nby his companions, who heard a singing and rattling near where he lay,\nand finally discovered it coming from the blossom in the center of the\ntop of the plant.\n\nThe Shawnee[19] say that if you listen carefully you can \u201ccatch songs\u201d\nfrom Peyote Woman. The Kickapoo likewise have the concept of the peyote\n\u201cgoddess\u201d who sometimes sings in meetings when pleased; one informant\nfurther said that \u201cthe spirit of a woman who had been faithful to peyote\nsings after she has passed away. Sometimes we put pieces of food near\nthe fire for spirits of a dead man or woman or child. Sometimes you hear\na man\u2019s voice too.\u201d The Lipan say they hear \u201cChanging Woman\u2019s\u201d voice in\npeyote meetings. The Wichita believe it is kicu\u00b7\u00eddie, \u201cthe woman who\nstays in the water,\u201d and her little son, wi\u00b7\u1e31\u03b9diw\u03b9d\u00e1, \u201cthe boy who rolls\nalong the banks of the water,\u201d who are mentioned in prayer, and who give\npower in meetings. The \u201cpeyote-woman\u201d belief is attenuated elsewhere in\nthe Plains.[20]\n\n\nNAMES FOR PEYOTE\n\nNative terms for peyote differ somewhat in denotation and connotation.\nFor clarity sake we shall list only those terms referring specifically\nto _Lophophora williamsii_. Native classifications of cacti, as well as\nextensions of the term \u201cpeyotl,\u201d will be discussed in an appendix, as\ninvolving special problems.\n\nThe Huichol of Jalisco call peyote h\u00edcuri, hicori, xicori or hicouri (in\nthe notation of speakers of different European languages); sometimes\nthey refer to it metaphorically as foutouri, \u201cflower.\u201d The Cora of the\nTepic mountains term peyote huatari, houtari or watara; the Tepehuane\nof Durango, kamaba. The Tarahumari of Chihuahua call it hikuli or\nhikori, sometimes adding, according to Lumholtz, the epithet wanam\u00e9 (or\nhouanam\u00e9), \u201csuperior,\u201d to designate the peyote par excellence; the same\nmeaning appears to be indicated in the reduplication h\u00edkur\u00ed-\u00edkur\u00edwa.[21]\n\nThe Opata[22] call it pejori, the Otomi beyo. The Pima of the Gila River\nregion use the name peyori. The Comecrudo or Carrizo of Tamaulipas\ncall peyote k\u00f3p, and Gatschet recorded the term k\u00faampam\u00e1t for \u201cbailar\nel peyote\u201d (\u201cmany are dancing [the peyote dance]\u201d). The Lipan name\nis x\u02b7ucdjiyahi, \u201cpricker one eats.\u201d The Tonkawa of southern Texas\ncall peyote non\u010d-g\u00e1\u2071\u025bn; the Taos name is walena, the generic term for\n\u201cmedicine.\u201d Mescalero Apache call it ho or hos; the Wichita nesac\u2019. The\nComanche wokwi or wokowi is said by Mooney to be the generic name for\ncacti.[23] The Arapaho call peyote hahaay\u0101\u207fx. Most of the Oklahoma tribes\nhave their own version of the term peyotl, such as the Kickapoo pi\u00b7yot,\nor, like them, they may use some older native term for \u201cmedicine\u201d such\nas nat\u00e1\u2071noni. John Wilson (Caddo-Delaware), curiously, called peyote\n\u201csugar\u201d or \u201cbee-sugar\u201d; and some Anadarko Delaware call peyote-eating\n\u201cear-eating.\u201d\n\nWhites have used numerous confusing and erroneous non-botanical terms for\n_Lophophora williamsii_. Of these usages the commonest, \u201cmescal,\u201d \u201cmescal\nbeans\u201d or \u201cmescal buttons\u201d are the most confusing. Mescal (from the\nNahuatl mexcalli, \u201cmetl [maguey] liquor\u201d) in northern Mexico, properly\nrefers to the _Agave americana_ or _Agave_ spp. baked in earth ovens\nand widely eaten in the Southwest, and from which the Mescalero Apache\ntake their name. By extension the term is applied to the intoxicant\ndistilled from the native beer, pulque, also made from _Agave_ spp. A\nmore precise designation of this native brandy (as opposed to the native\nbeer) is tesvino and its variants, from the Nahuatl tehuinti or teyuinti,\n\u201cintoxicating.\u201d[24]\n\n\u201cMescal bean\u201d as used to designate _Lophophora williamsii_ is quite\nindefensible, being wrong on two counts: the \u201cmescal\u201d bean proper is\n_Sophora secundiflora_ (= _Broussonetia secundiflora_) or, incorrectly,\n_Erythrina flabelliformis_. The former is a red bean which was used\nin a pre-peyote narcotic cult of the southern Plains, to be discussed\nlater. The adjectival use of \u201cmescal\u201d in the designations \u201cmescal\nbeans\u201d or \u201cmescal buttons\u201d no doubt comes from the known intoxicating\nproperties of the distilled liquor mescal, as extended in meaning to\nother unfamiliar new intoxicants, _Sophora secundiflora_ (bean), and\n_Lophophora williamsii_ (cactus); the term \u201cdry whisky\u201d bears this out.\nLumholtz,[25] indeed, wrote that the Texas Rangers, during the Civil War,\nwhen taken prisoner and deprived of all other stimulating drinks, soaked\npeyote (which they called \u201cwhite mule\u201d) in water and became intoxicated\non the liquid. Further confusion of peyote with mescal has arisen from\nthe north Mexican habit of mixing the two in a drink. Dealers call peyote\nthe \u201cturnip cactus\u201d or \u201cdumpling cactus\u201d from its shape, to which also\nrefers the local Mexican term biznagas, \u201ccarrot.\u201d A local name in Starr\nCounty, Texas, where the plant grows abundantly, is challote, but the\nusual dealers\u2019 name is \u201cpeyote buttons,\u201d from their flat shape when dried.\n\n\nETYMOLOGY OF PEYOTE\n\nA precise understanding of the meaning of this term is essential,\nfor it gives a linguistic clue of primary importance in botanical\nidentification. Molina[26] in 1571 recorded the Nahuatl term peyutl,\nwhose elastic and imprecise sense designates something white, shining,\nsilky or woolly, and which applies to the moth-cocoon, a spider-web, a\nfine tissue, or, indeed, from its appearance (familiar enough to the\nAztecs) even to the pericardium or covering of the heart. R\u00e9mi Sim\u00e9on,\nin his Nahuatl dictionary of 1885, lists \u201cPeyotl or Peyutl\u2014A plant whose\nroot served to make a drink that took the place of wine (Sahag\u00fan);\nsilkworm cocoon; pericardium, envelope of the heart.\u201d[27]\n\nThis etymology, the oldest as well as the most authoritative, is\naccepted by Rouhier.[28] The present writer, having been informed of\nits linguistic impeccability, further finds it explanatory of otherwise\ncurious extensions of the term \u201cpeyotl\u201d in Hernandez,[29] as well as\nlater Mexican usages. Various plants in Mexico besides _Lophophora\nwilliamsii_, some of them not even belonging to the Cactus Family, have\nbeen called \u201cpeyote.\u201d In each case, however, there has been some part\nof the plant to which the meanings of flocculence or cocoon-like woolly\npubescence descriptively can legitimately apply. An appendix is devoted\nto the clearing up of this terminological confusion.\n\n\nIDENTIFICATION OF PEYOTE\n\nWe have now touched upon the etymological connotation of \u201cpeyotl,\u201d\nand its extended denotation in Mexican usage. But one further matter\nremains to be pointed out, _viz._, incorrect identification and\nmisusages involving peyote. Safford[30] in 1915 adequately indicated the\nidentity of the modern peyote of the Plains with the peiotl of Sahag\u00fan\nand other earlier Spanish writers. Not content, however, with proving\nthis somewhat obvious point, he went beyond and even contrary to his\nevidence and attempted to prove the identity of peyote with a further\nnarcotic mentioned in Spanish sources, a yellow thin-stemmed mushroom,\ncalled teo-nanacatl by the Aztec. This confusing and wholly erroneous\nidentification is discussed at length in an appendix, inasmuch as it has\nunfortunately won wide acceptance.\n\nA more widespread error is the application of the terms \u201cmescal,\u201d \u201cmescal\nbean\u201d or \u201cmescal button\u201d to the cactus _Lophophora williamsii_ or peyote.\nThese misusages are common in the literature on peyote, and arise from\nconfusion with a pre-peyote narcotic of the southern Plains and Texas,\nthe red bean of _Sophora secundiflora_, a true member of the Bean\nFamily. The word \u201cmescal\u201d as applied either to the cactus or the bean\nis erroneous and misleading, and should properly be applied only to the\n\u201cIndian cabbage\u201d (_Agave_ spp.) of the Southwest, or the brandy distilled\nfrom Agave-beer or pulque.[31] The true \u201cmescal bean\u201d is discussed\nelsewhere.\n\n\nPHYSIOLOGY OF PEYOTE INTOXICATION\n\nThe present section of our study proposes to deal with the physiology of\npeyote intoxication only insofar as it may be supposed to have influenced\nthe form of native culture-patterns and rites surrounding its use. The\nefficacy of native doctoring with peyote, however, must be decided on the\nbasis of properly controlled medical experiments, of a sort discussed in\nAppendix 6, and is not at issue here.\n\nSo far as the brute effect of the drugs is concerned, the first stage\nis one of physical and mental exhilaration. To this physiological fact\nno doubt is due the Mexican use of peyote in foot-races, in war and for\nallaying hunger and thirst when on fasting pilgrimages for the plant.\nExpression of this exhilaration by dancing is common in Mexico, and is\nfound likewise among the Tonkawa, the Lipan and sporadically in the\nPlains.[32]\n\nGross attitudinal behavior may be exhibited in extreme cases.\nLumholtz[33] says of the Huichol that\n\n in a few cases a man may consume so much that he is attacked\n with a fit of madness, rushing backward and forward, trying to\n kill people, and tearing his clothes to pieces. People then\n seize upon him, and tie him hand and foot, leaving him thus\n until he regains his senses. Such occasions are thought to be\n due to infringements of the law of abstinence imposed upon them\n before and during the feast.\n\nThis semi-psychotic state is no doubt as much conditioned culturally as\nthe Malay \u201crunning amok\u201d; in Mexico early Spanish writers repeatedly\ndescribe native visions as sometimes horribly frightening as well as\nsometimes laughable. Indeed, in Mexico, among the Mescalero, and the\nearly Plains users, aggressions welling up under peyote intoxication\ncommonly took the form of witchcraft fear and counter-witchcraft.\nTypically in the Plains, however, the attitude repeatedly emphasized is\nthat of intertribal brotherhood and an individual feeling of friendliness\nand well-being. Nevertheless some fifty native visions collected indicate\ngreat variability in the psychic state. A Taos instance records euphoria\nto the point of laughter,[34] but Crashing Thunder (Winnebago)[35]\nexperienced a state of deep depression and intense _fear_:\n\n The next morning [he writes] I tried to sleep. I suffered a\n great deal. I lay down in a very comfortable position. After\n a while a fear arose in me. I could not remain in that place,\n so I went out into the prairie, but here again I was seized\n with this fear. Finally I returned to a lodge near the one in\n which the peyote meeting was being held, and there I lay down\n alone. I feared that I might do something foolish to myself if\n I remained there alone, and I hoped that someone would come and\n talk to me. Then someone did come and talk to me, but I did\n not feel any better. I went inside the lodge where the meeting\n was taking place. \u201cI am going inside,\u201d I told him. I went in\n and sat down. It was very hot and I felt as though I was going\n to die. I was very thirsty, but I feared to ask for water.\n I thought that I was surely going to die. I began to totter\n over. I died and my body was moved by another life. I began to\n move about and make signs. It was not myself doing it and I\n could not see it. At last it stood up. The eagle feathers and\n the gourds, these it said, were holy. They also had a large\n book there. What was contained in the book my body saw. It\n was the Bible.... Not I, but my body standing there, had done\n the talking [this schizoid quality of consciousness in peyote\n intoxication has been frequently noted by white observers].\n After a while I returned to my normal condition. Some of the\n people present had been frightened thinking I had gone crazy.\n Others, on the other hand, liked it. It was discussed a great\n deal; they called it the \u201cshaking state.\u201d\n\nThe vision experiences of John Wilson (Caddo-Delaware) and Enoch\nHoag (Caddo) are typical results of physiologically-induced\nhallucinations in individuals whose culture-background highly values\nvision-experiences.[36] The Enoch Hoag \u201cmoon\u201d had its origin apparently\nin a (tetanic?) trance, wherein he saw himself as dead, with many people\naround him weeping and his arms composed on his chest as with a corpse.\nHis companions tried to give him water with a spoon, but his jaws were\nstiff\u2014a common symptom of strychnine poisoning.[37]\n\nThe stimulating effect of peyote may partly account for the holding of\nmeetings at night, for there is no desire or ability to sleep for ten or\ntwelve hours after eating peyote; however, all-night meetings for various\npurposes are not unknown in the Plains, and the older culture pattern\nmerely exploits the physiological fact as a limiting condition probably.\nSome observers report that, although there is heightened reflex-activity\n(including those of the skin), peyote induces a partial skin anaesthesis.\nA Zacatecas ceremony reported by Arlegui,[38] on the occasion of the\nbirth of the first male child, appears to utilize this virtue of the\nplant:\n\n The relatives gather and invite other Indians to a horrible\n ceremony of which the father is the object. They give him to\n drink a brew concocted of a root called peyot and which not\n only has the property of intoxicating him who drinks it, but\n also renders him insensible and drugs the flesh and paralyzes\n the whole body. This drink is administered to the patient after\n twenty-four hours of fasting. Then he is seated on a staghorn\n in a place specially chosen for this. The Indians come with\n sharpened bones and teeth of different animals. Then with\n different ridiculous ceremonies, they approach the unfortunate\n victim one by one; each one makes a wound on him, without pity,\n making a great deal of blood flow out; and as those present are\n numerous, the wounds are many and the unfortunate person is\n so maltreated that, from head to foot, he offers a lamentable\n spectacle.... According to how the miserable victim has borne\n this, they augur the valor which the son of a father who has\n suffered so much will possess.\n\nThe stages of peyote intoxication have been noted by natives. Writing\nof the Kiowa and Comanche, Mooney[39] maintained that \u201cin the peyote\nceremonies, the songs of those present are more vigorous after\nmidnight,\u201d and informants frequently indicate their awareness of\nthis.[40] Kroeber says of this period late in the intoxication that[41]\n\n the physiological discomforts have usually worn off, and the\n pleasurable effects are now at their height. It appears that\n new songs, inspired perhaps by the visions of the night, are\n often composed during this day.\n\nMany well known songs composed by such leaders as Quanah Parker\n(Comanche), Enoch Hoag (Caddo) and John Wilson (Caddo-Delaware, called\nN\u012dshk\u00fbnt\u016d or \u201cMoonhead\u201d) are said to have arisen from the auditory\nhallucinations of peyote intoxication. The popular song \u201cHeyowiniho\u201d came\nto John Wilson in a synaesthetic auditory hallucination in which he heard\nthe sound of the sun\u2019s rising. Crashing Thunder[42] said of the beating\nof a drum that \u201cthe sound almost raised me in the air so pleasurably loud\ndid it sound to me.\u201d Other kinaesthetic derangements have been reported\nin visions.\n\nThe dilation of the pupils of the eyes possibly explains the Huichol[43]\nbelief that the squirrel- and skunk-fetishes of their ceremony can see\nbetter than ordinary people, guiding and guarding the hikuli-seekers on\ntheir way. Visual phenomena, indeed, are perhaps the most conspicuous\neffects of peyote eating. The colors red and yellow, usually with\nreference to birds and feathers, are common in both Mexican and Plains\npeyote symbolism.[44] The widespread Plains belief that peyote makes one\nsee better may derive from pupil-dilation; white observers have reported\nacuter vision in peyote intoxication from this cause. Indians frequently\nmanifest a marked \u201cphotophobia\u201d even in the mild morning sunlight after\nmeetings, and many younger men affect colored glasses at this time.\n\nThe peyote alkaloids cause increased salivation, and there is a constant\nnoise in meetings of spitting as the users eat peyote; in some meetings\nattended individual tin-can spittoons were provided. The increased\nflow of saliva probably accounts for the thirst-allaying effect of the\nplant encountered in the origin legends and elsewhere, but this and the\ndiuretic[45] action of the drugs cause thirst to reappear more strongly\nlater. A regular feature, therefore, of the typical Plains ritual\nis the bringing in of water at midnight and in the morning, which is\npassed around clockwise.[46] The widespread taboo on the use of salt in\nconnection with peyote may have some reference to this action of the\nplant.[47] On the other hand, the use of sweet[48] foods is a necessary\npart of the ritual; these are stereotyped both in the Plains and Mexico\nto include parched corn in sugar-water, sweet fruit, and sweetened meat\neither dried and powdered or cut into chunks, and candy is a regular\nfeature in some meetings. Sugar may in effect relieve the stage of\ndepression in peyote intoxication somewhat.[49]\n\nThe classification of plants into male and female on the basis of\ntheir physiological action has, as we have seen, a botanical basis. We\nare convinced on the other hand, however, that peyote has no effect\nwhatsoever in the curbing of an appetite for liquor. Both native and\nwhite apologists[50] for peyote advance this argument in extenuation\nand defence. Natives are perfectly sincere in their belief that the\nantagonism of peyote and alcohol is physiological (even in the face of\nconspicuous contrary evidence),[51] and Plains Indians are annoyed and\nhurt at the widespread association of drinking and peyote-eating through\nthe confusion of the term \u201cmescal.\u201d Yet the stubborn ethnographic fact\nremains that in Mexico peyote is commonly drunk _with_ tesvino or mescal.\n\nVarious other physiological effects noted by whites find native\nparallels. Many of the visions recorded for natives deal with\nsynaesthesias of sight and hearing and smell, and there occur cases of\ntaste- and smell-hallucinations as well as the more common auditory and\nvisual ones. Kinaesthetic derangements are also not unknown.[52]\n\nOne final question is less of physiological than psychological and\nethnographic import. Along with teo-nanacatl, marihuana (_Cannabis_ spp.)\nand the Peyotl Xochimilcensis (_Cacalia cordifolia_), peyote has been\nsaid to have an aphrodisiac action. This association suggests that a\nmatter of Spanish-White or Mexican-Indian ethnography is involved.[53]\nBut love-magic was not unknown either in Mexico or the Plains, and it is\nconceivable that this new medicine (particularly since it was used for\n\u201cwitching\u201d) because of its other spectacular effects, might have been\nvalued for this purpose also.\n\nWe have now discussed the bearing of physiological reactions on the\npeyote ritual and other native behavior: the _exhilarating_ first effect\nof the drug (in the allaying of hunger and thirst on the march, to give\ncourage in war, and strength in dancing and racing) and the second stage\nof _depression_ and _visions_ (\u201crunning amok,\u201d witchcraft-suspicion,\npsychic fear-states, euphoria and feeling of brotherhood, partial\nanaesthesia, the \u201csuffering to learn something\u201d characteristic of\nthe Plains vision quest, synaesthesias, auditory hallucinations, and\n\u201ccatching songs,\u201d visual hallucinations, and \u201clearning\u201d of painting- and\nbead-designs, symbolical birds and feathers, etc.).\n\nWe found, too, behavior definitely related to the pupil-dilating\npower of peyote as well as its sialogogue and diuretic action; the\ninjunction against salt and the use of sweet foods, however, may\ninvolve culture-historical matters. We have been skeptical of the\nalleged anti-alcoholic virtue of peyote, and have likewise doubted that\n_physiologically_ peyote is either aphrodisiac or anaphrodisiac, despite\nheated claims on both sides. The efficacy of native doctoring with peyote\nis a special problem treated elsewhere along with the therapeutic and\npsychiatric experiments of Whites.\n\nThe following ethnographic part of our study deals first with the\nnon-ritual uses of peyote, arising from its special properties, and\nsecondly with the ritualization of its use.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] \u201cThey [the Chichimeca] have a considerable knowledge of plants and\nroots, their qualities and their virtues. They were the first to discover\nand use the root called peiotl, which enters among their comestibles in\nthe place of wine\u201d (Sahag\u00fan, _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale_, 10:661-62). Again,\n\u201cThere is another herb, like tunas of the earth [tunas is the Spanish\nname for the fruit of the prickly pear, _Opuntia opuntia_]; it is called\npeiotl; it is white; it is produced in the north country; those who eat\nor drink it see visions either frightful or laughable; this intoxication\nlasts two or three days and then ceases\u201d (Sahag\u00fan, _Historia general_,\n3:241; in Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_, 294-95).\n\nTranslations from the Spanish have been made with the aid of Mr. H. W.\nTessen of the Yale Graduate School.\n\n[2] \u201cTeo-nanacatl [has] ... the same properties as _ololiuhqui_ or\n_peyote_, since when eaten or drunk, they intoxicate those who partake of\nthem, depriving them of their senses, and making them believe a thousand\nabsurdities\u201d (_Manual de Ministros_; in Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_,\n309-10).\n\n[3] \u201cPeyote of Zacatecas, or soft and lanuginous root. The root is of\nnearly medium size, sending forth no branches nor leaves above ground,\nbut with a certain wooliness adhering to it, on which account it could\nnot be aptly figured by me\u201d (_De Historia Plantarum_, 3:70; in Safford,\n_An Aztec Narcotic_, 295. See also Rouhier, _Monographie du Peyotl_,\n43-44).\n\n[4] \u201cNearby [the leader] was placed a tray filled with peyote, which is\na diabolical root [raiz diabolica] that is ground up and drunk by them\nso that they may not become weakened by the exhausting efforts of so\nlong a function\u201d (Ortega, _Historia del Nayarit_; in Safford, _An Aztec\nNarcotic_, 295).\n\n[5] Those interested in the taxonomic problem should consult the numerous\nbotanical references in the bibliography. Britton and Rose, in their four\nvolume work on the Cactaceae classify peyote as _Lophophora williamsii_,\nwhich will be followed in the present study.\n\n[6] The most succinct and complete description of the plant is found in\nBritton and Rose, _The Cactaceae_, 83-84.\n\nPeyote\u2019s range is comprehended within an irregularly-shaped lozenge from\nDeming, New Mexico, to Corpus Christi, Texas, to Puebla, Sombrerete,\nZacatecas, and back to Deming. That is, the valley of the Rio Grande\n(north), Tamaulipecan Mountains (east), the watershed of the affluents\nof the right bank of the Rio Grande de Santiago and Rio de Mezquital\n(south), and the foothills of the Sierra Madre, the Sierra de Durango and\nthe Sierra del Nayarit (west). It prefers the calcareous and argillaceous\nsoils of the Cretaceous formation in the north of this region.\n\n[7] In Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 295; see also _Narcotic Plants_, 401.\n\n[8] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 63.\n\n[9] The best histological account is in Rouhier, _Monographie_, 34-42;\nthe work of Dr. Helia Bravo, _Nota acerca de la Histolog\u00eda_, is more\nrecent. Richard Schultes at Harvard has also pursued histological\nstudies. It is noteworthy that the Indians ordinarily take only the upper\nportion of the plant, which contains a larger proportion of the alkaloids\naccording to Rouhier.\n\n[10] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 25. I am persuaded that many such insights\nwould be afforded us in ethnography if we had a less cavalier attitude\ntoward native science and history: for after all even our own science\ngrows from criticism of traditional notions.\n\n[11] From the middle of the last century there has raged an acrimonious\ndebate as to whether there are two varieties of peyote corresponding to\n_Anhalonium williamsii_ and _A. lewinii_. The former, it was contended,\nhad seven or eight straight ribs and lacked most of the alkaloids of\nthe latter, which had more numerous (twelve or more) sinuous ribs. This\nlong, somewhat nationalistic debate may be regarded as ended since\nRouhier (_Monographie_, 67) in 1926 figured a bicephalous plant on the\nsame root, one head being a true _williamsii_, the other a perfect\n_lewinii_. It is apparent that the _lewinii_ \u201cvariety\u201d is merely an older\nplant, which often takes the _williamsii_ aspect in its younger stages\nof growth; the more numerous alkaloids of the former more mature plant\nis likewise purely a growth-phenomenon, as are the rib-configurations\nand mammillations, though environmental and seasonal conditions may be\ninvolved as well.\n\n[12] Hernandez, _De Historia Plantarum_, 204, \u201cSe dice que hay macho y\nhembra.\u201d Inaccurately translated by Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 295, and\nRouhier, _Monographie_, 43. The simplest and most obvious translation is\nthe most satisfactory. According to the Lipan (Opler, _Use of Peyote_,\n279) male peyotes bloom red, female peyotes white.\n\n[13] Diguet, _Le Peyote_, 25; Rouhier, _Monographie_, 133.\n\n[14] _Handbook of the American Indians._ 1:604b. Spier informs me this is\nalso Navaho and perhaps Pueblo as well. As indicated elsewhere, peyote,\nteo-nanacatl and associated plants have repeatedly been thought to be\naphrodisiacs. The supposed sex of the plants may have some reference\nto this belief; cf. the Huichol belief that \u201cMaize is a little girl\nwhom one sometimes can hear weeping in the fields; she is afraid of the\nwild beasts, the coyote and others that eat corn\u201d (Lumholtz, _Unknown\nMexico_, 2:279). Different colors of corn belong to different deities\nalso; it is interesting to note that the Huichol attribute different\ncolors symbolically to peyote which have no effective reality (Rouhier,\n_op. cit._, 133). In 1935, in a non-peyote context, Apekaum told me that\ncotton plants in a field we were passing were male and female; some trees\nwere male, too, and others female, he thought. No botanical realities\nwere involved in any of these cases. The Jivaro also attribute sex to\nplants (Karsten, _Civilization_, 301, 304-06, 314-15, 323) as do the\nAymar\u00e1 and others.\n\n[15] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:362.\n\n[16] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 295.\n\n[17] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:365;\nBennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 293.\n\n[18] This auditory hallucination of hearing voices in peyote intoxication\nis most striking. Several explanations may be offered: the cultural (the\nbelief is common in Mexico and the Plains that peyote talks and sings),\nthe physiological (white observers, many in obvious ignorance of the\nethnographic facts, have reported aural hallucinations), or the physical\n(the peculiarly resonant vibrations of the water-drum echoing from the\ntaut, cone-shaped canvas of the tipi). A physiological constant for\nIndians and whites (culturally modified) seems indicated. See Mooney, _A\nKiowa Mescal Rattle_, 65; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 63.\n\n[19] Statements without references are understood to be made from my own\nfield work.\n\n[20] The Cora peyote goddess appears to be \u201cMother H\u016brimoa\u201d (Preuss,\n_Die Nayarit-Expedition_, 103). Tarahumari dancers sometimes imitate\nhikuli\u2019s talk with a sound which reminded Lumholtz of the crow of a cock\n(_Tarahumari Dances_, 455). The Lipan information is from Opler (_The Use\nof Peyote_).\n\n[21] Diguet, _Le peyote et son usage_, 21, 25; Rouhier, _Monographie_,\n4; Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_, 297; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:357,\n2: _passim_; Preuss, _Die Nayarit-Expedition_, 103; Bennett and Zingg,\n_Tarahumara_, 135; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_.\n\n[22] Rudo Ensayo (1760) in Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_. A note by F. W.\nH[odge] indicates a purely medicinal use of peyote for the Opata. Otomi:\nLe\u00f3n, _fide_ Mooney; Mooney doubts this, somewhat unwarrantedly I think.\nPima: Alegre, in Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_. Comecrudo: _Handbook of\nthe American Indians_, 1:209a; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_, whose source\nis probably Gatschet. Lipan: Opler, _The Use of Peyote_. Tonkawa: Mooney,\n_op. cit._ Taos: Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 114, note 115. Mescalero Apache:\nRouhier, _Monographie_, 4 (Opler records this as xuc); Safford, _An Aztec\nNarcotic_, 297; Mooney, _op. cit._ Comanche: Mooney, _Miscellaneous\nNotes_; the present writer recorded w\u2184\u00b4kwe\u1d56\u2071 and pua\u00b4k\u03b9t (= \u201cmedicine\u201d).\n\n[23] Mooney (_Peyote Notebook_, 21) likewise says the Kiowa term for\npeyote s\u0119\u2071 means \u201cprickly\u201d or \u201cprickly fruit\u201d and is generic for all\ncacti. But peyote, it will be remembered, is conspicuous for its lack of\nspines; perhaps this was an older term for the prickly pear, _Opuntia\nopuntia_, transferred to the more recently known plant. In any case it\noccurs nowadays in many compounds: s\u0119\u2071m\u0105yi, \u201cpeyote woman,\u201d s\u0119\u2071pi\u2071,\n\u201cpeyote meeting,\u201d etc., and in the phrase beh\u00e1be s\u0119\u2071\u1d05\u0254ki, \u201csmoke, peyote\npower.\u201d (Compare the Comanche hos m\u00e4b\u00e4\u00b4mho\u2019i.) See also Mooney, _Calendar\nHistory_, 239; Rouhier, _Monographie_, 4; Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 399;\nSpeck, _Notes on the Life of John Wilson_, 552.\n\n[24] See _Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:845, 846 (the Yuma,\nMohave, Ute, Apache, etc., use it). The Mescalero Apache do not derive\ntheir name from the use of the peyote, \u201cmescal,\u201d as Mooney stated,\nbeing so designated long before they knew or used peyote. In the second\netymology see Sim\u00e9on, _Dictionnaire_, 436; also Safford, _An Aztec\nNarcotic_, 293. See also La Barre, _Native American Beers_, 225.\n\n[25] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:358. For \u201cdry whiskey\u201d see the _New\nCentury Dictionary_, Supplement: \u201cMescal Buttons.\u201d For the other names\nsee Rouhier, _op. cit._, 4; Britton and Rose, _The Cactaceae_, 3:84 (the\nspelling pellote of Velasco, from Mooney, is a Castillianization of the\nNahuatl); _Peyotes, datos para su estudia_, 209. The spelling pezote in\nAlarc\u00f3n, _Tratato de las Supersticiones_, 131, is obviously a copyist\u2019s\nerror.\n\n[26] de Molina, _Vocabulario_, 80, \u201cPeyutl\u2014capullo de feda, o de gufano.\u201d\nThe Spanish o and u constitute a single phoneme in Nahuatl, according to\nMr. Benjamin Whorf, so the vowel is purely a matter of recording. On the\nother hand, Reko\u2019s etymology in _Was bedeutet das Wort Teo-Nanacatl?_\n(lent through the courtesy of R. E. Schultes) is inadmissable. He writes:\n\u201cPe-yotl, Old-Aztec Pi-yautli, is quite clear in its etymology: Pi is the\nsignificative (or affix) for \u2018little.\u2019 ... Yau-tli is always something\nnarcotic or strong narcotic-smelling substance. Yau- is the root, -tli\nthe post-positive article (substantive significative).... A pi-yautli\n(pe-yotl) is therefore the mildly intoxicating poison, in contrast with\nHua-yautli (today Guayule, sap of the Gum-tree, which smells very strong)\nwhich means extremely intoxicating.\u201d This is an ad hoc forcing of an\netymology on a word, according to Whorf: in the first instance \u201cold\nAztec\u201d pi-yautli appears to be an assumed rather than a quoted form; but\neven so, -yautli should not give -yotl or -iotl of Sahag\u00fan\u2019s recording,\nbut an unchanged -yautli. If the rules for Nahuatl sound-change are to be\nobserved, peyotl must come from an uncontracted stem of two syllables,\nplus the absolutive suffix, this stem being pe-yo; -yautli, on the other\nhand, must come from a contracted stem, originally of two syllables,\nya-wi (the -i standing for a variable or unknown vowel), plus the\nabsolutive suffix, having the form -tl when preceded by a vowel, -tli\nwhen preceded by a consonant, i.e., a contracted stem. As for the first\nsyllable, pi- and pe- are absolutely distinct phonemically in Aztec. The\netymology, therefore, is neither phonetically nor phonemically correct,\nand assumes random and unexplained sound changes. The writer is grateful\nto Mr. Whorf for the preceding information. P. Augustin Hunt y Cortes\n(in Rouhier, 7) derives peyotl from the active verb pepeyoni, pepeyon,\n\u201cto move, to stir, to set into motion, to excite, to activate.\u201d Other\nofferings are \u201cchild\u201d and a derivation from peyonanic, \u201cstimulate, goad,\nprick, incite.\u201d These are untenable for the same reasons that Reko\u2019s is.\n\n[27] Sim\u00e9on, _Dictionnaire_ 412, 436.\n\n[28] Rouhier, _Monographie_ 7.\n\n[29] _De Historia Plantarum_, 3:70 (Peyotl Xochimilcensi). Peyote,\nbecause of its abundance in certain localities, figures frequently in\nplace names.\n\n[30] Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_; see also other items by this author in\nthe bibliography.\n\n[31] See the _New Century Dictionary_, \u201cPulque,\u201d 4841, a word conjectured\nto be of Carib (Haiti or Cuba) or Spanish origin. Agave and maguey are\nthe American aloe, sometimes called \u201ccentury plant\u201d (cf. \u201cmaguey,\u201d 3578,\n\u201cagave,\u201d 108). \u201cMescal\u201d proper, therefore, = Agave americana = maguey =\nAmerican aloe = \u201ccentury plant.\u201d\n\n[32] White Wolf (Comanche) tells of Kuaheta, at the time acting as\nfireman in Comanche Jack\u2019s meeting, that he once failed to return after\nhaving asked to leave the tipi. Commissioned to investigate, White Wolf\nfound him outside \u201cjumping like a deer\u201d from deep peyote intoxication.\nHoebel relates a similar experience in a Northern Cheyenne meeting.\nTonakat, the well-known Kiowa \u201cwitch,\u201d once forced a man to get up and\ndance in a meeting (_Autobiography of a Kiowa Indian_, recorded by the\nwriter, 1936). Jonathan Koshiway (Oto) laughingly told me of a meeting in\nKansas where the singer\u2019s jaw became locked; the whole meeting was upset\nwhile they shook and fanned him with cedar incense until his jaw \u201ccame\nback.\u201d This may have been an effect of the strychnine-like alkaloids in\npeyote, as in the case of Tom Panther (Shawnee) who became unable to talk\nor sing once in George Fry\u2019s meeting: \u201cit took me four or five minutes to\nsay the word \u2018study\u2019,\u201d he said.\n\n[33] Lumholtz, _Huichol Indians_, 9.\n\n[34] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 63.\n\n[35] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 198-99.\n\n[36] Fernberger (_Further Observations_, 368), citing Petrullo,\nwrites: \u201cThe best reporters of this group of Indians [Delaware] insist\nthat visions may occur under peyote intoxication but that it has\nbecome socially admirable to suppress these visions and that, after\nsome practice, this may be successfully accomplished.\u201d But after\nestablishing ordinarily friendly relations with informants I found no\nsuch reticence about visions; these, indeed, were publicly discussed\nin the Sunday forenoons after meetings (usually spent lounging under\n\u201cshades\u201d quietly exchanging peyote experiences). Many, like Spotted Horse\n(Kiowa), Tom Panther (Shawnee) and Sly Picard (Wichita) distinguished\nthe ordinary effects of peyote from full-blown \u201cvisions\u201d; and some\ncorrective modesty is occasionally exhibited for the familiar Plains\nassertiveness and individualism, for, in fact, through peyote visions\nindividuals push themselves to positions of leadership and influence.\nFernberger continues: \u201cThe informants also state that they are able\nto control visions when they occur, that is, to change the vision to\nthat of any particular known object or to hold a vision that occurs in\nconsciousness for a considerable time. Both of these statements are\ntotally at variance with the descriptions of all previous observers of\nthe visual manifestations.\u201d We disagree with this dictum; many informants\nwould paraphrase the statement of Tom Panther (Shawnee) that in peyote\nintoxication, \u201cI wasn\u2019t boss of myself.\u201d White observers too have\nremarked on the dualism of consciousness exhibited by Crashing Thunder.\nOne might even go so far as to say that this is a reason natives think of\npeyote as an _external_ \u201cpower\u201d working its influence on them.\n\n[37] Is the peculiar mode of wearing a blanket in meetings due to the\nnecessity of supporting the back in strychnine-opisthotonos (from\nlophophorine and anhalonine)?\n\n[38] Arlegui, _Cr\u00f3nica_, 144; Rouhier, _Monographie_, 331.\n\n[39] Mooney, in Rouhier, _op. cit._, 344.\n\n[40] \u201cWe\u2019re pulling for daylight now\u2014that\u2019s the time those boys sang a\nlittle faster\u201d (Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_). \u201cI wish you could see\nQuanah\u2019s songs\u2014they just like beautiful race horses\u2014go fast\u201d (Mooney,\n_Peyote Notebook_, 12).\n\n[41] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 404-405. Maillefert (_La Marihuana_, 6)\nsays that marihuana habitu\u00e9s in Mexico have special songs that they sing\ntogether; a marked feature of the Mexican use of drugs, of which this may\nbe a case, is the pattern of group-narcosis.\n\n[42] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 178.\n\n[43] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:272.\n\n[44] This is obviously heavily culture-conditioned, but Kl\u00fcver\n(_Mescal_, 41) records the predominance of red and green early in\npeyote intoxication, and yellow and blue in later stages, with possible\nreference to the Ladd-Franklin phylogenetic theory of color vision.\n\n[45] Maillefert (_loc. cit._) says marihuana habitu\u00e9s believe water\ndecreases the effect of the drug, and therefore they do not use it when\nsmoking. Although the peyote leader must otherwise be present all through\nthe meeting (to prevent rival witching among the Apache), a fixed part of\nthe Plains ritual is his exit alone at midnight to whistle at the four\npoints of the compass, an opportunity which is no doubt exploited. Again,\nspitholes are a part of Tarahumari altars (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_,\n1:365).\n\n[46] The Caddo, however, make a point of not drinking water at night,\nas though looking upon the meeting as a vision-ordeal; this aberrance\nis given point by the fact that they do no doctoring in peyote meetings\neither, and must make four rounds of the drum before quitting, no matter\nif it takes until noon of the next day.\n\n[47] The Comanche exclude the eating of pork also, but whether this is\nbecause pork is commonly a salt meat or because it is oily like the flesh\nof another tabooed food animal, the bear, I do not know.\n\n[48] Maillefert (_op. cit._, 6-7) says marihuana smokers believe that\nsugar augments the effect of the \u201cgrifos\u201d (\u201creefers\u201d in Harlem parlance),\nso they eat sweets while smoking them. Compare the consuming of honey\nwith teo-nanacatl in Mexico.\n\n[49] The Arapaho (Kroeber, 407) use a more magical means to this\nend: they tie four bunches of yellow-hammer or other feathers at the\nnortheast, southeast, southwest and northwest poles of the tipi to brush\nthe bodies of worshippers who become tired.\n\n[50] E.g., Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 694.\n\n[51] For mescal (the agave-drink distilled from pulque) and peyote are\nmixed and _used together_ in northern Mexico. Yet Mooney often and at\nlength produced this argument with regard to alcohol; Skinner said it\ndestroyed the desire of tobacco as well (see appendix on the Native\nAmerican Church). But peyote, physiologically and culturally, is only\none more means of achieving the culturally valued state of psychic\nderangement, and such fundamentally deep-rooted patterns as this one is\nin native America do not change over-night. Even so, is the cure any\nbetter than the disease? The writer was a little startled when a Kiowa\nfriend, an ardent peyote user, suggested that we go to a neighboring\ntown one mid-week to drink. When I sought to discover his attitude on\nthis he soon made it clear that it was no matter of moral sentimentality\nbut purely one of physiology: there wasn\u2019t another peyote meeting\nuntil Saturday, so what was the harm? One can eat lobsters one day\nand ice-cream the next, but one ought not eat them the same day. This\ninformant conceived of the antagonism as a fight between liquor- and\npeyote-power, a matter-of-fact attitude probably not universal, and by no\nmeans as cynical as it seems.\n\n[52] Rouhier (_Monographie_, 320) however suggests that the illusions\nof phonation (the distance, strangeness and hollowness of the voice)\nmay not be entirely sensory, i.e. auditory, but may also be a matter of\nvoice-production; he cites Ellis, Putt, and Eshner.\n\n[53] Note the ritual necessity that a woman bring the morning water into\na meeting formerly restricted to men, and the mythological significance\nof the \u201cPeyote Woman.\u201d Opler (_The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_)\nsays that Mescalero saw women in visions and wanted them, believing that\nif one began with visions of women they would stay with him. Crashing\nThunder (Radin, 177) confessed that at one time he attended meetings\nchiefly to find \u201ca woman whom I cared to marry permanently. Before long,\u201d\nhe says, \u201cthat was the only thing that I would think of when I attended\nthe meetings.\u201d We have on the other hand, however, the healthy skepticism\nof an Oto who said, \u201cYou can see dead people in meetings, but peyote\nwon\u2019t get you a woman you desire though. She makes up her mind.\u201d But may\nnot other explanations than the physiologically-aphrodisiac be involved?\nMight there not be an association with promiscuity of the ritual mingling\nof the sexes (for in the older Sun Dance just this was implied when the\nmain lodge-pole was brought in) in a region where sexual segregation\nritually was usual? Compare the injunction of one Ghost Dance prophet to\nthe people not to think of women, but to join hands with them on either\nside and dance the Ghost Dance. Would he have made the explicit statement\nif it had not been implicitly considered reasonable to expect natural\nsexual arousement or preoccupation in a rite in which men and women are\nnot separated? Indeed, there is evidence among the Shawnee at least that\nsexual opportunities afforded through the Ghost Dance were not left\nunexploited.\n\n\n\n\nTHE ETHNOLOGY OF PEYOTISM\n\n\nNON-RITUAL USES OF PEYOTE\n\nAn Oto in all seriousness informed the writer that \u201cpeyote doesn\u2019t work\noutside meetings, because I have tried it\u201d\u2014a belief understandable in\na group whose sole acquaintance with the plant is through a recent\nritual.[1] Nevertheless, owing to its marked physiological properties\npeyote is widely used both in Mexico and the Plains non-ritually, a fact\nwhich forms an interesting ethnological background to the rite proper.\n\nOne of the most important and striking of these uses is in prophecy and\ndivination. We find the Spanish missionaries in Mexico early protesting\nagainst this abomination. The confessional of Padre Nicol\u00e1s de Le\u00f3n[2]\ncontains the following questions for the priest to ask the penitent:\n\n Art thou a sooth-sayer? Dost thou foretell events by reading\n omens, interpreting dreams, or by tracing circles and figures\n on water? Dost thou garnish with flower garlands the places\n where idols are kept? Dost thou suck the blood of others? Dost\n thou wander about at night, calling upon demons to help thee?\n Hast thou drunk peyotl, or given it to others to drink, in\n order to discover secrets, or to discover where stolen or lost\n articles were?\n\nThis last was no idle matter, as appears from other evidence;\nHernandez[3] says that\n\n [the Peyotl Zacatensis] causes those [Chichimeca] devouring\n it to be able to foresee and to predict things; such, for\n instance, as whether on the following day the enemy will make\n an attack upon them; or whether the weather will continue\n favorable; or to discern who has stolen from them some utensil\n or anything else; and other things of like nature which the\n Chichimeca really believe they have found out.\n\nPadre Arlegui,[4] after mentioning the therapeutic uses to which the\nZacatecans put peyote, complains that\n\n this would not be so bad if they did not abuse its virtues,\n for, in order to have a knowledge of the future and find out\n how their battles will turn out, they drink it brewed in water,\n and, as it is very strong, it intoxicates them with a paroxysm\n of madness, and all the fantastic hallucinations that come\n over them with this horrible drink they seize upon as omens of\n the future, imagining that the root has revealed to them their\n future.\n\nPrieto[5] says of a Tamaulipecan group that\n\n often in these orgies was wont to impose silence, at the height\n of their drunkenness, the voice of some ancient, who, assuming\n a magisterial tone, prognosticated to them future events,\n usually depicting them as sad and unhappy, and in spite of\n the lugubriousness of his predictions, he usually ended his\n harangue by exhorting them to enjoy in the dance the interval\n between the present and the next unhappiness.\n\nAlarc\u00f3n[6] adds other functions and relates of other drinks similarly\nused:[7]\n\n If the consultation is about a lost or stolen article or\n concerning a woman who has absented herself from her husband,\n or some similar thing, here enters the gift of false prophecy,\n and the divining that has been pointed out in the preceding\n treatises; the divination is made in one of two ways, either\n by means of a trance or by drinking peyote or ololiuhqui or\n tobacco to attain this end, or commanding that another drink\n it, and ordering him to remain under its spell; and in all this\n goes implicitly hand in hand the pact with the devil who by\n means of said drinks appears to them and speaks to them, giving\n them to understand that he who speaks to them is the ololiuhqui\n or the peyote or whatever beverage that they had drunk for the\n said end; and the sorry part of it is that many put faith in\n [the drink] as in the very lying cheats themselves, [indeed]\n even more than in the evangelical predicators.\n\nAs we move farther north in Mexico the use of peyote in prophesying\nbecomes valuable in warning of the approach of the enemy.[8] For the\nTarahumari Lumholtz[9] says that the various kinds of hikori were\nparticularly good \u201cto drive off wizards, robbers, and Apaches, and to\nward off disease.\u201d Of _Anhalonium fissuratum_ he says \u201crobbers are\npowerless against it, for Sunami calls soldiers to its aid,\u201d while the\nvariety Rosapara \u201cis particularly effective in frightening off Apaches\nand robbers.\u201d\n\nIn the Comanche version of the usual Plains origin tale of peyote, the\nleader of a group on the war-path goes up alone to an Apache camp where\na peyote ceremony is in progress. Though an enemy, he is invited in, the\nleader telling him that peyote had predicted his coming in a vision.[10]\nOne Comanche informant said eating peyote enables one to _hear_ an enemy\ncoming, though still far away; peyote likewise predicted the success of\none of the last Comanche horse-raids, and aided in its prosecution.\n\nFrom these uses of peyote in war it is no jump to its fetishistic use as\na protector in war[11] and in ordinary witchcraft. Sahag\u00fan[12] writes\nthat peyote\n\n is a common food of the Chichimecas, for it stimulates them and\n gives them sufficient spirit to fight and have neither fear,\n thirst, nor hunger, and they say it guards them from all danger.\n\nDe la Serna[13] said that ololiuhqui and peyote were carried by persons\n\u201cforsaken of God\u201d as charms against all injuries, and Arlegui deplored\nthe custom of parents to \u201chang little bags on their children, and inside\nof them in place of the four Evangels that they place around the necks of\nchildren in Spain, [to] place peyot or some other herb.\u201d Arias described\na surreptitious worship of the fetish: the natives hung the herb in\nthe choirs \u201cas a special creation of the malignant spirit which they\ndesignate with the name of Naycuric,\u201d and they communicated with the\nnumen by drinking an infusion of peyote instead of wine.[14]\n\nPeyote is also a powerful protection against witchcraft in ritual\nfoot-races. Rivals are liable to throw bones and herbs on the track and\ncause the Tarahumari runner to be bewitched and lose the race, which is\nrun at night. For this contingency, however, \u201chikuli and the dried head\nof an eagle or a crow may be worn under the girdle as a protection.\u201d[15]\nPeyote is a great protection too when traveling, both in war and on\npeyote-pilgrimages.[16]\n\nThe Comanche commonly wore peyotes in buckskin bags attached to beaded\nbandoliers, recalling the mescal bean bandolier which the Kiowa and\nothers commonly wore in battle. Indeed, peyote was even a part of the\n\u0398awikila and Kispoko war bundles of the Shawnee, long before they knew\nthe generalized peyote ritual\u2014a custom similar to the Iowa use of mescal\nbeans in their war bundles.[17]\n\nBut in Mexico and the Southwest war and witching are closely connected\nideologically. As a matter of fact, peyote itself as well as the peyote\nshaman\u2019s rasp, is employed in Tarahumari witchcraft.[18] Among the\nMescalero Apache,[19] however, witching _within_ the tribe by rival\npeyote shamans was an ever-present anxiety, their feuds being conceived\nin terms of battles and war, with the \u201cshooting\u201d of arrows and struggles\nto see who had the more powerful and compelling songs. The Mescalero\npeyote leader was merely a shaman _primus inter pares_, whose major\nfunction was to prevent witching in meetings. The purpose of the Tonkawa\npeyote songs, it is said, was to ward off the enemies\u2019 witching. Witching\nwith peyote is less in evidence in the Plains, save among the Kiowa,\nComanche, and Cheyenne who early received it, but as late as the time\nwhen the Caddo-Delaware messiah John Wilson took peyote and the Ghost\nDance to the Quapaw there was witching by \u201cshooting\u201d objects. The\nNorthern Cheyenne feared the \u201ctrickiness\u201d of peyote itself; and the Lipan\nfireman was chosen for his braveness because \u201che has to go out at night\nto get wood and it is a frightening job sometimes, especially when one is\nunder the influence of peyote; peyote is sure a joker!\u201d\n\nBesides this fetishistic use in war, peyote was also used somewhat more\n\u201ctechnologically\u201d to cure wounds. Alegre writes that the Sonoran\n\n manner of curing the wounds is with peyote, that they call\n peyori after it has been made into a powder, with which they\n fill the cut, cleaning it and renewing it three times every two\n days, or with a species of balm composed of [maguey].\n\nPrieto says that, in Tamaulipecan war, among the provisions carried by\nthe women in the rear were\n\n gourds full of peyote and water ... and in addition to all\n these provisions they carry some plants, which, chosen and\n prepared beforehand serve to stop hemorrhages from the wounds,\n and to aid in their curing.\n\nThe Opata used pejori for arrow-wounds, cleaning them out with cotton\nsquills on sticks dipped in the powder; the Lipan put peyote on wounds of\nall kinds.[20]\n\nThe other therapeutic uses of peyote are various. At Taos it was used\nfor snake-bite. The Caxcanes of Teo-caltiche employed peyote for cramps\nand fainting spells, the Chichimeca for relieving painful joints.\nThe Tarahumari apply peyote externally for bruises, snake-bites and\nrheumatism. The Huichol use few remedies except hikuli, unlike the\nTepecano who use many, but it is good for anything from a minor ache to\na major wound. Medicinal uses are also recorded for the Tepecano, Yaqui,\nOpata, Pima, Papago, Cora and Lipan.[21]\n\nIn the Plains a Wichita case of blindness of fifteen years\u2019 standing\nwas cured by the sole application of peyote-infusion.[22] Radin cites\na similar Winnebago case. The Kiowa use peyote as a panacea: uses are\nrecorded for tooth-ache, hemorrhages, headache, consumption, fever,\nbreast pains, skin disease, hiccough, rheumatism, childbirth, diabetes,\ncolds and pulmonary diseases in general. Mooney records the further use\nas a \u201ctonic aperitif.\u201d The Shawnee chew peyote into poultices for sores\nand snake-bites and eat it for colds, pneumonia, rheumatism, aches and\npains.[23]\n\nThe remaining non-ritual uses of peyote are quite varied. The Acaxee\nemployed it in some manner in their ball games, probably eating it in\nsmall doses, according to Beals. In Tlaxcala peyote was used by \u201cthe\nauxiliary forces of the conquistadores, in order not to feel fatigue on\ntheir marches\u201d\u2014a widespread use in Mexico; in the Plains the typical\norigin legend tells of peyote aiding a seriously wounded warrior or a\nwoman and child left behind by their companions without food or drink.\nThe legend is not unlike the common Plains stories of receiving power\nfrom animals in a stress-situation; Old Man Horse (Kiowa) said \u201cpeyote is\nthe only plant from which one can get power,\u201d obviously thinking in terms\nof the old vision quest. Peyote in fact gave power to perform shamanistic\ntricks in the old days.[24]\n\nThe Tarahumari, among other things, left a hikuli plant with the corpse,\nthe motive for which is unstated.[25] A Wichita, captured in war and\nimprisoned, was aided in escaping unseen from the enemy camp by his\nfetish-plant; the lobbying power of peyote in influencing Federal bonus\nlegislation has already been mentioned. Indeed, peyote has had a record\nof unbroken success in preventing Federal anti-peyote legislation.[26]\n\n\nRITUAL USES OF PEYOTE\n\nDespite the unsatisfactory state of the literature, it is clear that\nthe ceremonial use of peyote in Mexico differs widely from that in the\nPlains. First we shall characterize the Mexican type by summarizing the\nHuichol and Tarahumari rites, and later adding comparative Mexican data.\n\n\nHUICHOL\n\nThough the most important of their fiestas, Huichol peyotism is a\nseasonal matter, the hikuli seldom being eaten outside the ceremonial\nperiod in January. In October a preliminary trip lasting fifteen days\neach way is made to Real Catorce (San Luis Potos\u00ed) to obtain the plants.\nThe eight or twelve pilgrims bathe and sleep in the temple with their\nwives the night before leaving, not washing again until the feast\nsome four months later. After receiving new names for the trip, the\nnext morning they pray around a fire, wearing squirrel tails tied to\ntheir hats, and sacrifice five tortillas[27] to the fire. Then, after\nsprinkling their heads with a deer-tail dipped in water steeped with\ncertain herbs, all weep as each man puts his right hand on his wife\u2019s\nleft shoulder and bids her farewell.[28]\n\nTheir route is full of religious associations, since formerly the gods\nwent out to seek peyote and now are met with in the shape of mountains,\nstones and springs; their dreams en route are also important in deciding\nreligious arrangements for the coming year (who is to sacrifice cattle\nfor rain, who is to be fire-maker, etc.). The pilgrims carry sacred\nhour-glass shaped gourds and the leader also carries the y\u00e1kwai, a ball\nof native-grown tobacco called macuchi, which is solemnly distributed\nafter they pass Puerta de Cerda. In the afternoon they place ceremonial\narrows toward the four corners of the world, and sit around a fire until\nmidnight. Tobacco belongs to the personified fire; after much praying the\nleader touches the tobacco-ball with his plumes and wraps small portions\nin corn husks[29] \u201cso that they look like diminutive tamales,\u201d and each\nman puts one in a special tobacco-gourd tied to his quiver. This act\nsymbolizes the birth of tobacco and henceforth they must preserve ritual\norder on the march, and only cease to be the \u201cprisoner\u201d of Grandfather\nFire when the sacred bundles are given back to him, i.e., burned.\n\nOn the fourth afternoon the women at home gather to confess their sins to\nGrandfather Fire; they knot palm-leaves lest they forget the name of even\na single lover and the men consequently find no hikuli. After this public\nconfession each woman throws her leaf into the fire and becomes ritually\nclean. The men make a similar confession \u201cto the five winds\u201d a little\nbeyond Zacatecas and burn their tallies in the fire. The hikuli-seekers\nare henceforth gods and the leaders fast (save for eating stray plants)\nuntil they reach the peyote country.[30]\n\nArrived, they line up, each man with an arrow on his bow-string which\nhe points successively to the six regions of the world without letting\nit fly. As they march toward the mesa-\u201caltar\u201d where the leader has seen\nhikuli as a \u201cdeer,\u201d each man shoots two arrows each over five hikuli\nplants, crossing over their tops that they may be taken \u201calive.\u201d They\nmake a ceremonial circuit of the mesa, but the \u201cdeer\u201d assumes the form\nof a whirlwind and disappears, leaving two hikuli in his tracks; there\nthey sacrifice votive bowls, arrows, paper flowers, beads, etc., and\npray. After this they return to get their five hikuli, and eat and gather\nothers. The whole ceremony is of hunting deer, and after five days they\nreverse the logs of their fireplace and return home with gourds of holy\nwater, wood for the shaman\u2019s rasp, sotol for the \u201cgodseats,\u201d yellow paint\nmaterial and the hikuli they have gathered. Their tobacco-gourds and\nfaces are painted yellow, the color of the God of Fire. The face-painting\nrepresents the faces or masks of the gods, and expresses prayers for\nrain, luck in deer-hunting and good crops, symbolized as corn field,\ncloud, ear of corn, \u201crain-serpent,\u201d squash-vine and -flower designs.[31]\n\nApproaching home, they must hunt deer until they have enough for the\nfeast, before being freed from the ritual restrictions of continence,\nfasting, and non-use of salt, meanwhile being sustained by slices of\ngreen hikuli eaten from time to time. The deer meat is cooked and\nthen cut into small cubes which are strung (precisely as peyote is)\non cords.[32] The deer-killing is to obtain rain for the next growing\nseason.[33] The hunting period over, men and women bathe for the first\ntime since the beginning of the hikuli-pilgrimage.\n\nFor the hikuli feast the men deck their hats lavishly with brilliant\nmacao and hawk feathers, and wear supernumerary girdle-pouches; the women\nwear strings of yellow and red plumes across the back. A temple fire,\nanother at the east of the patio to \u201cguard\u201d the dancers, and a third\nat the north for visitors from the underworld are built in a special\nfashion: the shaman carefully brings an eighteen-inch billet of green\nwood, offers it to five directions and finally to the sixth by placing it\non the ground, after which others place sticks pointing east and west on\nthis molit\u00e1li or \u201cpillow\u201d of Grandfather Fire.[34]\n\nThen the shaman and hikuli-seekers ceremonially circle the freshly\nwhite-plastered \u201cgod-house of the Sun,\u201d enter, pray aloud and give a\nlong account of their journey until late at night. The temple fire place\n(\u00e1ro) is a circular clay basin in the center with a slightly raised rim;\nthe poker is the \u201carrow\u201d of the God of Fire. The niches at the west of\nthe temple behind the shaman are filled with god-images; the others\nsit on either side of him in a semi-circle on sotol or century-plant\nstools. Their wives, flower-garlanded and painted, sit farther back\nin the temple, while the pilgrims smoke and sing all night about\nGreatgrandfather Deer-Tail, the Morning Star and all the other gods who,\nlong ago, went out to seek hikuli. The next morning all wash their faces,\nheads and hands in water from the hikuli-country, and salute the rising\nsun with a bowl of burning incense, sprinkling water to the four corners\nof the world with a flower and praying for life and for luck in hunting\ndeer.[35]\n\nMeanwhile the patio has been prepared for dancing. Beside the fire are\njars of holy water and tesvino, a stuffed fetish-skunk tied to a stick,\nand a stuffed grey squirrel decorated with dark green beetle wing-covers,\nsmall clay birds, feathers and a crucifix.[36] The shaman, sitting west\nof the main fire (behind the usual ceremonial arrows, plumes, tamales,\nand a pot of hikuli-liquor) sacrifices water to the six regions with\na stick; then, with assistants on either side who take turns helping\nhim, the shaman sings the mythological songs, unaccompanied by a drum,\nand the long dance begins.[37] Both sexes take part in the dance, \u201ca\nquick, jumping walk with frequent jerky turns of the body,\u201d in a circle\ncounter-clockwise around the shaman and the fire\u2014though the circle tends\nto an ellipse as they approach the fetish-animals at the northwest.[38]\n\nAt sunrise of the third and last day comes the corn-roasting ceremony\nwhich gives its name to the entire festival, Rarikira (from raki,\n\u201ctoasted corn\u201d).[39] The shaman fastens a plume with a ribbon in the\nhair of the woman who is to do the toasting and gives her a coarse straw\nwhisk to stir the corn on her comal, supported on three stones over the\nfire. The hikuli-seekers appear with large varicolored ears of corn in\ntheir pouches, and after ceremonial circuits they shell it, sacrificing\nfive grains to the fire. The woman then prepares the esquite, and all eat\nthis, together with deer meat and broth, thus ending the festivities.[40]\n\nThe Huichol ritual paraphernalia is heavily symbolized. With his eagle\nand hawk plumes the singing shaman can see and hear everything anywhere,\ncure the sick, transform the dead, and even call down the sun; they\nsymbolize the antlers of deer, and deer-antlers in turn symbolize peyote\nand the \u201cchair\u201d of Grandfather Fire. Peyote itself symbolizes both corn\nand deer, while the flames of the greatest shaman of all, Grandfather\nFire, are his plumes (the brilliantly-colored macao is his particular\nbird). Deer-antlers, furthermore, for the Huichol symbolize arrows,[41]\narrows being the symbol _par excellence_ of prayer. Again, arrows\nsymbolize a bird flying with outstretched neck, the feathered portion\nrepresenting the heart. The peyote plant, finally, is considered the\ndrinking-bowl of the god of fire and wind.[42]\n\nThis intricate symbolic complex (corn = peyote = drinking-bowl of\nGrandfather Fire = god of wind = whirlwind = deer = deer-tracks = peyote\n= deer-antlers = shaman\u2019s plumes = deer antlers = chair of Grandfather\nFire = flames of fire = brilliant bird [macao] plumes = flying bird =\narrow = prayer for rain, corn and deer-hunting, etc.) is deeply rooted\nin Huichol religion, and each one of the symbolic equations has a ritual\nreflex.[43]\n\n\nTARAHUMARI\n\nTarahumari peyotism is on the decline in Samachique, Qu\u00edrara and\nGuadalupe, though still remaining around Nar\u00e1rachic; in Guadalupe the\nbak\u00e1nawa cactus is valued instead. From two or three to a dozen men make\nthe month-long trip to the region around the mouth of the Rio Conchos at\nany time of the year, though usually not in the rainy season. They first\npurify themselves with copal incense; on the way anything may be eaten,\nbut in the hikuli country they eat only pi\u00f1ole, and speech is forbidden.\nArrived, they erect a cross near the first plants found, in order to\nfind an abundance of others, and carefully cut off the tops with wooden\nsticks to leave the roots uninjured. They sing and eat green peyote while\ngathering it and in the evening they dance the dutub\u00fari around the cross\nand a fire. The harvesting lasts several days, some taking turns dancing\nwhile the others sleep. Each variety of hikuli is put in a separate bag,\nfor they would fight if mixed.[44]\n\nThe plants are left on a blanket in the mountains near home, and the\nblood of a slaughtered sheep or goat is sprinkled on them to \u201cfeed\u201d them,\nwith a special song. After drying they are placed in covered ollas away\nfrom the house. The hikuli-seekers are met on their return with singing,\nand a fiesta is held with the sacrificial sheep or goat. The dutub\u00fari and\nthe hikuli-dance are then danced all night around a large open-air fire,\nmuch green peyote and tesvino being consumed. This ceremony is to \u201ccure\u201d\nthe pilgrims: the shaman\u2019s necklace of _Coix lachryma-Jobi_ seeds is\ndipped into a bowl of agua-miel, sotoli, or mescal, each one receiving a\nspoonful, while the shaman sings of hikuli standing on a Job\u2019s Tears seed\nas big as a mountain.[45]\n\nTarahumari hikuli-feasts are held at other times also. The women grind\nthe plants with water on a metate into a thickish brown liquid. The\ndancing-patio is carefully swept with a straw broom and several crosses\nare planted, and near one of these the peyote is piled with jars of\n\u201ctea\u201d and tesvino, baskets of unsalted tamales and bowls of meat and\n\u201cmedicine.\u201d A large fire is built with logs in an east-west position and\nhikuli and yumari are danced all night.[46]\n\nNear the shaman and his assistants who sit west of the fire is a\nleaf-covered hole into which they carefully spit; the olla-cuspidor of\nthe men to one side and the women to the other is passed around and\nemptied here also. With a drinking-gourd rim the shaman makes a circle on\nthe ground and in it the right-angled cross of the world-symbol. Then he\ninverts a gourd over a hikuli placed on the cross, as a resonator for his\nrasp; hikuli enjoys this music and manifests his strength by the noise\nproduced.[47] The shaman\u2019s headdress is of bird-plumes, which prevent the\nwind from entering and causing illness; through them the birds impart to\nhim all their wisdom. The assistants, of both sexes, carry incense bowls\nof copal, kneeling and crossing themselves at the cross, and then pass\nout the peyote.[48]\n\nAt times the shaman dances, at times his assistants, and women may dance\neither separately or simultaneously with the other men participants. The\nbare-footed men are wrapped to the chin in white blankets; the women wear\nclean skirts and tunics. The clockwise dancing (with a turn of the body\nat the shaman\u2019s place) consists in a \u201cpeculiar quick, jumping march, with\nshort steps, the dancers moving forward one after another, on their toes,\nand making sharp, jerky movements, without, however, turning around.\u201d The\nmen have deer-hoof sonajas, and the rasping and singing are continuous\nsave when the shaman politely excuses himself to the fetish hikuli;\nothers must also ask permission to leave the patio. In the intermittent\ndancing they beat their mouths with the palm imitating hikuli\u2019s talk, or\ncry \u201cHikuli vava! (Hikuli over yonder!)\u201d in shrill falsetto.[49]\n\nAt dawn the dancing stops at three raps on the shaman\u2019s rasp. All rise\nand gather at the east cross. Then the shaman, followed by a boy with a\ngourd of palo hediondo medicine (ohnoa roots steeped in water), \u201ccures\u201d\neach one with his rasp wetted in the medicine, as they cry, \u201cThank you!\u201d\nThe shaman makes three long raspings with his stick on the man\u2019s head;\nits dust is so potent in curing that it is carefully gathered from\naround the resonator and preserved in buckskin bags. A spoonful of other\nmedicines is sometimes swallowed as the shaman blows and makes passes;\nsometimes tesvino exclusively is used. Blankets are also smoked with\ncopal now. Then, facing the rising sun, the shaman makes three raspings\nat arms\u2019 length, waving home hikuli who had come from the east early in\nthe morning, riding on green doves, to prevent sorcery in the meeting;\nnow he turns into a ball and returns, accompanied by the owl. Doctoring\nof the sick as well as \u201ccuring\u201d may now occur. Then all wash carefully,\nand after the shaman sacrifices tortillas and tesvino as they stand in a\nline facing east, they all participate in a feast.[50]\n\n\nCOMPARISON OF MEXICAN PEYOTE RITUALS\n\nHuichol peyotism is more intricate and important than Tarahumari, though\nit is seasonal only and the latter venerated several varieties of cactus.\nThe state of the literature advises caution, but a far better case could\nbe made for the Huichol as a center of diffusion: the neighboring Cora,\nfor example, had a vigorous peyote rite, while the Tubar, who share\ntesvino and the yohe dance with the Tarahumari and otherwise resemble\nthem culturally, lack it.[51] Beals, however, points out that since the\nCora-Huichol do not live within the region of growth of peyote, they\nmust have borrowed it; our sole knowledge of Huichol peyotism is modern,\nunfortunately, but the Cora rite is known from 1754. On the whole, the\ngaps in our knowledge are too great to discuss possible centers of\ndiffusion of Mexican peyotism; they may, indeed, lie in the little known\narea to the northeast.[52]\n\nA relatively full account of the Tamaulipecan rite is extant:[53]\n\n One of the Tamaulipecan tribes would usually hold feasts for\n only those of its own community, or it would invite some\n of those that were neighbors and friends. They took place\n generally by night. Devoting two or three previous days to\n the preparation of a sufficient quantity of peyote, and the\n gathering of fruits of the season, and in allotting certain\n fruits of the chase, which, broiled on the hearth that\n illuminated the feast, were served at a common banquet. The\n feast always had an object among these peoples. With feasts\n they celebrated the beginning of summer, which was the season\n least rigorous for these nude people, or the abundant harvests\n of corn, or of forest fruits, or their victory in some attack\n on their enemies. When these feasts were held for one tribe\n alone they took place commonly in the rancher\u00edas where they\n lived permanently. But when one who was promoting the feast\n invited some of his neighbors, then he chose an intermediate\n point between the two places that they inhabited, and that\n was picked out generally in the most inaccessible or hidden\n places in the mountains. As soon as everything was prepared for\n the banquet and the guests had collected, a great bonfire was\n lighted. They placed around it the fruits of the hunt prepared\n before hand. Those that took part in the dance immediately\n formed a circle around the fire, and to the measured beats of\n the drum (the drum was made of an aro of wood over which they\n attached the parchment of a deer or a coyote) which, united\n with the voices, composed the music. They took part in the\n dance alternately raising one foot and then the other, or the\n whole circle started circling around the fire. During the dance\n dancers and spectators broke out in discordant howls, each one\n reciting in his own strophes, alluding to the cause that was\n motivating the feast. Of this versification I have already\n previously given you an idea: relative to the celebration\n of some triumph gained in their skirmishes; and in the same\n way they directed their phrases to the sun, to the moon, and\n to the clouds, when they were enjoying good weather; to the\n earth and to the rain when they had an abundance of fruit; and\n finally to their strength and bravery when they recalled their\n hunts in the mountains or their wars. The poetic enthusiasm\n of the guests became more animated with the first fumes of\n the peyote, which, placed on a counter that was improvised on\n the trunk of a tree, was served to them by young Indian girls\n and the old men, and in the same gourds, jars, or rude baked\n clay vases. This class of feast always used to end with the\n complete drunkenness of all the guests, who, exhausted moreover\n by the dance, fell asleep around the almost burnt-out fire.\n [As previously noted, prophecy was a feature of these rites].\n In addition to these feasts that are called mitotes, they also\n have other games and recreation during the hours of the day,\n such as ball, fighting, and foot-racing; and these games are\n often that which gives the motive for their mutual discontent,\n and sometimes precipitates formal wars among them.\n\nWe note in this account the connection of peyote with corn harvests, deer\nhunting and war; and dancing, racing and a morning ceremony are also\nmentioned. Regarding the ball-game:[54]\n\n Among the Acaxee [peyote] was reported to have been placed on\n one side of a ball ground during a game; its further use here\n is unknown, but it is likely that it was taken in small doses\n by the players during the game, as is done in the kicking race\n of the Tarahumare in modern times.\n\nChichimecan peyote-eating appears to be connected with war:\n\n Those that eat it or drink it see frightening and laughable\n visions. This spree lasts two or three days and then stops. It\n is a common food of the Chichimecas, for it stimulates them and\n it gives them sufficient spirit to fight and have neither fear,\n thirst, nor hunger, and they say it guards them from all danger.\n\nThe Zacatecan use of peyote seems likewise to pertain to war, since they\neat it to learn the outcome of battles. The drugging and ceremonial\nwounding of the father of a new-born male child, further, is to augur its\nvalor in war. The Caxcane used peyote ceremonially, with associations\nunknown to us, but the Tlaxcaltecan use points again, though uncertainly,\nto war. Preuss writes that \u201cthe god of the Morning-Star has a close\nrelationship to this cactus, among the Huichol,\u201d and the Morning Star has\ndefinite war associations.[55]\n\nDancing is commonly associated with peyotism in the Mexican area, being\nrecorded for the Comecrudo, Chichimeca, Cora, Huichol, Tamaulipecan,\nTarahumari and Lipan.[56] Use in ritual racing is known for the\nTarahumari, Huichol and Tamaulipecan tribes; and the Acaxee tied strips\nof deer-hide or -hooves (the word used means either) on the instep as\nan aid in climbing hills\u2014a custom recalling the carrying of hikuli-deer\nin racing and the Wichita use of mescal beans. The ritualized journey\nfor peyote is recorded for the Cora, Huichol, Tarahumari, Tepecano and\nsomewhat doubtfully for the Tlaxcaltecan.[57]\n\nThe ceremonial fire has no definitive association with peyotism in\nMexico,[58] though it is a prerequisite of the Plains rite even on the\nhottest summer nights; nor has the copal incense of the Huichol and\nTarahumari any relation to the Plains use of sage and cedar.[59] The\ncorn shuck cigarette among the Huichol and Tarahumari is, furthermore,\nin a somewhat different context, though Plains ceremonial cigarettes\nare certainly Mexico-Southwest in origin.[60] The gourd rattle is Mayo,\nTarahumari, Gila River Pima, Walapai, Havasupai, Pueblo, Mescalero,\nLipan, Karankawa, Wichita, Seri, Chitimacha, Cherokee, Creek, Koasati\nand Yuchi (i.e., southern Mexico, the Southwest, peripheral Plains and\nSoutheast) and therefore has no special association with peyote, though\nagain, it may be the origin of the gourd rattle in the central and\nnorthern Plains.[61] Though the staff is a constant feature in the Plains\nceremony, in Mexico[62] this is decidedly not the case. The shaman\u2019s\nrasp among peyote-using tribes is noted only for the Cora, Huichol and\nTarahumari\u2014and has a far wider distribution among non-users of peyote,\nwhile being absent in the Plains rite.[63] The Tamaulipecan aro with\ndrumhead of coyote- or deer-skin is unlike the peyote drum of the north,\nand further, the use of the drum is untypical in the Mexican rite.[64]\n\nOn the other hand, the use of parched corn is more clearly a part of\nMexican peyotism, as is also deer-hunting.[65] \u201cPlant-worship\u201d is most\nevident perhaps for the Tarahumari, who revere hikuli, bak\u00e1nawa, mulato,\nrosapara, sunami, ocoyomi and dek\u00faba; the Tepecano sometimes substitute\nmarihuana or rosa maria (_Cannabis sativa_) for peyote in their worship,\nand elsewhere other plants are involved.[66] Birds are a recognizable\nfeature in Mexican peyotism: the Huichol macao, humming-bird and swift\nare noted, and the Tarahumari humming-bird, green dove and owl.[67]\n\nBennett and Zingg on the Tarahumari would as well apply to all Mexican\npeyotism:[68]\n\n ... the use of peyote resembles an elaborate curing ceremony\n rather than a cult. There is nothing to suggest a society\n centered around peyote-eating.... The group of peyote-eaters\n does not involve any exclusiveness, requirements, or ritual\n pertaining to individuals. The peyote ceremonies are not given\n for the pleasure of eating the plant, but to cure some disease.\n\nProperly speaking, then, Mexican peyotism is a tribal affair, centering\naround the shaman, on whose shoulders rests the whole tribal welfare\nas involved in abundant corn harvests, successful deer-hunting, and\nsuccess in war (which he may prognosticate).[69] Shamanistic curing is\nconspicuous in both Huichol and Tarahumari peyotism. Beals,[70] writing\nof northern Mexico says that\n\n the degree of shamanistic influence apparent at present is\n greater than at some time in the past.... Possibly the use\n of peyote also had some influence in extending and reviving\n shamanistic concepts.... Visionary experiences reach their\n highest development ordinarily in religions of the shamanistic\n type.\n\nThese remarks go far toward explaining the differential diffusion of\npeyotism. Peyote never penetrated the Yuman Southwest, perhaps because\nthe _dream_ performed the psychological function of the peyote vision\n(which, moreover, was not very significant in Mexico). Again, the\nritual use of peyote failed to penetrate the Pueblo Southwest or the\nAztec, both strongholds of priestly religion; perhaps the stereotyped\ninstitutional rituals of these regions stifled such orgiastic individual\nemotional experiences as peyote is calculated to induce. On the other\nhand, peyotism entered the shamanistic Southwest (the Mescalero) and one\nPueblo, Taos, where the kachina cult was weak, and once it reached the\nindividualistic vision-valuing Plains, it fairly ran riot.\n\n\nMESCALERO APACHE AND TRANSITIONAL FORMS OF RITUAL\n\nPeyote came to the Mescalero[71] about 1870, in the same \u201cgeneral\nmovement which resulted in its adoption by a large number of the tribes\nof the United States.\u201d[72] Like other Apache ceremonies its origin was\nattributed to an individual\u2019s encounter with a power, but the tribe\ninvolved was the Tonkawa, Lipan or \u201cYaqui.\u201d Like the Plains groups,\nthe Mescalero made a trip south to get peyote,[73] which was kept by\nthe shaman for ceremonial use only, lest private individual users who\ndid not \u201cknow\u201d and have the right to use the power go mad. The primary\npurpose of meetings was for doctoring,[74] though \u201coccasionally a peyote\nmeeting was called for some other purpose\u2014for peyote, like other sources\nof supernatural power, was believed to be efficacious for locating the\nenemy, finding lost objects, foretelling the results of a venture, etc.\u201d\n\nThe news that a peyote shaman is conducting a meeting for a sick person\nspreads rapidly, and all who are to attend bathe at noon of the appointed\nday.[75] At nightfall they enter the tipi, where the peyote chief is\nsitting west of the fire facing the door, with a gourd rattle in one hand\nand an incised wooden staff in the other.[76] The staff is his protection\nagainst witchcraft, and he \u201csings to it\u201d; he exchanges the gourd for the\ndrum of his assistant, but retains the staff in his left hand. In front\nof him on an eagle feather or piece of buckskin lies the large talismanic\n\u201cchief peyote\u201d or \u201cOld Man Peyote.\u201d[77]\n\nHe is assisted by a door-keeper and a fire-tender, who builds a crescent\nmound of earth around the fire-pit with the horns east, and keeps the\nfire going all night.[78] Once having entered, one is not supposed to\nleave the tipi until morning save briefly, taking one of the eagle\nfeathers lying on either side of the door, and replacing it as soon as\npossible. The peyote,[79] in a sack or on a woven tray, is first eaten by\nthe peyote chief, who then administers their first buttons to novices,\nusing two eagle-tail feathers as a spoon, with three ritual feints, after\nwhich these \u201cfly\u201d into their mouths. Then after smoking[80] the peyote\nis passed around by the assistants as the leader prays. Beginning at the\nsoutheast the drum is passed clockwise as each person sings four songs,\nhis own ceremonial songs or songs received in visions, while the leader\nor his assistants shakes the rattle. The leader sings most of the songs.\n\nThere was a mild bias against women[81] among the Mescalero; they\nreceived medicine power, but could not become a peyote chief, because\nthe responsibilities of the office were too great\u2014for a leader must\nprevent anything happening between even the greatest of rival shamans\nin meetings.[82] In this he was aided by the chief peyote which \u201che\nfrequently consulted ... to ascertain whether anything were amiss; any\nevil thoughts or efforts at witchcraft were said to \u2018show\u2019 on this \u2018chief\npeyote\u2019.\u201d A favorite device of witches to weaken the leader was to make\nhis assistants vomit the peyote.\n\nPeyotism was readily accepted by the Mescalero, in whose older culture\nwere patterns of receiving supernatural power from animals, etc. Indeed,\nOpler calls the Mescalero\n\n a tribe of shamans, active or potentially active [and peyote\n became another among many sources of power for them]. It will\n be readily grasped, however, that since peyote leadership and\n the conduct of peyote rites were open to any one who claimed\n a supernatural experience with the plant, since, in other\n words, an individualistic, shamanistic premise underlay the\n utilization of peyote for religious purposes, centralized\n leadership and definite organization could not be achieved. The\n Mescalero use of peyote never developed into a cult or society\n with a regular membership and place of meeting, with officers\n and principals selected or agreeable to the entire body of\n devotees ... [even with the] emphasis on curative rites....\n\nThis, in Mexico, made the rite tend to be tribal in character,\nthe shaman quasi-priest. Mescalero peyotism, therefore, is truly\ntransitional between the Mexican all-inclusive rite of _tribal_ cure\nand the individualistic Plains _societal_ ceremony; no equilibrium\nwas permanently reached between the two, and Opler adduces abundant\nevidence of the _rival_ nature of peyotism among competing shamans.[83]\nThe concept was that everyone was to get in rapport with his power(s)\nvia peyote, with the peyote shaman, however, remaining the figurehead\nleader\u2014a multiple \u201cworking together\u201d of powers, peyote being the power\n_par excellence_ that worked with other powers. The Mescalero, then,\nattempted to force the physiologically somewhat refractory individual\npeyote experience into the shamanistic mold. The leader remained the\narbiter and mediator, and held special symbols of authority, the staff\nand the rattle, to compensate for his real loss of status as cynosure,\nwhen participants in the curing rite were enlarged beyond the patient and\nhis relatives.\n\nNotable is the lack of Christian elements in Mescalero peyotism, in\ncontrast with some Plains groups; indeed, \u201cfar from becoming a weakened\nand Christianized version of native beliefs, the Mescalero Apache\nacceptance of peyote resulted instead in an intensification of the\naboriginal religious values at many points.\u201d[84] On the other hand,\nwhen we recalled the history of their relations with Whites and such\npsychologically similar cults as the Ghost Dance of the Plateau, Great\nBasin and Plains, it is somewhat surprising that a warlike and predatory\ngroup like the Mescalero did not associate peyote and anti-White feeling.\nOpler has recorded a Tonkawa peyote ceremony with clear anti-White\nfeatures; but the Mescalero had an aboriginal ceremony before peyote\nwhose function was the consternation and defeat of enemies, and this,\ndirected toward the whites, usurped the function of ritual opposition\nthrough peyote.[85]\n\n\nKIOWA-COMANCHE TYPE RITE\n\nAside from the John Wilson, John Rave, and Church of the First-born\nvariants, the basic Plains ceremony is remarkably homogeneous in various\ntribes. Since the Kiowa and the Comanche, historically considered, were\nthe center of this diffusion,[86] in the interests of economy we choose\ntheir ceremony to detail as the \u201cPlains type-rite.\u201d In the following\naccount care is taken that every statement be specifically true of the\nKiowa and at the same time representative of the Plains; minor Comanche\ndifferences are shown in footnotes.\n\nLiving beyond the habitat of peyote, all Plains tribes have to make\npilgrimages for it or buy it. The journey is not ritualized, but there\nis a modest ceremony at the site: on finding the first plant, a Kiowa\npilgrim sits west of it, rolls a cornshuck cigarette and prays, \u201cI have\nfound you, now open up, show me where the rest of you are;[87] I want to\nuse you to pray for the health of my people.\u201d He sings and eats green\nplants while harvesting them; only the tops are taken, that the root may\nregenerate buds, a fine large one being saved as a \u201cfather peyote\u201d for\nmeetings later.[88]\n\nMany groups, like the Kiowa, \u201cvow\u201d meetings as in the Sun Dance. They may\nbe held in gratitude for recovery from illness, on a child\u2019s first four\nbirthdays, for doctoring the sick, to pray for the successful delivery of\na child, or for the health of the participants in general. Present too\nis the possibility of instruction and power through a peyote vision; in\nthe Plains this is the primary motive, with doctoring second. In the last\ntwenty years \u201choliday meetings\u201d have been introduced.[89]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 1. Arrangement of interior of tipi for peyote\nmeeting. a, Kiowa \u201cstandard\u201d peyote meeting; b, Comanche horseshoe moon\nvariant.]\n\nIn preparation, the Kiowa commonly take a sweatbath.[90] In the old\ndays buckskin dress was prescribed, but nowadays a \u201cblanket\u201d or folded\nsheet for men and a shawl for women satisfies this requirement; buckskin\nmoccasins are more comfortable than stiff-soled shoes during a night\nspent sitting cross-legged. Older men still paint for meetings; one\nleader for example had a yellow hair-part with a short red forehead line\nperpendicular to this, vertical red lines in front of the ears, and\nyellow around the eyes.[91]\n\nThe sponsor selects his leader (\u1d05\u03c9\u03bb\u1e31i) or himself acts as one; a leader\nusually has his own drummer (o\u2019\u1d05\u2019asode\u1e31i) and fireman (\u0262\u2019i\u0262\u2019u\u1e31i), and\nsome a \u201ccedar man\u201d also. The sponsor\u2019s womenfolk erect the tipi, prepare\nand bring the food and water the next morning. The floor is carefully\ncleaned and plumes of sagebrush are spread around the inside of the\ntipi, as in a sweat-lodge, for a seat. The sponsor stands the cost of\nthe meeting (from twenty-five to fifty dollars), or others may help\nin paying; he also supplies the peyote or pays the leader for it, but\ncommunicants often bring their own buttons also.\n\nThe leader supplies the paraphernalia: the staff (\u1d05o\u2019\u1d05\u0119\u0301\u00e4, \u201cbrace-to\nhold-stick\u201d) of bois d\u2019arc, the gourd rattle, eagle wing-bone whistle,\ncedar incense, altar cloth, drum, and perhaps his personal \u201cfeathers\u201d\nfor doctoring. The drum (\u1d05\u03c9\u00e4\u00b4\u1d05\u03c9 or \u0299\u03ce\u03bbk\u03c9\u1d05\u03c9\u00e4`\u1d05\u03c9) is a No. 6 cast-iron\nthree-legged trade-kettle with the bail-ears filed off. The buckskin head\nis well soaked and tied over the kettle, a third- or half-filled with\nwater into which ten or a dozen live coals (and sometimes herb-perfumes)\nhave been dropped; the Kiowa say the drum represents thunder, the water\nin it rain, and the coals lightning. Seven marbles are put under the\nbuckskin around the outside kettle rim to serve as bosses for the thong\nwound once-and-a-half times round them; the same thong is passed through\neach loop and laced criss-cross seven times under the kettle, unknotted,\nto tighten the head and form on the bottom the seven-pointed \u201cMorning\nStar.\u201d The single drumstick (\u0299\u03c9\u03bbk\u03c9t\u03c9n) is straight, carved, beaded, and\nembellished with a buckskin tassel or fringe on the handle end. The\ngourd-handle is also beaded and fringed, and tufted with red horse-hair\n(\u0262u\u03bbks\u2019\u01ebg\u02b8\u00e4) at the top end passing through the gourd, the neck of which\nis plugged with half a spool; the gourd itself may be covered with\ntexts or symbolical drawings.[92] Participants are free after midnight\nto use the cult drumstick and gourd or their individual ones as they\nchoose. Formerly \u201conly the leader brought in the medicine fan with him,\nbut now many young men bring them in who have no special business to.\u201d\nThese have a beaded and fringed cylindrical handle, with feathers loosely\nsupported in individual buckskin sockets sewed around the shafts; often\nthey are notched, tipped with horse-hair, or down feathers are added at\nthe base\u2014as individual \u201cvisions\u201d dictate. The leader also supplies the\nfetish \u201cfather peyote,\u201d but no Bible is used in the Kiowa or usual Plains\nceremony.[93] Formerly only old men and warriors attended meetings, but\nnow women and girls over thirteen come in, when not menstruating, though\nthey may not sing the songs or use the paraphernalia.[94]\n\nThe tipi is entered any time after nightfall, with a preliminary\nclockwise circuit outside as in the sweatbath (all circuits inside\nmust be clockwise also). Sometimes several line up behind the leader,\nwho prays briefly: \u201cI am going into my place of worship. Be with us\ntonight.\u201d Entrance however is often informal and made one by one, before\nthe leader comes in with his rattle and staff in one hand, and his\nparaphernalia-satchel[95] in the other; he sits west of the fire, which\nhas been started by the fireman, north of the door, who comes in first\nof all. His drummer is south of him, to his right, his cedar-man (if\nthere is one) north and left. Others enter and informally take places,\nbut after he is seated they kneel on the right knee at the door for a\nmoment, looking to him for permission to enter and be assigned a place;\nthe sponsor meanwhile may call out, \u201cCome in! So-and-so,\u201d to these,\ninformally welcoming them. A tipi some twenty-five feet in diameter seats\nthirty people comfortably. In summer the sides are raised to allow a\nbreeze to blow through.\n\nAt the west center, horns to the east, is the crescent altar[96] (pi\u03adt\u1d05\u03c9)\nwith a groove or \u201cpath\u201d (\u0262\u2019\u03c9mho\u1e47) along it from horn to horn, interrupted\nby a flat space in the center where the \u201cfather peyote\u201d is later to\nrest on sprigs of sage. The \u201cpath\u201d symbolizes man\u2019s path from birth\n(southern tip) to the crest of maturity and knowledge (at the place of\nthe peyote) and thence downward again to the ground through old age to\ndeath (northern tip). The crescent, carefully shaped beforehand by the\nfireman out of clayey earth, also represents the mountain range of the\norigin story where s\u0119m\u0105yi or \u201cPeyote Woman\u201d first discovered the plant.\nEast of it in a shelving depression is a fire, constantly mended by the\n\u201cfire-chief\u201d during the night to keep it in a worm-fence arrangement, the\nclosest approximation to the ritual crescent-shape possible with straight\nsticks. The accumulating ashes are shaped with great care into another\ncrescent between fire and altar. A \u201csmokestick\u201d[97] is kept smoldering in\nan east-west position close to the fire to light all cigarettes.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 2. Peyote paraphernalia. _Left to right_, Mescal bean\nnecklace; \u201cpeyote\u201d necktie from a strip of trade-blanket with selvage\nstripes, and bead-work representing peyote buttons; beaded and fringed\npheasant feather fan; black velvet, gold-fringed altar cloth; smokestick\ncarved with water bird, etc., eagle bone whistle; drumstick; peyote\nbuttons; corn husk cigarette \u201cpapers\u201d; bundle of sage plumes; pile of\npowdered cedar incense; a beaded, fringed, and carved drumstick; mescal\nbean necklace.]\n\nAll seated, the leader places the father peyote on the sage sprigs,\norienting it by the thorn or mark made when he cut it.[98] After this the\nceremony is considered begun, all informal talking and joking ceases,\nand others entering are late-comers. Everyone begins to stare at the\nfetish peyote and the flickering fire.[99] Then the leader leans his\neagle-humerus whistle against the west outside of the moon, mouth end up,\ntakes out his cedar incense bag, gourd, tobacco, etc., and arranges them\nconveniently near him.\n\nThe first ceremony is smoking or praying together. The leader makes\nhimself a cigarette of Bull Durham with corn husk \u201cpapers\u201d dried and\ncut to shape, and passes the makings clockwise to the rest, including\nwomen.[100] His own made, the fireman presents the smokestick to the\nleader (who may first offer it courteously to his drummer) and this\ntoo is passed to the left. While all smoke, the leader prays: \u201cbeha\u00b4be\ns\u0119\u012f\u00b4\u1d05\u0254ki (smoke, peyote power). Be with us when we pray tonight. Tell\nyour father to look at us and listen to our prayers.\u201d He holds his\ncigarette mouth end toward the peyote and motions upward that it may\nsmoke as he prays:\n\n We are just beginning our prayer meeting. We want you to be\n with us tonight and help us. We want no one to be sick at this\n meeting from eating peyote. I will pause again at midnight to\n pray to you. I will pause again in the morning to pray to you.\n [Then he prays for the person who is sick or whose birthday the\n meeting celebrates or for relatives and participants.] If there\n are any rules connected with you, peyote, that we don\u2019t know\n of, forgive us if we should break them, as we are ignorant.\n\nAll pray silently to \u1d05\u00f3m\u1d05\u0254ki, \u201cearth-creator\u201d or \u201cearth-lord,\u201d and older\nmen may add their prayers aloud after the leader. Then, following the\nleader, all snuff their cigarettes in the ground and place them on the\nwest curve of the altar, outside, or at either horn; the fireman may\ngather those of women, old people or visitors.\n\nThe incense-blessing ceremony immediately follows. The leader (or his\n\u201ccedar-man\u201d) sprinkles some dried and rubbed cedar on the fire; then he\nmakes four clockwise motions of the peyote bag toward the fire, takes\nout four buttons and passes the bag. Kneeling on both knees, he reaches\ndown beneath the hides or blankets of the seat, and bruises a tuft of\nsage between his palms, and smelling it with deep inhalations, rubs his\nhands over and down his head, breast, shoulders and arms, with outward\ndownward movements, ending with the thighs. Though the peyote may not yet\nhave reached them, the others follow suit, reaching out their palms to\nabsorb the blessing of the incense and rubbing themselves.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 3. Peyote drum with lashing around bosses.]\n\nThis done, all eat[101] their peyote, to the accompaniment of much\nspitting out of the woolly center of the buttons; hereafter during the\nnight in the intermissions of singing, anyone can call for the peyote\nbag (the incense burning may or may not be repeated). Then more cedar is\nsprinkled on the fire and the leader makes four motions with the staff\nin his left hand and the rattle in his right toward the rising incense\nsmoke.[102] The drummer motions similarly with the drumstick, pulling\nsmoke from the fire to the drum. The leader takes a bunch of sagebrush\nfrom between the tipi-cover and pole behind him (previously prepared by\nthe fireman), holds it with his staff and the singing begins.[103] The\ndrummer shifts his left thumb over the drumhead or sloshes the water\ninside on it or blows on it to get the proper tension and tone, then the\nleader holds his staff and sage at arm\u2019s length between himself and the\nfire and rattles for the Hay\u00e4tinayo or Opening Song.[104] The leader\nexchanges his staff and rattle for the drum the latter always passing\n_under_ the staff,[105] and the drummer sings four songs of his own\nchoosing. The paraphernalia, staff preceding drum, are then passed to the\nleft; each man sings to the drumming of the man on his right, and then\nhimself drums for the man on his left.[106] This singing, rattling, and\ndrumming forms the bulk of the ceremony during the night. At intervals\nolder men pray aloud, with affecting sincerity, often with tears running\ndown their cheeks, their voices choked with emotion, and their bodies\nswaying with earnestness as they gesture and stretch out their arms\nto invoke the aid of Peyote. The tone is of a poor and pitiful person\nhumbly asking the aid and pity of a great power, and absolutely no shame\nwhatever is felt by anyone when a grown man breaks down into loud sobbing\nduring his prayer.[107]\n\nAbout midnight the leader announces that he is going to put incense on\nthe fire after the next four songs, and when he does, everyone blesses\nhimself in the smoke. The announcement gives the fireman time to mend\nthe fire and build up the ash moon[108] and sweep the cigarette butts\ninto the fire. If the paraphernalia are north of the door they are passed\nbackwards to the leader drum first, if at the south (i.e. past the door)\nclockwise and staff first as usual. Smoking stops, and the leader, to the\ndrumming of his assistant, sings the Midnight Song.[109] When the first\nof the four is finished, the fireman (sometimes given a feather for\nthis errand by the leader) leaves, gets a bucket of water, returns, sets\nit in front of the fire and unfolds a blanket on which he sits in line\nwith it facing west. The leader, finishing the second song, blows four\nincreasingly loud blasts on the eagle wing-bone whistle (to imitate the\nwater bird) then replaces it by the peyote and sings the last two songs.\nWhile his assistant holds the staff and gourd, he spreads an altar cloth\njust west of the fetish, and places on this the staff, gourd, sage and\nhis fan, together with the \u201cfeathers\u201d of communicants passed to him for\nthis purpose; the drum is to the south of this, the drumstick, etc., on\nthe cloth.\n\nAfter cedar-incensing, the fireman makes a smoke, puffs four times\nand prays, thanking those responsible for the honor of being chosen\nfire-chief, and praying for the leader and his family, the sick and\nthe absent. Next the leader prays, then the drummer, using the same\ncigarette, and to complete the figure of a cross, the man to the north\nor \u201ccedar-man\u201d prays. When the butt is placed by the altar, the fireman\nmakes a circuit of the altar and passes the bucket to the man south\nof the door. Quiet conversation is permitted in the somewhat informal\ndrinking period.[110] When the fireman has drunk, the leader passes back\nthe fans and the paraphernalia to where the singing had been interrupted,\nand leaves the tipi. He goes about thirty feet east of the tipi,\nwhistles four times and prays, repeating this at the south, west and\nnorth.[111] When four songs are completed, he returns, blessing himself\nin the incense smoke which the drummer throws on the fire.[112] Now is\nthe preferred time to leave the tipi and stretch cramped legs. Singing\ncontinues as before until dawn.\n\nAs the first grey light appears, the leader tells the fireman to waken\nor notify the woman who is to bring the water (she has no special seat,\nif she has attended the meeting). The fireman always brings the midnight\nwater, a woman that at dawn.[113] The leader whistles four times, even\nin the middle of a song, when the fireman tells him she has arrived\noutside. When the singer finishes his four songs, the leader calls for\nthe paraphernalia and sings the four Morning Songs; after the first of\nthese the woman enters, arranges a blanket and sits as did the fireman.\nFinishing the three remaining songs, the leader calls for feathers and\nspreads them with the paraphernalia on the altar cloth, as at midnight. A\nsmoke is made for the woman, who thereupon prays, after which the leader\nand his assistants smoke it. Doctoring[114] is best done at this time;\nthe leader may do this, or he may ask an older man to fan the patient\nwith consecrated feathers from the altar cloth.\n\nThen the fireman spills a little water before the fire, the woman drinks,\nand the bucket moves clockwise as before from south of the door. The\nwoman makes a circuit of the altar, picks up her blanket and takes the\nbucket out. The feathers are passed out again, and the paraphernalia\nreturned to the place of the next singers in the circle (because of such\nritual interruptions, praying, passing of peyote, etc., a complete round\nof the drum requires two or three hours).\n\nWhile waiting for the ritual breakfast, the meeting is again somewhat\ninformal. Several women may leave to help the water-woman prepare\nthe food, and younger men may go outside for a stroll and a secular\nsmoke. Old men often lecture younger members on behavior at this time,\n\u201cpreaching\u201d directly to a relative, and more indirectly to others.[115]\nWhen he has finished another old man may exhort: \u201cYou must do as that old\nman has said. He\u2019s had experience. What he\u2019s telling you is good.\u201d At\nthis time too visitors are given opportunity to express gratitude for the\nhospitality of their host, who in turn thanks them for coming.\n\nWhen the food arrives outside, the fireman notifies the leader, who\ncalls for the paraphernalia and sings four songs, the last of which is\nthe Quitting Song. The food meanwhile is passed in and placed in line\nwith the father-peyote and fire, west-to-east thus: water, parched corn\nin syrup, fruit and meat.[116] No one sits east of it as in the water\nceremonies. The four songs completed, the leader tells the drummer to\nunlace the drum, and all the paraphernalia are passed around (between the\nfood and the fire at the east) for everyone to handle,[117] as an older\nwoman (\u201cbecause food is their life-work\u201d) or a Ten-Medicine keeper, who\ntypically functions at such Kiowa group-prayers, asks a blessing. The\nleader then removes the father peyote from the altar, and when he puts it\nin his satchel with the rest of the paraphernalia the meeting is ended.\n\nComplete social informality now reigns as the food is passed to the man\nsouth of the door and thence clockwise. Much joking[118] goes on during\nthis meal, which has none of the seriousness of the Christian partaking\nof the Host. When the fireman has finished eating, at the leader\u2019s\ninstruction, he leads the line out of the tipi.[119] The tipi may be\ntaken down immediately, or moved bodily a little, but the older men\ndrift back into its shade and lie around talking and exchanging peyote\nexperiences.[120] As meetings are ordinarily held on Saturday nights,\nSunday forenoon is free for such visiting, talking and dozing under\narbors. Nearly everyone stays for a secular dinner at noon, and they\ntake home what they cannot eat; sometimes other guests come who have not\nattended the meeting.\n\n\nCOMPARISON OF MEXICAN, TRANSITIONAL, AND PLAINS PEYOTISM\n\nHaving now characterized the Huichol-Tarahumari type-rite for Mexico,\nthe Lipan-Mescalero for the transitional nomad Southwest, and the\nKiowa-Comanche as the historical prototype for the Plains, we may attempt\na comparison and contrasting of them.\n\nIn Mexico as a whole \u201ccuring\u201d is perhaps the most salient characteristic,\nwhile both curing and doctoring are conspicuous in Mescalero. In the\nPlains, while doctoring is an important feature it is by no means\nindispensable.[121] Peyotism in Mexico, therefore, has a tribal\ncharacter, while in Mescalero the ceremony is a _forum for rival\nshamans_\u2014a trait not altogether absent in early Plains rites\u2014and in the\nPlains peyotism has a societal nature. These facts have an important\nbearing on the cultural manifestations of the physiological action of\npeyote. In Mexico visions are turned to the uses of prophecy;[122] in\nMescalero they enable a shaman to detect rival witchcraft; while in\nthe Plains, visions are a source of individual power. These categories\nshould not be made too rigid, however, for clairvoyance, if not prophecy,\nas well as witchcraft anxiety are known for early Plains peyotism,\nand on the other hand, peyote medicine-power is a source of Mescalero\nshamanistic rivalry. Yet as indications of relative emphasis these\nstatements might be allowed to stand.\n\nThe Mexican symbolisms point to an association with hunting, agriculture\nand gathering activities, and the typical anxiety expressed in the\nreligion is the desire for rain. In Mescalero, peyote is the focal\npoint for the warfare of antagonistic powers, and expresses the mutual\nsuspicion of formerly small local groups; the intense and ever-present\nanxiety is the fear of aggression and reprisal by witchcraft. In the\nearly Plains peyote ceremonies, associations with warfare were prominent\n(influenced no doubt by a forerunner of peyotism there, the mescal bean\nceremonialism), though in later times this element had become so nearly\nabsent that Mooney could point quite properly to the \u201cinternational\u201d\ncharacter of the cult in his time.[123]\n\nAreal contrasts in minor points are no less striking. Dancing was\nconspicuous in Mexico, less important transitionally, and on the whole\nlacking in the Plains. Painting of a symbolic nature was ritually\nsignificant in Mexico; in the Plains individual styles were dictated\nby peyote visions. Peyotism in Mexico is a seasonal matter, but in the\nPlains the rite occurs the year around (in the south the trip for peyote\nmay have been associated more with the ritual salt pilgrimage, in the\nnorth with the ritualized war journeys; parallels are also suggested in\nthe Maricopa ritualized mountain-sheep hunting and Navaho deer hunting).\n\nIn Mexico peyote was a tribal affair and women participated on equal\nterms with the men in dancing, etc. In Mescalero, women were excluded\nfrom meetings, as in the Plains also originally. The rite was held\nprincipally outdoors in Mexico, and in a tipi transitionally and in the\nPlains\u2014a patio arrangement in Mexico, and an altar centering around\nthe \u201cmoon\u201d in the Plains. Ritual racing and ball games[124] are part\nof Mexican peyotism, but not elsewhere. Smoking is inconspicuous in\nMexico, but in the Plains it has been important enough to involve church\nschisms.[125] Huichol peyote had no drum, though elsewhere in Mexico a\nwooden drum was used, while in the Plains the water-drum (intrusive from\nthe Southwest) is universal. The rasp is Mexican, but the Plains rite has\nthe gourd rattle and eagle wing-bone whistle in addition to the drum. The\n\u201cstaff\u201d is a special problem in the Plains.\n\nThe Huichol and Tarahumari have a squirrel fetish in addition to the\nfetish plant; the Plains have only the latter. Ceremonial drunkenness\nwith tesvino, etc., is an integral part of Mexican \u201ccuring\u201d; in the\nPlains peyote and alcohol are so far mutually exclusive that the familiar\npropaganda calls the first a specific against the second. The alleged\naphrodisiac virtue of peyote is a Mexican belief; but curiously enough\nin Mexico, where many \u201cpeyotes\u201d were said by natives to be aphrodisiac,\nLumholtz pronounced _Lophophora williamsii_ definitely anaphrodisiac;\nwhile in the Plains, where the natives most strenuously deny this virtue\nfor peyote, enemies of the cult most consistently claim that it produces\naphrodisiac orgies.[126]\n\nIn Mexico the shaman alone sings, though his assistants may \u201cspell\u201d\nhim; in the Plains all male participants drum and rattle. In Mescalero,\nthough the drum circles the tipi, the staff and gourd remain with the\nleader. Finally, Mexican and Mescalero peyotism are almost wholly free\nof Christian elements; so too were the early Plains rites diffusing from\nthe Kiowa-Comanche, though in the John Wilson rite, the Oto Church of\nthe First-born (and its successor, the Native American Church) and the\nWinnebago Rave-Hensley variant, Christian symbolism and interpretations\nare frequent.\n\nCommon elements are numerous: the ceremonial trip for peyote (more\nelaborate in Mexico, to be sure), the meeting held at night, the fetish\npeyote, the use of feathers and the abundance of symbolisms connected\nwith birds, the ritual circuit, ceremonial fire and incensing, water\nceremonies, the \u201cPeyote Woman,\u201d morning \u201cbaptism\u201d or \u201ccuring\u201d rites,\n\u201ctalking\u201d peyote, abstinence from salt, ritual breakfast, singing,\ntobacco ceremonials, public confession of sins, Morning Star symbolisms,\nand (for northern Mexico) the crescent moon[127] altar. The fear of\nbeing blinded by the peyote-fuzz is Mescalero, Lipan and Plains, and the\nwater-drum is shared by both non-peyote Southwestern groups and those of\nthe Plains who have the peyote rite. The use of parched corn in sugar\nwater, boneless, sweetened meat and fruit for the \u201cpeyote breakfast\u201d may\nbe regarded as universal for peyotism, wherever found.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] Rouhier (_Monographie_, 91, n. 1) argues immense antiquity\nfor peyotism, _circa_ 300 years B.C., among the Chichimeca on\nquasi-historical grounds. Our knowledge of peyote from Spanish documents\ngoes back to the sixteenth century in Mexico. A manuscript in the\nLibrary of Congress reports the trial of a Taos Indian, February 3-8,\n1719, for having \u201ctaken peyote and disturbed the town\u201d (cf. Twitchell,\n_Spanish Archives_, 2:188). See Bandelier, _Manuscript_; Mooney,\n_Tarumari-Guayachic_.\n\n[2] Adapted from Lewin, _Phantastica_, 96, and Nicol\u00e1s de Le\u00f3n in\nBrinton, _Nagualism_, 6.\n\n[3] Hernandez, _De Historia Plantarum_, 3:70.\n\n[4] Arlegui, _Cr\u00f3nica_, 2:154-55 in Urbina, _El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui_,\n26.\n\n[5] Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24, in Mooney, _Peyote\nNotebook_.\n\n[6] Alarc\u00f3n, _Tratado de los supersticiones_, 195.\n\n[7] Lindquist, _The Red Man_, 70-71, is in error in stating that the Zu\u00f1i\nuse peyote for religious purposes; moreover the document of 1720 cited\nrefers to Taos, not Zu\u00f1i. Mr. An-che Li assures me that the Zu\u00f1i lack\npeyote even today. Lindquist has evidently confused peyote with datura;\nsee for example Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 405, 406. Still other plants,\ne.g., datura, cohoba snuff, coca, yah\u00e9, aya-huasca, etc., were used in\nMiddle America as prophetic aids; see for example Safford, _op. cit._,\n393; Gayton, _Narcotic Plant Datura_.\n\n[8] Bennett and Zingg (_The Tarahumara_, 135) write that \u201cin a culture\nwhere animals are thought to talk and cattle are supposed to warn their\nmasters of impending drought or plague, it is not surprising that plants\nalso are imbued with personality and harmful or helpful attributes.\nThe small ball of cacti is especially revered by the Tarahumara.\u201d Some\n_Mammillaria_ spp. have a striking resemblance to a head of hair; one\nfigured in Higgins with flowing white \u201chair\u201d is called \u201cOld Man Cactus\u201d;\nagain, natives have an intense fear of even touching these plants\u2014an\nattitude recalling the Pima belief that even one drop of Apache blood\nfalling on a person would make him ill (Hrdli\u010dka, _Physiological and\nMedical Observations_, 243). In this connection it is interesting to note\nthat Spier has collected evidence bearing on the magical use of enemies\u2019\nscalps. The magical malevolence of the enemy or his scalp is cited\n(_Warfare_) for the Maricopa, Yuman and Piman groups, Navaho, Jicarilla,\nand Pueblo. The Yumans and Pimans required stringent purification from\ncontact with the enemy or his scalp; the Pimans, again, along with\nthe Navaho and Pueblos turned this power to account in curing and\nrain-bringing. Spier states that for the Pima-Papago the scalp is turned\ninto an ally against the enemy, and made a specific prophylactic against\nsuch enemy-engendered dangers as paralysis, swooning at the sight of\nblood or a violent death; the Maricopa, indeed, convert a scalp into one\nof themselves, much as a captive is ceremonially converted and purified.\nFurther still, according to Spier, the Maricopa and Yumans received\nprophetic foreknowledge of the enemy from these scalps, which therefore\nthey carried with them to war. Still more strikingly, scalps are thought\nto laugh and cry and babble incessantly, much as the noisily talkative\npeyote plant is supposed to do.\n\n[9] Lumholtz, _Tarahumari Dances_, 452; also _Unknown Mexico_, 1:372-74.\n\n[10] Spier (_Warfare_) writes that \u201cClairvoyance on the part of the\nshaman who accompanied a war party is noted for Maricopa, Yuma, Pima,\nand Papago [as well as] in the Plains and Plateau.\u201d Zu\u00f1i war chiefs, he\nadds, sought sound-omens on the eve of setting out on the war-path. In\nthis last connection the detailed similarities in attitude and conduct of\nwar-expeditions, peyote-pilgrimages, and salt-gathering expeditions in\nMexico and the Southwest should not be overlooked. (The Huichol shooting\nof the peyote plant, however, is a hunting rather than a war symbolism,\nthat of hunting the hikuli-deer of the peyote origin legend.) Information\non the Comanche horse-raid is from E. A. Hoebel; unfortunately the\nGovernment took most of these peyote-given horses back again.\n\nIn the 1850\u2019s the only Kiowa who ate peyote was Big Horse. When he\nwished to know the whereabouts of an absent war party he would take a\ndrum and a rattle into a tipi, saying \u201cg\u02b8\u00e4g\u016b\u1e47bo\u1e47ta\u201d (I am going to look\nfor medicine), eating peyote and afterward telling what he had seen;\nsometimes he made the sound of an eagle, the bird that flies high above\nthe earth and sees afar.\n\nC. W., president of the Kickapoo Native American Church, often has\nprophetic peyote visions; Kishkaton says they are of \u201cJudgment Day\u201d when\nthe \u201cnew world\u201d will come, and makes them a proselytizing argument for\npeyote. The debt to earlier Kickapoo prophets is obvious. A specific\nCaddo prophecy among the visions collected would have prevented a serious\nindustrial accident if it had been properly interpreted.\n\n[11] In the Plains the \u201cfather peyote\u201d is often carried as a fetish.\nKroeber (_Arapaho_, 406) cites a typical case: \u201cThe pouches used to\ncontain the peyote plant have room for only one of the disks, which\nis usually carried more or less as a personal amulet, in addition to\nbeing the center of worship during ceremonies. A circular area of\nbead-work covering the front of the pouch itself, is said to represent\nthe appearance of a peyote-plant while being worshipped. In the center\na cross of red beads represents the morning star. Around the edge of\nthis circular bead-work are eight small triangular figures, which denote\nthe vomitings deposited by the ring of worshippers around the inside of\nthe tent in the course of the night. The yellow fringe around the pouch\nrepresents the sun\u2019s rays.\u201d\n\nWar Eagle, Delaware (Speck, _Delaware Peyote Symbolism_) told of a\nman gassed in the World War whom peyote cured after his case had been\npronounced hopeless. Quanah Parker, the famous Comanche chief, used to\ncarry a peyote on his chest as protection in battle. A Ponca story tells\nof J. W. and his wife returning home as a cyclone was coming up; when\nthey finally arrived the house was destroyed, but in an undisturbed\ndrawer they found four articles still intact: a \u201cpeyote chief,\u201d a bag of\npeyotes, a Bible, and a peyote drumstick.\n\n[12] Sahag\u00fan, _Historia general_, 3:241; _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale_, 737.\nLumholtz (_Unknown Mexico_, 2:354) adds marihuana to the list of plants\nwhich protect against witchcraft injury: the doctor comes on a Tuesday,\nThursday or Friday, reverses the ill person\u2019s sandals, shirt and drawers,\nrecites the credo backwards to summon the owl, and burns a heap of\nmarihuana and old rags in the house. Many persons also carry marihuana in\ntheir girdles as a protection against sorcery. The Cocopa and Yuma uses\nof an unidentified plant (awimimedje) to offset fatigue and give luck\nsuggests peyote (Gifford, _Cocopa_, 268).\n\n[13] De la Serna, in Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_, 390; Arlegui in\nUrbina, _El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui_, 26; Arias, in Urbina, _loc. cit._\n\n[14] See the modern Tepecano votive bowl altar used with peyote or\nmarihuana (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:124-25).\n\n[15] Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 1:284-85. The Wichita use the \u201cmescal bean\u201d\nin racing, and the Kiowa as a prophylactic against stepping on menstrual\nblood. Peyote is associated with racing in Mexico by the Huichol,\nTamaulipecans, and Tarahumari (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:49-50;\nPrieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24; Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 1:372;\nBennett and Zingg, _Tarahumara_, 136-37, 295, 338).\n\n[16] A Wichita leader envisioned a flag three months before being drafted\ninto the army; the fetish-peyote he carried over-seas miraculously\nescaped confiscation during an inspection and disinfection of clothing,\nand because of it he was only slightly wounded in battle. One meeting\nI attended was in performance of a vow if the Bonus legislation then\npending would pass. This same leader prophetically dreamt of how peyote\nwould protect him on a pilgrimage to Mexico and aid him through the\ncustoms with a supply of plants, and all happened as predicted.\n\nThe Tarahumari dare not touch the dek\u00faba (datura) plant lest they go\ncrazy or die; this presents a problem since the plants are common in\ntheir winter caves. The peyote shaman, however, armed with the more\npowerful plant uproots the datura with impunity. Peyote is the only cure\nfor the otherwise fatal disease which comes from touching dek\u00faba (Bennett\nand Zingg, _op. cit._, 138, 294).\n\n[17] Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_; Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_. The\nIowa Red Bean medicine bundle was used for war, horse stealing, hunting\nand horse racing (Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway Indians_, 245-47,\n_Societies of the Iowa_, 718-19). A similar mescal war bundle and cult\nwas present among the neighboring and related Oto. The Red Medicine\nbundles of the Pawnee contained mescal beans likewise; indeed the Pawnee\nare thought to be the origin of the Iowa bundle and associated war-dance.\nThe Pawnee \u201ckill\u201d the beans by breaking and stirring them in a large\nkettle, drinking the concoction toward morning until they vomit, to\n\u201cclean out\u201d the body. There is an unmistakable similarity to the \u201cblack\ndrink\u201d ritual vomiting here (see Appendix 4).\n\n[18] Mulato, sunami, and rosapara cacti, however, protect against Apache\nmachinations; Mooney (_Tarumari-Guayachic_) cites a Chal\u00e1ja arroyo near\nConaguchi (from ch\u00e4r\u00e4 or ch\u00e4l\u00e4, \u201csquirrel,\u201d the epithet of witches)\nwhere witches were formerly burned; cf. the use of the squirrel-fetish\nin the Tarahumari peyote ritual. In Tamaulipas intertribal peace was\nso precarious that peyote mitotes were commonly held in remote and\ninaccessible intermediate mountain regions; the recital of war deeds was\nsometimes part of the rite (Prieto, in Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_).\nDe la Serna (in Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_, 310) describes the use\nof teo-nanacatl in witching. For Tarahumari witching with hikuli see\nLumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:314, 323-24, 371-72.\n\n[19] A favorite diversion of witches to weaken the leader was to make his\nassistants vomit (Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_). My Kiowa\ncompanion vomited in a Ponca meeting, the first he had ever attended\nin that tribe. He attributed it to their unfriendly feeling and felt\nconsiderably relieved when we visited next morning a meeting held by old\nfriends among the Oto; but he himself had once witched a Comanche in a\nmeeting (_Autobiography of a Kiowa Indian_). Tonkawa data is from Opler,\n_Autobiography of a Chiricahua Apache_. The exploits of the Kiowa witch\nTonakat have already been mentioned. The Comanche \u201cused it in the old\ntimes, but not rightly; the medicine men used it for sorcery, so people\ngot scared and stopped using it\u201d (Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_). Among\nthe Cheyenne, Flacco and Cloud Chief strongly opposed the introduction\nof peyote; the former said \u201cit was used to witch people and make them\ncrazy.\u201d The Northern Cheyenne (Hoebel, _Field Notes_) and Lipan (Opler,\n_The Use of Peyote_) and Winnebago \u201cfear states\u201d may have a physiological\nbasis.\n\nMrs. Voegelin (_Shawnee Field Notes_) quotes an informant: \u201cWilson showed\nthem how to swallow mescal beads.... N. S. didn\u2019t go; she was afraid of\nthem. The Delaware had it too; she never wanted to go look. John Wilson\nalso taught them how to shoot a person with red beads two inches long;\nthe person would fall down, hard; then John Wilson doctored on them with\nmedicine. [Several Shawnee] crept up in the grass when the Quapaws were\nholding a Ghost Dance once, at night. S\u2019s wife got shot.... Finally some\none spoke to John Wilson, \u2018You men, you abuse the women.\u2019 An old Peoria\nwoman who went all the time, and swallowed those red beads\u2014she was kind\nof crazy\u2014told Wilson that. The agent finally stopped it.... When they\nwere shot, John Wilson used peyote to bring them back.\u201d\n\n[20] Alegre, _Historia de la Compa\u00f1\u00eda_, 2:219-20; Prieto, _Historia y\nEstadistica_, 131. It is not proven that peyote applied externally has\nan anaesthetic or anodyne action (the Zacatecan use in the childbirth\nceremony is internal); but natives recognize the ability of peyote to\ninduce a stuporous state. The Aztec (Gerste, _Notes sur le m\u00e9dicine_,\n51) used peyote to stupify sacrificial victims. But peyote does not\ncause sleepiness, and the following Maratine Indian battle song (in\nPrieto, _op. cit._, 119-20; Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_) should perhaps be\ntranslated \u201cbecome stuporous:\u201d \u201cThe women and ourselves shouting with\npleasure, Shall drink peyote and shall fall asleep.\u201d For Opata data see\nEnsayo, in Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_; for Lipan see Opler, _The Use of\nPeyote_.\n\n[21] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 59; Flores, in Urbina, _El Peyote y el\nOloliuhqui_, 26; Rouhier (_Monographie_, 96) adds the Caxcane use \u201cfor\nswellings and spasms\u201d; Hernandez, _De Historia Plantarum_, 3:70; Safford,\n_An Aztec Narcotic_, 295; Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 294;\nHrdli\u010dka, _Physiological and Medical Observations_, 173, 242, 244, 250,\n251; Lumholtz, _The Huichol_, 9; _Unknown Mexico_, 2:241-42.\n\n[22] Would pupil-dilation from peyote cause temporary \u201ccures\u201d satisfying\nthe uncritical?\n\n[23] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 183, 196; Mooney, _The Mescal Plant_, 9.\nLumholtz (_Unknown Mexico_, 2:157) himself confidently prescribed peyote\nfor a scorpion-sting.\n\n[24] Beals, _Comparative Ethnology_, 131 (Acaxee); Rouhier,\n_Monographie_, 12, fn. 3 (Tlaxcala). The Kiowa witch Tonakat fixed a\nfireplace in the form of a turtle, the source of his power, and used\na meeting once for shamanistic display, being shot with a cartridge\nand remaining unharmed, etc. A Caddo-Delaware tells of a famous Kiowa\ndoctor who used similar tricks in doctoring a woman. He held a black\nhandkerchief over her to see the location of the disease, dipped a\nfeather in water, cut the skin and removed two 1\u00bd\u2033 bugs, the wound\nhealing immediately. Both popped when thrown into the fire, thus\nprognosticating her recovery from a twenty years\u2019 illness. Wild Horse\n(Caddo-Delaware) said doctors did \u201cwizard sleight-of-hand tricks\u201d in\nmeetings; \u201csome Indians can make you believe you see things.\u201d Some\nTonkawa who visited the Kiowa about 1890 performed tricks in meeting like\neating fire (Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_).\n\n[25] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:241-42.\n\n[26] The suppression of peyote was sought under an act of Jan. 30, 1897\n(29 Stat. 506), Sect. 6 of the Food and Drugs Act of June 30, 1906 (34\nStat. 768-72), Sect. 11 of the same act, and Service and Regulatory\nAnnouncement No. 13, Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry (issued\nMay 3, 1915)\u2014all without success. Specific Federal anti-peyote bills\nwere next attempted: Senate 1862 (65th Congress 1st Sess. Apr. 17,\n1917), House of Representatives 10669 (64th Congress 1st Sess.), House\nof Representatives 4999 (65th Congress 1st Sess. June 12, 1917), House\nof Representatives 2614 (65th Congress 2nd Sess. May 13, 1918-Oct. 7,\n1918). These all failed of passing. An anti-peyote proviso attached as\na rider to Appropriations bill House of Representatives 8696 of March\n28, 1918 was deleted before passage, under pressure from a powerful and\nalert Indian lobby. Later bills were House of Representatives 398 (66th\nCongress 1st Sess.), House of Representatives 2071 (about March 29,\n1924), House of Representatives 5057 (not passed by Senate, but amended\nas:) House of Representatives 5078 (about Jan. 24, 1924, 68th Congress\n1st Sess.)\u2014all defeated. The Senate bill 1399 of Feb. 8, 1937 is pending\nat the present writing.\n\nState laws against peyote have been more successful. The Oklahoma law of\nMarch 11, 1899 was automatically repealed by omission in the codification\nof the state laws; the Darnell bill of 1927 was defeated April 13, 1927.\nThe following states have anti-peyote laws: Colorado (before 1923),\nIdaho, Iowa, Kansas, Montana (by 1925), Nebraska, Nevada (by 1918), New\nMexico, North Dakota (before 1923), South Dakota, Utah (before 1918), and\nWyoming (1929). The Native American Church is incorporated in Oklahoma\nand Montana, however, under state charters.\n\n[27] The trip is made after the rainy season and the corn harvest\n(Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:127); the roasting of corn is of equal\nritual importance with the hikuli-harvest and the deer-hunt: the three,\nindeed, deer, corn and peyote are symbolically the same (Lumholtz _op.\ncit._, 2:156, 279).\n\n[28] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:82, 126-27, 141, 157, 271, 272;\n_Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:576-77; Klineberg, _Notes on the\nHuichol_, 449. For the gourd-symbolism see also Lumholtz, _op. cit_.,\n2:57-58, 129, 220; for the arrows, _Handbook of the American Indians_,\n2:663.\n\n[29] Cf. the universal corn shuck cigarette of Plains peyotism (a\nregion of deep-rooted pipe ceremonialism), a remarkable case of\nculture-continuity.\n\n[30] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:129-35.\n\n[31] Lumholtz, _The Huichol_, 8; _Unknown Mexico_, 2:129-32, 141, 277-78;\nfor the use of the water see 2:57-58, 220.\n\n[32] Cf. the Plains mode of preparing the meat, though the memory of the\nmeaning of this feature (like the corn shuck cigarette and ritual parched\ncorn) is long since gone.\n\n[33] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:132-35, 153, 156, 189, 271. The triple\ncorn-deer-peyote symbolism is completed when the women grind peyote on a\nmetate.\n\n[34] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:54, 272, 273-74. Cf. the Plains\n\u201cfire-stick\u201d and fire-arrangement.\n\n[35] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:29-31, 142-44, 149-50.\n\n[36] Spanish friars came in after 1722, but Huichol peyotism is almost\nwholly free of Christian beliefs (_Handbook of the American Indians_,\n1:576-77). Even the \u201cbaptism\u201d rite is probably native.\n\n[37] Klineberg (_Notes on the Huichol_, 449) mentions special dances led\nby \u201cangels\u201d the next day\u2014a boy and a girl dressed in their finest. It is\nnot clear if this refers to the dance leaders or to the ceremonial \u201crace\nfor life\u201d with the eating of cake-animals and spraying of the runners\nby the elders. But elsewhere Lumholtz describes a dance with carved\nbamboo serpent-sticks, deer-tails on short sticks, and whiskbroom \u201ccombs\u201d\n(_Unknown Mexico_ 2:49-50).\n\n[38] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:272, 274-75.\n\n[39] But the whole peyote ritual might be divided into (1) the trip\nfor hikuli, (2) the deer hunt, and (3) the roasting of corn, though\npeyote-deer-corn are symbolically identical.\n\n[40] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:279. Tamaulipecan peyotism is\nsimilarly a hunting and first-fruits ceremony.\n\n[41] \u201cThe idea of the antlers being arrows readily occurred to the\nHuichol, since they are the animal\u2019s weapon of attack and defence\u201d\n(Lumholtz, _Symbolism of the Huichol_, 69).\n\n[42] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:7-8, 56, 172-73, 201-203; _Handbook of\nthe American Indians_, 1:663b; _Symbolism of the Huichol_, 42, 66, 71,\n174; _The Huichol_, 10.\n\n[43] Bits of deer meat, corn-tamales and strung peyote-plants are treated\nwith exactly equivalent ritual. In the peyote dance serpent-sticks are\nthrust into the air (like prayer sticks, praying for rain?), and small\nwhisks made of materials brought from the hikuli-country represent\ndeer-tails. In the origin legend, peyote first arose in the tracks of\na gigantic deer; indeed, when the gods first used peyote they ground\ndeer-antlers on a metate with water to make an intoxicant, just as\npeyote is ground to make \u201ctea\u201d and corn to make tesvino. The fire is\nbuilt in a special way suggesting deer-antlers or the god-chairs. Arrows\nas definitely symbolize prayer as the prayer sticks of the Southwest.\nThe poker or fire-arrow of Grandfather Fire is smeared with blood and\ndecorated with plumes; it is his \u201cpillow\u201d and the rest of the sticks\nare his \u201cchair.\u201d (One \u201cappearance\u201d of the god is a heart, modelled of\nthe paste of the sacred w\u00e1ve seed toasted and ground like corn, and\nrenewed in the god-house every five years.) Facial paintings of the\nHuichol are called \u00fara, \u201cspark,\u201d being made of a yellow root dug in\nthe peyote country when the hikuli is gathered; yellow particularly\nsymbolizes the fire gods, of whom there are two. Tat\u00e9vali, \u201cGrandfather\nFire,\u201d is the god of prophesying and curing shamans whose birds are\nthe macao, royal eagle, cardinal bird, etc. The other, Tat\u00f3tsi M\u00e1ra\nKw\u00e1ri, \u201cGreatgrandfather Deer-tail,\u201d is the god of singing-shamans,\nwhose bird is the white-tailed hawk. Their relationship is peculiar:\nGreatgrandfather Deer-tail, the symbol of fertility, is the son of\nGrandfather Fire, from whose plumes he sprang. Lumholtz (_Symbolism of\nthe Huichol_, 10-11) explains the difficulty by indicating that the\nformer represents a spark, the latter a fire fed by wood.\n\n[44] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, ix, 136, 291-92; Mooney,\n_Tarumari-Guayachic_; Lumholtz, _Tarahumari Dances_, 453; _Unknown\nMexico_, 1:362.\n\n[45] Bennett and Zingg, _op. cit._, 292; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_,\n1:363. The rasp is not used in the fiesta on returning from the trip, but\nin later ones.\n\n[46] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:171-72, 343-44, 363-64. The shaman\u2019s\nwomen assistants are called rokoro, \u201cstamens\u201d; he is the pistil\u2014a\nbotanically erroneous symbolism, however.\n\n[47] The Tarahumari rasp is definitely associated with peyotism,\nindicating (Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 71) a Huichol\nprovenience; but they list rasps for the Cora, Mayo, Pima (\u201crain\nsticks\u201d), Hopi (in the kachina dance) and N. Paiute (to charm antelope\ninto a corral). The rasp is not exclusively Uto-Aztecan however;\nit occurs for the Wichita, Hidatsa, Salinan, and archaeologically\nin Illinois. Tarahumari Brazil-wood rasps are brought from the\nhikuli-country.\n\n[48] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:313, 363-66; Bennett and Zingg, _op.\ncit._, 293; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_.\n\n[49] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:367-69, 371; Bennett and Zingg, _The\nTarahumara_, 293. Near Eagle Pass a folk-Catholic saint is El Santo Ni\u00f1o\nde Jes\u00fas Peyotes, whose attributes are a staff, gourd, feathered hat and\nbasket similar to but distinct from El Santo Ni\u00f1o de Atoche. In Mexican\nlegend he is a little boy; his statue is in the cathedral or cathedral\nsquare at Rosales, Mexico. Another attribute is said to be the crescent\nmoon.\n\n[50] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:292-93, 314, 344, 347-48, 371-72, 384;\nBennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 294. The ceremony is called nap\u00edtshi\nnawl\u00edruga, \u201cmoving (dancing) around the fire\u201d (Lumholtz, _Unknown\nMexico_, 1:364). In the dry season the Tarahumari dance the yumari\nalmost nightly to the Morning Star, and sacrifice tesvino to the sun; a\nman is often deputed to do the dance alone while the others work in the\nfields, to bring rain (Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 1:352). The Morning Star\nis important in the Cora rite too (Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 1:344; Preuss,\n_Nayarit-Expedition_, _passim_) as well as figuring in Plains peyotism,\nthough somewhat vaguely.\n\n[51] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:357-58, 444; Bennett and Zingg, _The\nTarahumara_, 360, 366-67, 379, 383.\n\n[52] Beals, _Comparative Ethnology_, 131. He adds, though, that \u201cThis\n[use] may also be aboriginal, and very probably dates back to the\nseparation of the Huichol from their peyote-using relatives, the\nGuachachiles.\u201d He cites Thomas and Swanton (_Indian Languages_, 22) but\nevidence is meagre. For the Cora we have Ortega (in Safford, _An Aztec\nNarcotic_, 295, and _Narcotic Plants_, 402): \u201cClose to the musician was\nseated the leader of the singing whose business it was to mark the time.\nEach of these had his assistants to take his place when he should become\nfatigued.... They began forming as large a circle as could occupy the\nspace of ground that had been swept off for this purpose. One after the\nother went dancing in a ring or marking time with their feet, keeping\nin the middle the musician and the choirmaster whom they invited, and\nsinging in the same unmusical tone that he set them. They would dance all\nnight from five o\u2019clock in the evening to seven o\u2019clock in the morning,\nwithout stopping or leaving the circle. When the dance was ended all\nstood who could hold themselves on their feet; for the majority from the\npeyote and the wine which they drank were unable to utilize their legs or\nhold themselves upright.\u201d\n\n[53] Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24.\n\n[54] Beals, _Comparative Ethnology_, 131.\n\n[55] Sahag\u00fan, _Historia general_, 3:241 (Chichimeca); Prieto, _Historia\ny Estadistica_, 119-20, cites a Maratine Indian (Tamaulipecan) peyote\nsong referring to war. Arlegui, in Urbina, _El Peyote y el Ololiuhqui_,\n26; see also Rouhier, _op. cit._, 12, note 3, 96, 331, note 3; Alegre, in\nUrbina, _op. cit._, 26; Preuss, _Die Nayarit-Expedition_, 39. The Morning\nStar is the principal Cora god (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:511, see\nalso _Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:348a). Elder Brother among\nthe Huichol is the god of wind and hikuli (Lumholtz, _Symbolism of\nthe Huichol_, 42). The Tarahumari dance yumari for the Morning Star\n(Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:344). In the Plains the drum-lacing\nsignifies the Morning Star. Spier (_Yuman Tribes_, 165) writes: \u201c[The\nbattle leader\u2019s] song first described the morning star, \u2018big star,\u2019\nwhich in some unidentified way is connected with war. Just what was his\nfunction in battle was not ascertained.\u201d He also dreamed he saw cacti\nfighting like men.\n\n[56] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_; Sahag\u00fan, _Historia general_, 3:118;\nOrtega, _Historia del Nayarit_, 22-23; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_,\n1:367-68, 2:274-75; Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24.\n\n[57] Racing (Tarahumari, Huichol, Tamaulipas, Acaxee): Lumholtz, _Unknown\nMexico_, 1:284-85, 2:49-50; Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24;\nBeals, _The Acaxee_, 8.\n\n[58] Beals (_Comparative Ethnology_, 127, 141, 211-12) lists it for\nSouthern Mexico, Jalisco-Tepic, Southwest.\n\n[59] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:362, 2:54; Bennett and Zingg,\n_The Tarahumara_, 295. See also Wissler, _The American Indian_, 213;\n_Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:604b. In the Plains some tribes\ndifferentiated twigs and leaves as male and female.\n\n[60] The Tarahumari feast for the moon involves smoking to make clouds\n(Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:130; _Tarahumari Dances_, 441). The\nHuichol carry \u201ctamale\u201d cigarettes in their gourds and offer them to\nGrandfather Fire.\n\n[61] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 67; Beals, _Aboriginal\nSurvivals_, 32; Russell, _The Pima_, 168; Spier, _Havasupai Ethnography_,\n272; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:313; Opler, _The Influence of\nAboriginal Pattern_, _The Use of Peyote_; Sayles, _An Archaeological\nSurvey_, Table 2; Oliver, in Gatschet, _The Karankawa Indians_, 18;\nGatschet, in Swadesh, _Chitamacha Texts_; Kroeber, _The Seri_, 14, 42;\nRoberts, _Musical Areas_, 21; Paz, _Koasati Field Notes_; Bartram,\n_Travels_, 502; Speck, _Yuchi_, 61.\n\n[62] Tarahumari officials are called ig\u00fasuame, \u201cstick-bearers\u201d (Bennett\nand Zingg, _op. cit._, 375-76) but this may be an Hispanicism. However,\nAztec merchants (Sahag\u00fan) carried staffs. But so far as the peyote\nritual is concerned, the staff is not mentioned for the Cora-Huichol or\nTarahumari; and the various names for the peyote staff in the Plains\nsuggests either an indigenous or a Southwestern, not a Mexican, origin.\n\n[63] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumari_, 71, 293-94; Lumholtz, _Unknown\nMexico_, 1:366-67. The Tarahumari hunter used a notched deer-bone rasp.\nThe Cora, Mayo, and Pima, Hopi and Northern Paiute suggest a general\nUto-Aztecan occurrence of the trait, but the rasp, is also Wichita,\nHidatsa.\n\n[64] Prieto, _Historia y Estadistica_, 123-24. See the Plains section for\ndiscussion of drums.\n\n[65] A little white flower, t\u014dt\u00f3, of the wet corn-producing season\nsymbolizes corn for the Huichol and is a prayer for it, being plastered\non women\u2019s cheeks, woven in girdles, etc. (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_,\n229-30). The Tamaulipecan rite celebrates the harvest and deer-hunting as\nwell as war; the Tepehuane all-night rite with a mimicry of deer-hunting\nends with a feast on the first \u201ctoasted corn\u201d of the season (Lumholtz,\n1:479). Acaxee corn toasted on the ear was the usual food on war-parties\n(Beals, 10). Concerning the standardized parched-corn in sugar-water of\nthe Plains, note that the Aztec made offerings of toasted corn (sometimes\nwith honey), and to the culture-hero Opuchtli offered mumuchtli \u201ca sort\nof corn which when toasted opens up and shows the white marrow [popcorn]\nforming a very white flower. They said this represented hail, which is\nattributed to the water gods.\u201d (Sahag\u00fan, _A History of Ancient Mexico_,\n1:36, 40, 87.)\n\n[66] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 138, 295; Lumholtz, _Unknown\nMexico_, 1:357-58 (wherein all but the last named are cacti), 2:124-25\n(Tepecano). The accepted etymology of teo-nanacatl, \u201cdivine mushroom,\u201d\nsuggests the same attitude; in the Antilles \u201camong the most prominent\nof the plants worshipped ... [are] mushrooms, pines, opuntias, zapos,\nand zeybas.\u201d (Rafinesque, cited in Bourke, _Scatological Rites_, 91; but\nRafinesque is an undependable authority). The Cherokee called casine\nyapon (the \u201cblack drink\u201d) \u201cthe beloved tree\u201d (Bartram, _Travels_, 357).\nIt is also said that in Virginia toadstools were an object of worship\nbecause of their mysterious growth (Bourke, _ibid._). In Peru coca was\nlooked on with veneration and suppliants must approach priests only with\nsome in their mouths. Compare the use and attitudes toward tobacco,\nmescal beans, datura, guarana paste, cohoba, chocolate (_Theobroma\ncacao_), aya-huasca, yah\u00e9, etc.\n\n[67] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:172-73, 207, 263 ff. The Huichol had\nhikuli-shields; curiously, Crow-Neck (Kiowa) about 1860 made a peyote\nshield according to a vision he had at Mescalero, but he threw it away\nwhen he was captured on his first fight in Mexico. The Kiowa, however,\nhad heraldic shield-societies before peyote, of which this is probably\nan aberrant example. (For the bird and arrow equation see Spier, _Yuman\nTribes_, 331, Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 2:201-202.) See also Lumholtz, _op.\ncit._, 1:313, 323-24, 371-72; _Tarahumari Dances_, 452.\n\n[68] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumari_, 294.\n\n[69] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:311, writes: \u201cWithout his shaman the\nTarahumare would feel lost, both in this life and after death. The shaman\nis his priest and physician. He performs all the ceremonies and conducts\nall the dances and feasts by which the gods are propitiated and evil is\naverted, doing all the singing, praying, and sacrificing. By this means,\nand by instructing the people what to do to make it rain, and secure\nother benefits, he maintains good terms for them with their deities, who\nare jealous of man and bear him ill-will. He is also on the alert to\nkeep those under his care from sorcery, illness, and other evil that may\nbefall them ... the Tarahumare ... keeps his doctor busy curing him, not\nonly to make his body strong to resist illness, but chiefly to ward off\nsorcery, the main source of trouble in the Indian\u2019s life.\u201d\n\n[70] Beals, _Comparative Ethnology_, 128.\n\n[71] This entire section is summarized from data collected by M. E.\nOpler. I gratefully acknowledge the courtesy and generosity of his\nlending me the article _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_ before\npublication, as well as _The Autobiography of a Chiricahua Apache_,\nand unpublished notes on Lipan, Tonkawa and Carrizo peyotism; it would\nbe difficult to establish Mexican-Plains continuities without these\ninvaluable data and the warm co\u00f6peration of Dr. Opler.\n\n[72] The Mescalero are listed neither in Shonle (_Peyote: The Giver of\nVisions_, 53-75) nor in Newberne and Burke, _Peyote_. Mescalero peyotism,\nlike Tarahumari, is on the decline.\n\n[73] The Lipan make a smoke and pray when the first plant is found; they\nare hard to find unless one eats one, then \u201ca noise like the wind\u201d comes,\nand one by one the plants appear \u201cjust like stars.\u201d Only the tops are cut\noff.\n\n[74] Though this was general in Mescalero ceremonialism, they also\ncontrolled the weather thus, found lost objects, located the enemy,\netc.; a Chiricahua prayed for health, in the name of Yuan and Child of\nthe Water. The Lipan formerly did not use it for doctoring apparently.\nThe Tonkawa, according to Mooney, performed shamanistic tricks in\npeyote meetings; and a Carrizo chief, for example, filled the tipi once\nwith down-feathers blown from his mouth, then sucked them all in save\none which he gave to a Lipan visitor. Others made a bear, turtle, and\nbuffalo, etc., appear.\n\n[75] The Lipan wash themselves with yucca or soapweed and perfume\nthemselves with mint, and use the same kind of sage in meetings as they\nwear in their hats against lightning. The Tonkawa wore G-string, leggings\nand blanket, and preferably long hair and face paint; native perfumes\nwere proper but white men\u2019s were forbidden. The Carrizo entered barefoot,\nwearing only a G-string. Some Lipan fasted the day before.\n\n[76] The Lipan leader \u201cis supposed to stop all arguments in there; he has\nto watch all the men.\u201d Unlike the Mescalero, the Lipan staff and gourd\nwere passed around clockwise (both preceding the drum); the retention of\nthese by the leader is probably an aspect of his special authority among\nthe Mescalero, since the Lipan lacked the rasp, retained by the leader,\nwhich might have been transmitted from Mexico. The Tonkawa sometimes used\na lard-can drum covered with buckskin, and passed the rattle (aberrantly)\nafter it; the leader never drummed.\n\n[77] Some shamans trace a cross of pollen on the chief peyote. The\nTonkawa use the largest one they can find, put some red paint on the top,\nand surround it with smaller buttons on a fine buckskin; they claimed to\nbe able to see far off with the aid of peyote and to detect witchcraft.\nSome Lipan like the Mescalero put peyote buttons in a circle around the\nfire pit and the chief peyote (cf. the Comanche placing of them in a sage\nhorseshoe west of the altar).\n\n[78] The Lipan fire-tender, like the Carrizo and some Mexican groups,\nmade simply a fire-pit, with no crescent altar; this form originated with\nthe Mescalero or in northwestern Mexico, not around the lower Rio Grande.\nThe Carrizo, like the Tamaulipecan, held the ceremony in the open.\n\n[79] The Lipan used peyote green or dry or pounded up in a wooden bowl,\nwhich was passed like the drum from the southeast. The Carrizo made a\npeyote \u201ctea\u201d (compare the neighboring Karankawa \u201cblack drink\u201d). The\nTonkawa used a flat basket. Among the Mescalero (also Lipan and Kiowa),\n\u201cCare was taken to keep the \u2018fuzz\u2019 from the top of the peyote button from\ncoming in contact with the eye, for it was thought to cause blindness.\u201d\n\n[80] Not all Mescalero leaders do this; oak-leaf cigarettes are usually\nused but one leader has a red stone Sioux pipe, which is passed\nclockwise. The Lipan smoke oak-leaf or corn husk cigarettes at the\nbeginning and at the end. Their eagle wing-bone whistle in peyote is\nrecent, and not all Mescalero leaders use it.\n\n[81] The Carrizo on each side of the door had a woman wearing a red\nblanket; the one at the south had hers fastened with a red flicker\nfeather, the other with a woodpecker. This non-exclusion of women is\nMexican. But the Lipan allow no women around; they may not even erect the\npeyote-tipi. The Tonkawa originally allowed no women in peyote meetings;\nbut doctoring gradually broke down this restriction.\n\n[82] \u201cThe virulence of these rivalries and attempts to harm others at\npeyote meetings led to the development of a number of protective measures\nand safeguards.\u201d For these see Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal\nPattern_.\n\n[83] In the old shamanistic curing, the shaman was the performer and the\nothers merely onlookers, but in peyotism the inevitable physiological\neffects of the drug made all present potential receivers of power, and\nshamanistic display and rivalry was correspondingly increased. This had\nnot wholly disappeared even in early Plains peyote-using groups: the\nTonkawa, Lipan, and Kiowa had shamanistic displays of power in peyote\nmeetings, and we have recorded considerable witchcraft anxiety in early\nKiowa, Comanche, Caddo, and Tonkawa meetings.\n\n[84] The reasons for this are several: a nomadic people presents few\nopportunities for the establishing of missions; the Apache were one\nof the American Indian groups last subjugated; they are notoriously\nsuspicious and unfriendly toward innovation, and recognized the alien\norigin even of peyotism; and further, the rite they received from Mexico\nhad few or no Christian elements in it. It might be suggested that the\n\u201cbaptism\u201d ceremonies in the morning or the ritual breakfast are Christian\nin origin; but this is thoroughly doubtful, since it occurs in pre-White\npeyotism (e.g., Lipan).\n\n[85] In the Plains, peyotism largely followed the Ghost Dance frustration\nof anti-White sentiment and preached conciliation instead; such Christian\nelements as were added had a largely propagandist function in this\ndirection.\n\n[86] Wagner, _Entwicklung und Verbreitung_, 74; Shonle, _Peyote: Giver of\nVisions_, 55.\n\n[87] As told, this seemed to have reference to the miraculous\nproliferation of the Biblical loaves and fishes, but it is sufficiently\nsimilar to aboriginal hunting beliefs.\n\n[88] The Comanche and others usually had a meeting on the spot, eating\ngreen peyote.\n\n[89] The Kiowa now have five Easter meetings, six on New Year\u2019s Day, four\nto six on Thanksgiving, and two or three on Armistice Day (by World War\nsoldiers and sailors). Bert Crow-lance vowed to eat a hundred if all the\nKiowa boys returned safely from the War (but this is an enormous quantity\nactually to have eaten). The Kiowa differ from other groups in having\nno funeral meetings; mourners commonly abstain for several months from\nmeetings. Meetings have been held for heyoka-like display. The Comanche\nformerly held meetings before a war journey to invoke peyote\u2019s protection\nfrom the enemy, and to prophesy the outcome of the battle.\n\n[90] \u201cA sweatbath was always undergone by warriors preparing for war ...\nand perhaps generally, before any serious or hazardous undertaking....\nSweating was important in medical practice for the cure of disease....\nSometimes the friends and relatives of the sick person ... assembled in\nthe sweathouse, sang and prayed for the patient\u2019s recovery\u201d (_Handbook of\nthe American Indians_, 2:661b). The peyote meeting and sweating present\nmany such analogies.\n\n[91] Painting is commonly dictated in visions: a Kiowa saw a red-bird\nafter a meeting once as a red-blanketed man who told him to use red paint\nthereafter. Comanche formerly went in wearing only breech-clout and\n\u201cblanket,\u201d being painted white or yellow all over the body. One Comanche\nhad an all-over body yellow with blue zigzags up the arm and down the\nside and leg, with a red zigzag paralleling this (on the outside of\nthe arm and therefore on the inside of the leg); on each cheek a small\nblue-bordered red spot, and a large three-inch red spot on the breast\nunder the throat. The Tonkawa painted the top of the fetish-plant red\nalso. Leaders often wear otter skin braid-coverings, and at certain\npoints in the ritual fur headdresses. Mescal beans as necklaces or on\nmoccasin- and gourd-fringes are common (the Kiowa wear them on their\nmoccasins as protection against stepping on menstrual blood). The\n\u201cblanket,\u201d or sheet (in the summer), is invariable.\n\n[92] Mooney (_A Kiowa Mescal Rattle_, 64-65) describes a Kiowa gourd with\nthe Peyote Woman, peyote, moon, ash crescent, and Morning-Star under her\nfeet heralding her morning approach with water.\n\n[93] The basic rite is practically free from Christian symbolism. Some\ncall the sage under the fetish a \u201ccross\u201d; some leaders make a cross\nunder the water-bucket or in the water with feathers at midnight. Mooney\nwrote that \u201cmany of the mescal eaters wear crucifixes ... the cross\nrepresenting the cross of scented leaves ... while Christ is the mescal\ngoddess.\u201d But all crosses are not necessarily Christian. See Appendix 8.\n\n[94] Older men carry real \u201cfeathers,\u201d but younger ones often bring small,\nribbed, commercial, folding ladies\u2019 fans\u2014an interesting compromise. The\nComanche n\u00e1cihita \u201cresting-stick, to walk,\u201d was formerly a bow, according\nto Hoebel, on war-party meetings, while the drum was formerly of wood.\nThe Lipan formerly used a bow, hit with a stick.\n\n[95] Following a suggestion of Dr. Wissler, I made a special note of this\nand found that the ubiquitous satchel is as much a \u201ctrait\u201d of the peyote\nleader\u2019s paraphernalia as his staff or gourd or feathers.\n\n[96] The Kiowa moon is crescent-shaped, the Comanche horseshoe-shaped\u2014a\nsignificant point in tracing provenience of altars in other tribes. Some\nComanche garland the entire west side of the altar with sage, in which\nthe fetish rests. In war the Comanche used a shield as an altar. A cement\nmoon made by a Choctaw adopted by the Kiowa was an innovation much in\ndisfavor, as was a Seminole altar made among the Caddo; the symbolical\ninterior of the latter was removed to make a simple crescent. Indeed,\nmany Caddo are moving away from the John Wilson symbolic cement moon.\n\n[97] Cf. the Huichol \u201cpillow\u201d for Grandfather Fire.\n\n[98] Belo Kozad\u2019s (Kiowa) father peyote had been Quanah Parker\u2019s\n(Comanche) and was handed around after the meeting almost as an heirloom.\nMumsika (Comanche) still preserves a famous peyote button of Kutubi\u2019s\n(Hoebel). Howard White Wolf (Comanche) has a peyote he addresses as\n\u201colder brother\u201d since it had cured him as a baby. Clyde Koko (Kiowa) quit\npeyote one Christmas night and gave Charley two father peyotes to take\nback to Laredo and plant with smoke and prayer; uncertain, the latter\nbrought them back to find Koko had completely changed his mind: \u201cI never\nmade such a mistake in my life. If you\u2019d done that it sure would have\nruined me. I\u2019ve learned a lesson!\u201d\n\n[99] \u201cThe neophyte is constantly exhorted not to allow his eyes to\nwander, but to keep them fixed upon the sacred mescal in the center of\nthe circle.\u201d (Mooney, _The Mescal Plant_, 11). Changing the cross-legged\nposition too often, leaning backward on one elbow or the like to rest is\nconsidered frivolous, indicating lack of seriousness. One may leave the\nmeeting at any time with permission, but it is best to try to wait till\nafter midnight, unless there is the emergency of nausea from peyote. In\nleaving and entering the leader is always consulted to see if the path\nto one\u2019s seat is \u201cclear,\u201d i.e., that no one is eating peyote or smoking;\nas smoking or eating peyote is conceptually praying, it is extremely bad\nmanners to pass between a person doing either and the altar fire, hence\nthe need for instruction from the leader. This is old Plains etiquette\n(_Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:442b). Thus, to avoid his having\nto pass before smokers, the brand might be passed backwards to the\nfireman; his movements in tending the fire never entail passing before\nanyone, and the feather given him by the leader symbolizes delegation\nof power to enter or leave as necessary for wood. But no one may pass\nbetween him and his seat while tending the fire.\n\n[100] Corn shucks are standard, but Comanche and Shawnee sometimes use\nblack-jack oak-leaves (just so the materials are native). Interestingly,\nthe elbow pipe is never used in the Plains, but at Mescalero a pipe was\nused instead of the usual Southwestern cigarette\u2014a case of reverse or\nreciprocal borrowing.\n\n[101] There are many individualized modes of eating peyote. Hoebel\ndescribes a Comanche way: chew into a ball, spit into palm of hand, rub\nin clockwise circle, swallow bolus. On the war-path one spits in his\nhands again and rubs his head and ears, the better to hear. Belo said\nhe once ate a button when each person sang. Kiowa often make several\nclockwise motions of buttons toward the fire before eating, to prevent\nnausea, or hold the palms out toward it and rub themselves. One may\nrequest another to chew peyote for him if he has bad teeth or is sick,\nand swallow the bolus so prepared. The number of buttons eaten ranges\nfrom four to about thirty.\n\n[102] Mooney (_Miscellaneous Notes_) mentions an odorous root from New\nMexico, but is unclear about its use; cedar incense was universal in the\nwriter\u2019s experience. The sage may be passed around also; some chew, eat\nit.\n\n[103] Cf. the whisk of sage used in sweat-bathing; in view of other\nparallels, this otherwise functionless item in the peyote meeting should\nnot be overlooked.\n\n[104] This is the first of four sets of four songs each, sung at stated\ntimes in the ritual; the others are: Y\u00e1hiyano (midnight water song),\nWakah\u00f3 (daylight song for morning water) and Gayatina (Closing Song). All\nare Esikwita (Mescalero); all end with a fast unrhythmical shaking of the\ngourd. The two Kiowa groups s\u0119\u012fho\u1e47 (Peyote Road) and Goiho\u1e47 (Kiowa Road)\ndiffer in that in the former only the initial song of each group is set,\nin the latter all songs of all four groups are set.\n\n[105] There are specific and detailed rules about passing the\nparaphernalia. Ordinarily, save in the case of the leader and his\nassistant at the opening song, etc., the paraphernalia (here the staff)\nnever move counter-clockwise. The drum always passes inside the staff,\ni.e., proximally, the staff at arm\u2019s length in the left hand, the drum\nbeing passed under it with the right, when for any reason this occurs.\nThe symbolism of this is perhaps obvious. A man may not be the singer\nmore than once in a round, but he may be successively drummer, singer and\ndrummer. (Though the staff may not go backward, the drum may, and in this\ncase A receiving the staff, passes the drum with his right hand under\nhis outstretched left, from the man on his right to the man on his left,\nB. A then sings to B\u2019s drumming; the staff is then passed forward from A\nto B, and the drum exchanged or passed backward from B to A, this time A\ndrumming and B singing. Still going clockwise, the staff may be passed\nfrom B to C, and the drum from A to B, C singing this time and B drumming\na second time.)\n\n[106] At the east door the drum may be passed as stated to the second man\nso that the first man south of the door gets a chance to sing (because\nthe fireman is too far away to drum for him) then an exchange and normal\npassing again, staff first. If a person right of the singer is old, sick,\na woman or a visitor, he may request a friend to drum for him of the\nleader; the friend moves clockwise and sits by him temporarily. Women\nneither drum nor rattle nor sing (but like other participants they tend\nto sing softly favorite songs or the universally known set songs). Men\ntry to make their four songs different from those previously sung, but\nfavorites may be repeated.\n\n[107] Kutubi (Comanche) in a war-party peyote meeting once visioned that\nthey would be killed, and wept and upbraided peyote for doing this. H. H.\n(Wichita) during a meeting wept with total unrestraint for his brother\nand nephew, who had been hurt in an auto accident.\n\n[108] The Kiowa sometimes make a humming-bird of the ashes (a prominent\nKiowa family is called Hummingbird); cf. the Comanche, Oto, Shawnee,\nYuchi and (?) Ute ash-birds.\n\n[109] Peyote Road cultists: one fixed song, three optional; Kiowa Road:\nfour fixed songs. The words of the standard song are unintelligible. Many\ntribes use their own language for these set songs (e.g., one Winnebago\ngroup). The schism in the Kiowa, if such it may be called, is excessively\nminor and communicants of one are freely welcomed in the other; though it\npurports (probably wrongly) to be the original and more pure rite, the\nKiowa Road (led by Atape) is felt to be an uncalled-for variant.\n\n[110] Mooney (_The Mescal Plant_, 8) writes: \u201cAt midnight a vessel of\nwater is passed around, and each takes a drink and sprinkles a few drops\nupon his head.\u201d We believe Mooney has slipped into error here, for this\n\u201cbaptismal\u201d ceremony comes in the morning when the contents of the drum,\nnot the bucket, are used. Non-Kiowa data likewise agree on this point.\nAccording to Mooney, the leader drinks first among the Comanche. The\nCaddo drink no water at this time: \u201cOne must suffer to peyote.\u201d Such\nabstemiousness with a thirst-producing substance like peyote suggests\nthe psychological flavor of the vision quest. Note that Anhalonium means\n\u201cwithout salt.\u201d \u201cIf there is suffering, this is the time. That\u2019s the\nreason I took a good rest so I could stand it. Many a time I have fallen\nover at this time. The hour of the Crucifixion. Everyone is suffering now\n... the dark hour\u201d (Simmons, in _Peyote Road_).\n\n[111] \u201cThe four whistles at midnight by the leader outside the tipi are\nto notify all things in all directions that they were having a meeting\nthere at the center of the cross ... calling the great power to be with\nus while we were drinking so that it could hear our prayers and bless us\u201d\n(Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_).\n\n[112] Others may be incensed when they re\u00ebnter too, and everyone holds\nout his fan for the blessing. If a communicant is smoking when another\nre\u00ebnters, it is good manners to place the cigarette on the ground\ntemporarily that he may pass in front of him.\n\n[113] There is a suggestion that this woman, usually the wife of the\nsponsor, symbolizes s\u0119\u012fm\u0105yi or \u201cPeyote Woman\u201d; the Morning Star heralds\nher approach (see Mooney, _A Kiowa Mescal Rattle_).\n\n[114] Doctoring is second only to the vision for individual knowledge\nand power in the Plains. Kiowa peyote doctors have special prestige\namong other tribes. In 1936 I sponsored a Kiowa meeting near Stecker,\nOklahoma, for Belo Kozad to doctor Ernest Kokome who was suffering\nfrom tuberculosis. (Ernest had given me his trade-blanket beaded\npeyote-necktie in 1935 on the morning after a meeting at which I had\nadmired it.) After midnight, Belo chewed four peyote and gave them to\nErnest, fanning him with feathers and cedar incense; then he made a\ncross in front of the patient with a glowing coal, and, putting it in\nhis mouth, blew all over the face and chest of the sick young man, who\nunbuttoned his shirt for the purpose. Next Belo fanned or batted him with\nhis feathers, the patient holding up his palms to absorb the medicine\nvirtue. Finally he took a mouthful of water and blew it on Ernest\u2019s head,\npraying and beseeching in the name of Jesus Christ for him to get well.\nPeyote gave Belo the power to doctor thus and not be burned by the coal.\n\nPeyote was brought to the Creek, indeed, for doctoring by Jim Aton\n(a famous Kiowa peyote doctor). Much in demand, he has doctored in\npeyote meetings of the Yuchi, Shawnee, Kickapoo, Creek, Caddo, Osage,\nComanche, Kiowa Apache, Kiowa, Mescalero Apache and Quapaw; also whites\nand Mexicans. His methods of doctoring have been described previously.\nThe well-known Comanche peyote doctor, Jim Post-oak, \u201chollers like a\nbear in doctoring.\u201d (People often imitate the animal-sources of their\npower in the morning, in the midst of others\u2019 singing, either from\npeyote-\u201ceuphoria\u201d or in praise of particularly good singing.) Peyote\ndoctoring by Old Man Horse (Kiowa) influenced the Oto rite of the Church\nof the First-born too. Peyote can perform cures unassisted outside\nmeetings also, as shown by the case of Tommy Cat who ate peyote over the\nprotests of his nurse in a hospital and was cured.\n\n[115] Polonian obviousness is usually the note in these harangues (sit up\nstraight and keep awake in meetings, wear clean clothes and bathe before\ncoming, wear a blanket, keep your mind on good things in the ceremony,\ndon\u2019t look around the tipi, don\u2019t drink whiskey, don\u2019t lie to your wife\nor show off, but pray for your wife and children, respect old people,\nhumble yourself, go home again if you come to a crowded meeting)\u2014but\noccasionally specific admonitions are made. A Kiowa jokester, J. S., had\nhad trouble with his wife, and was plainly talked to in meeting. Quanah\nParker used to lecture young people in the morning. Long prayers are\nanother means of making psychological transactions. Some tribes make\nindividual public confessions at this time.\n\n[116] Mooney, _The Mescal Plant_, 8.\n\n[117] Some rattle the marbles of the drum, put them in the mouth and\nspit them into the palm. Members commonly \u201cbaptize\u201d themselves with the\ndrum-water, using the drumstick to moisten the palm and rubbing the\nhair, face, chest, arms and thighs as in blessing with cedar incense;\nsome paint themselves with the charcoal in the drum. The remaining water\nin the drum is poured along the moon. The sage under the peyote may be\npassed to the patient, if there is one, or it may be requested for absent\nailing relatives.\n\n[118] Sometimes the stories have a moral point; the following was told\nby O. W. (Comanche) to E. R. (Delaware): the leader of a Wichita Easter\nmeeting had a fine watch, costing from $150 to $200. At daylight, before\nwater time, wanting to display it, he put it down by the feathers. A man\nto the north was singing and making vigorous punches toward the peyote.\nWhen he looked at his watch later, \u201cit was just a mess of works in there\nloose, and the hands dropped off,\u201d though nobody had touched it. \u201cIt\ndon\u2019t pay to go in there and then try to show off.\u201d\n\n[119] \u201cThe first shall be last and the last shall be first.\u201d Hoebel says\nthe Comanche fire-chief takes one step outside, turns completely around\nonce, and continues his way, the others exiting in a straight fashion.\nCf. the Huichol turns.\n\n[120] A Comanche told me a Kiowa ate a lot of peyote once and tried to\nsing a Comanche song. He sang the wrong words, which meant \u201cMentula\nexposita est, Mentula exposita est!\u201d (Cf. the Oto jokes about songs.)\nA typical experience of Belo Kozad involves the hearing of a new\npeyote song, psychological anxiety, a moral, and an explanation about\npower-getting: A peyote song, without words, once came to him in a\nvision. He seemed to be in the south, in soft grass. In the distance he\nsaw a man, whom he followed. He did not know it, but this man represented\nTemptation. Belo followed the man, who was leading him off somewhere.\nSuddenly the man kicked backwards with his foot [a familiar folkloristic\nelement] and went on. When Belo approached he found apples there; he\nrefused to take one. Further on the man kicked back with his other foot.\nThis time Belo found dollar bills and playing cards; these he refused\ntoo. A third time he found pictures of beautiful girls in various poses,\nbut he withstood temptation. Finally he came to the top of a hill, over\nthe brow of which the man had disappeared ahead of him. Then he heard the\nman talk to him from behind: \u201cThe apples, the cards, and the pictures all\nmeant temptation. You have withstood them all. Upon the top of this hill\nyou will find good fortune if you take this peyote.\u201d Belo went up and saw\nthere a terrible chasm, crossed by a bridge of a single tipi pole. The\nman said that the pole had to be crossed with four steps; if he did this\nhe would have great curing power. The man danced forward and backward\nacross the pole to show Belo, singing this song the while. But Belo was\nafraid to cross the chasm and turned back thus not acquiring the curing\npower.\n\n[121] Indeed, among some groups like the Caddo, doctoring is expressly\nabsent.\n\n[122] In Mescalero, too, \u201cprophecy and advice were no small part of the\nperformance. It was rarely that his power did not vouchsafe the shaman\nsome reassuring information concerning the longevity of his patient, the\nnumber of grandchildren with which he would be blessed, and the future\nstate of his fortunes.\u201d They also controlled the weather thus, found lost\nobjects, located the enemy, etc., but doctoring was the main feature of\nMescalero peyote meetings.\n\n[123] Shonle (_Peyote: Giver of Visions_, 57) notes that peyote was\nlatterly a reservation phenomenon, when tribal enmities were gone. The\nGhost Dance had been anti-White; peyotism was a compromise, and the\nfriendly intertribal contacts growing out of the Ghost Dance could now be\nexploited.\n\n[124] Cf. Tamaulipecan rites and the black-drink ball-game of the\nSoutheast. (The black drink was as nearby as the Karankawa.) The\nSouthwest-Southeast connections are more than superficial; Beals\n(_Comparative Ethnology_, 142) believes there is a probable connection of\nSouthwest-Mexican alcoholic drinks with the Southeastern black drink.\n\n[125] Curiously the cigarette of the region farther west is universal in\nthe intrusive Plains peyote rite, while at Mescalero the stone elbow pipe\nis passed around in the calumet fashion of the Plains in one leader\u2019s\nceremony.\n\n[126] Is this a culture-environmental problem?\u2014for the same substance\nwhich was spectacularly aphrodisiac in Lame Deer, Montana, was stubbornly\nanaphrodisiac in Philadelphia. Unfortunately for the accusing school\nof thought, Bennett and Zingg\u2019s trait-distribution tables indicate a\nnegative association of sexual promiscuity and the ritual use of peyote\nin Mexico.\n\n[127] Opler says that \u201cin no other Mescalero ceremony is a mound of earth\nin the shape of a crescent found. On the other hand, crude earth tracings\ndid grace a Mescalero rite occasionally, and the moon was much in\nevidence in ritual song and design. The staff of the peyote shaman seems\nan innovation at first thought; yet it has a counterpart in the \u2018old\nage stick\u2019 held by the singer in the girl\u2019s puberty rite.\u201d The gourd in\nMescalero has exclusively peyote associations. On the whole, the standard\nPlains ceremony appears to have taken shape among the Lipan-Mescalero.\nBut Curtis (_North American Indian_ 19:199-200) says that the White\nMountain Apache were the first United States users and that \u201cthe ritual\n[in the United States] is obviously copied from the Wichita ceremonial\nform.\u201d\n\n\n\n\nCOMPARATIVE STUDY OF PLAINS PEYOTISM\n\n\nWe have now compared the basic Plains rite with that of Mexico and the\ntransitional Lipan-Mescalero. Yet an independent development of this\nbasic rite in the Plains and a multiform flowering of the cult there,\ninfluenced by older cultural concepts of a different nature, necessitates\na discussion of more minute variants within the region. In other words,\nwe have determined in the previous section the major variations of the\npeyote ceremony as aboriginally constituted, and now trace the fate of\nthe cult as it invaded a different cultural terrain and came under the\ninfluence of other culture patterns, including the Christian.[1]\n\n_Trip for Peyote._ A typical nine-day trip was made by the Cheyenne\nin 1914 from Watonga, Oklahoma, to Laredo, Texas. Ten \u201cpeyote boys\u201d\ncontributed the total cost of $61.85, and several suitcases full\nof buttons were brought back (about 1,400 each); these were bought\nfrom a White dealer in Laredo.[2] Another time a Southern Cheyenne,\nthen President of the Native American Church, brought back a special\ntrailer full of peyote from Romer, Texas. The northern Plains tribes\nmake infrequent pilgrimages for the plant, depending largely upon\nsupplies shipped from Texas or bought from Indians nearer the source.\nOne Wichita leader sold 40 acres of land to buy a car in which to make\na trip to Mousquis, his fourth or fifth such trip in about ten years.\nAn early Comanche party going for peyote in the Apache region had much\nthe character of a war journey; as described by Hoebel it involved a\nclairvoyant discovery of the enemy, prophecy of the outcome, and a\nhorse-raid. Typically, however, the Kickapoo \u201cchip in\u201d money for peyote\npilgrimages, and precede this with prayers for the safe-keeping of the\ntravellers.\n\n_Rite at Site._ The Lipan[3] say that\n\n peyote is pretty hard to find when you are looking for it ...\n a person who is not used to it doesn\u2019t recognize it though he\n is in the middle of a whole clump of peyote. Once he sees one,\n another appears and so on until they all come out just like\n stars. If you are having a hard time finding them you do this:\n when you find just one by itself you eat it. When it takes\n effect, when you get a little dizzy, you will hear a noise like\n the wind from a certain direction. Go over there ... from the\n place where the noise is coming you will get many peyote plants.\n\nMrs. Voegelin[4] reports an interesting Shawnee concept:\n\n You can get power by visiting the peyote patch in Texas, and\n telling it at evening that you want help to cure people and get\n medicine. You sprinkle tobacco there. The next morning, when\n the Morning Star comes up, the person goes to the patch where\n he put the tobacco and when he comes close he hears a rattler\n rattling. If he has nerve enough to go over there, likely\n he does not find a snake there, but just something to scare\n him. If he does find a snake there, he grabs the rattlesnake\n (which is coiled up on top of the medicine) and takes it off\n and then he picks one peyote button from that place. Then he\n goes to another bunch and picks another button.... Perhaps at\n the fourth spot where he picks his fourth button, the snake\n is there again and he must remove it.... Jim Clark related\n this defying of a rattlesnake to the obtaining of another very\n powerful herb in the old days.[5]\n\nThe typical Plains gathering ceremony has been described to the writer\nfor the Kiowa, Wichita, and Kickapoo: one sits west of the first peyote\nfound and makes a smoke-prayer before orienting the plant with a thorn or\nmark that it may be properly used as a \u201cfather peyote\u201d later; this first\nplant shows the gatherer where to find more.\n\n_Vowing of Meetings._ Spier has traced the pattern of \u201cvowing\u201d the Sun\nDance in the Plains and it is interesting to note the persistence of\nthis trait in the peyote ceremony. It is particularly a pattern of the\nAlgonquian-speaking peoples; but we have recorded it for the Kiowa and\nWichita as well as the Shawnee, Kickapoo, and Northern Cheyenne.[6]\n\n_Time of Meetings._ Peyote meetings are generally held Saturday nights\nso that the forenoon of the following Sunday may be spent relaxing and\ntalking under a \u201cshade\u201d; but the Comanche and Seminole sometimes set\ntheirs for Sunday night, following the White pattern for religious\nmeetings.[7] The Caddo, Tonkawa and Lipan often had four meetings on\nsuccessive nights, particularly for sick persons; the Caddo sometimes\nmark four birthdays with meetings a year apart. Holiday meetings on\nEaster, New Year\u2019s, Thanksgiving and Christmas are common; an Arapaho\nmeeting was once held with a Christmas tree. Many tribes like the\nNorthern Cheyenne drink tea outside meetings, when practising songs or\n\u201cto sharpen one\u2019s mind\u201d when solving some particularly knotty personal\nproblem, but some groups maintain that it is forbidden to use peyote\noutside meetings, for it would be useless then, even for doctoring.\nThe frequency of meetings throughout the year would be difficult to\nascertain, though there is no seasonal restriction as in Mexico; perhaps\none or two meetings a month in each tribe might be an average number when\nthe whole year is considered.\n\n_Purpose._ Doctoring of the sick is the commonest reason given for\ncalling a meeting; but though infrequently expressed as an official\nmotive, the vision-producing physiological effect of peyote is probably\nthe major reason. However, so various are the stated purposes of\nmeetings, that one is led to conclude that when a man wishes to have one,\nhe ordinarily finds little difficulty in discovering a reason for it. A\nLipan Apache said,\n\n In the early days they just had a good time for one night. It\n was not used as a curing ceremony then.... At first they wanted\n to have good visions, that\u2019s what they were after. But then,\n recently, they began to use it as a medicine for sick people.[8]\n\nThe Kickapoo and Caddo do not doctor in meetings; the latter pray for the\nsick, however, and commonly have four meetings in close succession for\nthis purpose, as well as on the first four anniversaries of a child\u2019s\nbirth or a man\u2019s death.\n\nThe primary reason for Northern Cheyenne meetings is social, with\ndoctoring second; they knew of meetings held for rain, but despite\nprolonged droughts in their region never made them themselves. Comanche\nformerly held meetings to exercise clairvoyance about the enemies\u2019\nposition, to obtain protection from them[9] and to ascertain by prophecy\nthe outcome of battle; like the Mescalero they also held meetings to\ndivine and combat sorcery, and one meeting was held to celebrate the\nsurveying of their lands. Delaware meetings were for the welfare of the\ncommunity in general, to show hospitality to visiting friends and to mark\nthe first four anniversaries of a death.[10] Kickapoo hold meetings to\nobtain rain, in consolation for a death, to name a child[11] and for a\ndead person.[12]\n\nMescalero ate peyote to locate the enemy, to find lost objects and to\nforetell the future as well as for curing.[13] The Osage have funeral\nmeetings, and meetings to \u201csee the face of Jesus\u201d or the faces of their\ndead relatives;[14] the Oto say they can see the deceased in meetings\ntoo. In the Oto Church of the First-born, Jonathan Koshiway baptized,\nmarried, and conducted funerals; the Pawnee have no funeral meetings but\ncelebrate birthdays, New Year\u2019s Eve, Christmas and Easter.[15]\n\nA typical Ponca meeting attended at White Eagle was to doctor a sick\nchild with peyote tea. Another, a Shawnee meeting at McCloud, had been\nvowed if the soldiers\u2019 bonus legislation passed Congress. One Shawnee\nheld meetings for his eldest daughter yearly for thirteen years;\nsometimes they hold purely social meetings and for health and doctoring,\nbut not for rain. Wichita, on the other hand, set up meetings to pray for\nrain and good crops, on anniversaries, and for doctoring; and a Wichita\n\u201cbonus\u201d meeting was held in 1936. Prophecy has been present in Wichita\nmeetings also. The Winnebago[16] have death-consolation meetings,\ndeath-anniversary meetings and meetings to doctor the sick. At Taos[17]\nmeetings are for curing, or simply when \u201csomeone thinks they ought to\nhave a peyote meeting.\u201d\n\n_Participants._ The Carrizo had two women by the door to bring water\ninto the meeting, but the Lipan permitted no women to be present or even\nerect the tipi. In the early days the Kiowa, Comanche, Tonkawa, Sauk,\nand Oto prohibited women from attending, and only old men used peyote,\nbut forty or fifty years ago women started coming in to be doctored and\ngradually came in for other reasons, though they could not use the ritual\nparaphernalia; under no circumstances may a menstruant woman enter.[18]\nThe restriction against women appears to apply only to groups who early\nhad peyote, when it still had much of the flavor of a warriors\u2019 society\nabout it; for example, the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Ponca, Kickapoo, Mescalero,\nShawnee, Taos and Wichita apparently always allowed women to attend.[19]\nIn the Iowa meeting the women formed the outer of two concentric circles,\nthe men the inner, and the former were allowed only two buttons.[20]\nWomen never use eagle feather fans.\n\nSome tribes, like the Caddo, still have a strong objection to the\npresence of White men in meetings, but other groups do not object to\nWhite men as such.[21] A number of tribes have a bias against the\nattendance of Negroes, but this is not the case at least with the Kiowa,\nWichita, and Kickapoo.[22]\n\n_Visiting._ All Indians, however, of whatever tribe, are welcome in the\nmeetings of all other tribes.[23] For example, at a Shawnee leader\u2019s\nmeeting at McCloud there were 12 Kickapoo, 6 Shawnee, 3 Caddo, 2 Kiowa, 2\nWhites, a Wichita, a Seminole, a Sauk-and-Fox, an Oto, a Potawatomi and\na Negro\u2014a not untypical aggregate.[24] Individual users visit around a\ngreat deal in trying to \u201clearn about peyote\u201d; an old Kickapoo user had\nbeen in meetings of the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Caddo, Delaware, Wichita,\nApache, Kiowa, Osage, Yuchi, Sauk-and-Fox, Oto, Iowa, Shawnee, Comanche,\nPawnee and Ponca. Indeed, the very origin legend of peyote indicates a\nperiod of beginning intertribal contacts, and peyotism in later days\nbecame the specific vehicle of intertribal friendships, when mutual\nwarfare disappeared.\n\n_Place of Meeting._ The typical place of meeting for the Plains, as well\nas Taos, Mescalero, and Lipan, is the tipi. The Arapaho-Winnebago peyote\ntipi has twelve poles, symbolizing the earth.[25] The Pawnee have special\npainted tipis for peyote, as in the Ghost Dance; and, like the Pawnee,\nthe Wichita and Winnebago dismantle the tipi immediately at the end of a\nmeeting.[26] The Osage, Quapaw, Omaha, Northern Winnebago and others[27]\nhave special peyote churches, or \u201cround houses\u201d (really polygonal), and\nmany, like the Taos, hold winter meetings in the home of some member.\n\nBut meetings were held elsewhere too in the past. The Carrizo had\nmeetings in the open within a circle of sticks. The first Kiowa meetings\ntook place within a circle of upright poles with canvas stretched around\nit, open to the sky; Comanche also used simple wind-breaks as do even now\nthe Northern Cheyenne, who sometimes also hold the ceremony on a hill-top\nin the open.[28] The Caddo have held meetings in a canvas-covered\nsubconical \u201cstick house\u201d holding over forty people in two rows; and\nthe Bannock of Idaho, on account of opposition to peyotism, have held\nmeetings in backwoods log-houses\u2014in short, the holding of the meeting in\na tipi, while common and typical, is not ritually required.\n\n_Bathing._ The Lipan customarily washed their hair in yucca suds before\na meeting, and perfumed themselves with mint. In the Plains and at\nMescalero they take a sweatbath or a bath with water; the Arapaho[29]\nplunge once against the current and once with it, then rub themselves\nwith teaxuwine\u207f or waxuwahan and other scented plants. The Osage build a\nsweat lodge as an integral part of their church, in a direct line east of\nit. A man in Hominy specializes in giving Osage old-style sweat baths,\nbut some of them somewhat ostentatiously travel to Claremore, a hundred\nmiles away, to take \u201cradium baths\u201d before meetings.\n\n_Painting._ Face and body painting is recorded for the Arapaho, Comanche,\nDelaware, Kiowa, Oto, Shawnee, Tonkawa, Wichita and Winnebago, yellow\nbeing the commonest color used by the Arapaho and Comanche.[30] A Kiowa\nstory tells of the acquiring of an individual paint design in a vision\nof a red bird which turned into a man. The Tonkawa even painted the fuzz\non the top of the fetish peyote red, according to Opler. Painted stripes\nsymbolize for the Wichita the extent of one\u2019s experience with peyote: a\nbeginner paints the part of the hair yellow and puts one blue line on his\nface, adding up to four finally: \u201cHe\u2019s supposed to know something then.\u201d\nBoth men and women painted for Winnebago meetings.[31]\n\n_Clothing and Headdress._ Formerly native dress was prescribed for Plains\npeyote meetings, and even now a blanket (in summer a folded sheet)\namong male communicants and a shawl among female is common\u2014to symbolize\naffiliation with \u201cblanket Indians.\u201d Younger men, otherwise in ordinary\nWhite dress, often wear a \u201cpeyote-necktie\u201d made of an old-fashioned\ntrade blanket, beaded, and with the selvage-stripes as a design; soft\nneckerchiefs drawn through rings with \u201cwater-bird\u201d and \u201cMorning-Star\u201d\ndesigns are also common. The Arapaho[32] water woman wears a symbolically\npainted buckskin dress; men wear special wrist-bands and headdresses of\nyellow hammer and woodpecker feathers. Carrizo men wore only a loincloth\nin meetings, not even moccasins; the women attendants wore red blankets,\nthe one to the north with woodpecker feathers and the one to the south\nwith a red flicker feather.[33] Iowa wear Kiowa-Comanche style leggings,\nthe thongs of which are knotted with \u201cred medicine\u201d or mescal beans.[34]\n\nA turban or head-scarf has been observed among the Delaware, Shawnee,\nKickapoo, Wichita and Winnebago,[35] but the otter-skin cap of the Kiowa\nand Winnebago is optional. At Taos the variant dress of the \u201cpeyote boys\u201d\nhas become a symbol of the strife of the old and the new. The young men\nwho use peyote cut out the seats of their trousers, thus converting them\ninto a G-string and leggings and necessitating a blanket, and let their\nhair grow in Plains fashion.[36] Among older Osage men the \u201croached\u201d\nstyle of scalp lock was formerly still in vogue, but the younger men who\nhave adopted the peyote religion wear their hair long, parted and braided\non each side with ribbons and yarn.[37] Among the Winnebago, on the other\nhand, the progressivism of the peyote cult demands that long hair be\ncut, and Crashing Thunder discovered that it was a \u201cshame to wear long\nhair.\u201d[38]\n\n_Ritual Restrictions._ Salt may not be eaten on the day that peyote is\nconsumed among the Huichol, Tarahumari, Arapaho, Comanche, Kickapoo,\nWichita, etc.; the distributional gaps are more likely gaps in our\ninformation than lack of the taboo, which is probably universal at\nleast among the early Plains users of peyote.[39] It is also considered\nhygienically if not ethically unwise to use peyote in connection with\nalcoholic drinks; indeed, many insist that the former cures addiction to\nthe latter. The Arapaho[40] did not bring sharp instruments into a peyote\nmeeting, a taboo elsewhere unreported.\n\n_Officials._ The \u201croad chief\u201d is the most important individual in a\nmeeting. Kroeber writes of the Arapaho leader in a manner which might\napply to any Plains leader:[41]\n\n The leader of each ceremony is sole director of it. He may\n ... base [his ceremony] partly on visions during previous\n ceremonies. In other cases, he follows ceremonies that he\n has participated in, changing or adding details to suit his\n personal ideas. No two ceremonies conducted by different\n individuals are therefore exactly alike; but the general course\n of all is quite similar.\n\nWe do not agree with Petrullo that the leader is a mere \u201cfigurehead.\u201d\nIndeed, as we shall see later, the variation in ceremonies is a function\nof leadership far more than of tribal affiliation. The leader has full\nauthority to change the ceremony in any way he wishes, and his permission\nmust be asked and secured even in such little matters as leaving the tipi\ntemporarily; even the fireman, his chief assistant, constantly consults\nwith him and receives directions.[42]\n\nIn fact, peyote leadership is a matter bringing much prestige, and in\nthese days is a major means of advancement among one\u2019s fellows. John\nRave, Albert Hensley, Jonathan Koshiway, Quanah Parker and John Wilson\nfind parallels to a less degree in all peyote leaders, and rare is the\nman who does not seize the opportunity presented by his authority to\nintroduce some change, however trifling, into the ceremony.[43] Each\ntribe has a limited number of recognized peyote leaders which can be\nnamed. The Shawnee, for example, have nine only and the Pawnee have only\neight recognized leaders in a population of eight hundred. In the case\nof the Osage the number of leaders is further limited by the number of\npermanent \u201cchurches\u201d available; Murphy lists eighteen \u201cEast Moons\u201d on the\nreservation and three \u201cWest Moons.\u201d\n\nOriginally the officials in a peyote meeting appear to have been limited\nto the \u201croad-chief,\u201d drummer, and \u201cfire-chief.\u201d[44] The \u201ccedar-chief\u201d\nis a later development. Among the Winnebago the leader, drummer and\ncedar-man symbolize respectively the Father, the Son and the Holy\nGhost, and the leader gives the drummer his staff even as God delegated\nauthority to Jesus.[45] In the Quapaw \u201cBig Moon\u201d the officials number\neight: three firemen north of the door (required since every person must\nbe fanned with feathers every time he re\u00ebnters the tipi), the leader,\ndrummer and cedar-man west of the altar, and in addition \u201cone good man\u201d\nat each arm of the altar-crucifix cross-piece.\n\n_Economics._ On the basis of 13,300 peyote users in 1922 (and the number\nhas since substantially increased) in the United States alone, it is\nclear that the cult is of economic significance in a number of ways. The\nprice of peyote from dealers in Laredo, who supply most of the northern\nPlains and Great Basin users, is from $2.50 to $5.00 a thousand buttons;\nit is said that \u201cthe inhabitants of the small town of Nuevo Laredo,\non the Mexican side of the Rio Grande, derive their livelihood almost\nexclusively from the peyote trade.\u201d Schultes estimates $20,000 as the\nannual commercial transactions involved north of the Rio Grande.[46]\n\nThe Tarahumari used to combine their peyote journeys with trading and\nother commercial transactions, but the trip was otherwise profitable\nsince peyote itself commanded a good price; Lumholtz says one plant cost\na sheep at one time in Tarahumariland, and he himself was asked $10 for\na dozen plants.[47] The Huichol sold part of their harvest sometimes to\nnon-pilgrims.[48]\n\nIn the Plains the sponsor usually meets the expense of a meeting himself,\nbut some groups like the Oto pass around a vessel in the morning for a\n\u201cfree-will offering.\u201d At Taos the peyote chief bears the expense, though\nothers may make contributions to help defray the cost. The chief expense\nat Tarahumari, as elsewhere, is the sacrificial beef. The total cost of\na meeting varies considerably, according to the number of persons fed\nat the secular meal the next day. Meetings that Mooney attended in 1918\ncost $15, $58 (including a beef costing $35), and $80 respectively, but\nthese amounts seem excessive. The writer has sponsored an average meeting\ncosting only about $15, and Hoebel has supplied \u201cgroceries\u201d for meetings\nat from $6 to $10 only.[49]\n\nConsidering their importance and authority, it is not surprising that\nthe peyote chiefs come in for some financial recompense. The Tarahumari\npeyotero was given a quarter of the slaughtered beef, and one peyote\ndoctor at Nar\u00e1rachic made his entire living by peyote cures. Several\nKiowa doctors nearly or completely match this. A Sioux doctor at Taos was\ngiven a silk dress of the patient\u2019s wife, a belt and $5 cash. Indeed,\none of the complaints against Wilson, the Caddo-Delaware peyote messiah,\nwas that he over-exploited the financial opportunities afforded by\npeyote leadership.[50] Victor Griffin (Quapaw) claims to be the only man\nauthorized by Wilson to make Big Moons, and for the building of a small\nQuapaw \u201cround house\u201d near Miami, Oklahoma, he and his assistant, Charles\nTyner (Quapaw) received $750. There was and is considerable exchanging\nof gifts in connection with peyote meetings and intertribal visiting;\nfeathers, drum sticks, etc. are common gifts, as well as \u201cfather peyotes\u201d\nwhich have become heirlooms.[51]\n\n_Amount of Peyote Eaten._ The minimum number of buttons eaten by each\nparticipant is usually four. Several persons claim to have eaten 75 to\n100 or more, but the average is nearer a third or a fourth of this.[52]\nPersonal observations tend to confirm Mooney\u2019s estimate of 12 to 20 as a\nnight\u2019s average consumption; he said that 90 was the most any Kiowa had\never eaten, and he believed this was possible since the individual was\npowerfully built\u2014although that number would amount to about a pound and\na half. This may be so, but one is skeptical of alleged consumptions of\nmore than 30 or 40 average-sized buttons in the dry form. For the green\nform we should set the maximum at considerably fewer, perhaps 15 or 20\ngood-sized plants, which even so is a liberal estimate. About 300 each\nwas the average for two Winnebago meetings, and assuming an ordinary\ngroup of 20 communicants this amounts to only 15 buttons apiece. We\nshould call this a fair estimate of the average for beginners and old\nusers combined in a meeting; before accepting larger estimates it should\nbe recalled that there is a certain prestige in eating and retaining\nlarge amounts of peyote, a fact which may color statements somewhat.\nPeyote is also consumed as tea, especially by the old and the sick; in\none case 24 discs made 15 cups of tea, and in another 30 made 2 quarts of\nthe infusion. A pneumonia patient drank the latter, one cupful every two\nhours, to induce perspiration deemed necessary for his cure.\n\n_Peyote Paraphernalia in General._ Typical Plains peyote paraphernalia\nincludes minimally the leader\u2019s satchel, gourd rattle, water drum, drum\nstick, staff, feathers, eagle wing-bone whistle, corn shucks and loose\ntobacco, bags for peyote and cedar incense, altar cloth, sage, water\nbucket and ritual-breakfast containers. The rasp is not used by the\nLipan or Mescalero or in the Plains, and the whistle is recent for the\ntwo former. The Lipan previously used a bow struck with a stick in place\nof the later one-sided tambourine drum; the kettle drum, from Mexico,\nis still more recent.[53] Mescalero shamans sometimes added the use of\npollen, which they used to trace a cross on the father peyote, and like\nthe Tonkawa, occasionally served the peyote on woven trays instead of\nin bags. Taos paraphernalia is standard Plains in type. A common color\nfor Arapaho peyote objects is yellow; Skinner thought the bead-work on\nIowa gourds and magpie feather fans indicated a Kiowa or Kiowa-Apache\nprovenience. Among the Delaware and others each devotee has his own gourd\nrattle, but this (like personal drum sticks and feathers) may not be used\nuntil after midnight.[54]\n\n_Staff._ From ancient times, and possibly before Columbus, the cane or\nstaff was a symbol of authority in Mexico,[55] and for this reason we\nshould hesitate before labeling this feature of peyote an Hispanicism.\nAgain, Opler equates the staff of the Mescalero shaman (which he holds\nthroughout the ceremony, not passing it around with the drum) with the\n\u201cold age stick\u201d held by the singer in the aboriginal girl\u2019s puberty rite.\n\nSimilar syncretism with older patterns seems to have occurred also in the\nPlains. The Comanche used a bow for a staff when holding peyote meetings\non the war path, but the term naci-h\u03b9ta means literally \u201cresting stick-to\nwalk,\u201d according to White Wolf. In the Iowa Red Bean war bundle ceremony,\nthe rattle was held in the left hand [sic] while the bow and arrow were\nwaved in the right as the person sang. The Delaware call the leader\u2019s\nstaff \u201carrow,\u201d and so also do the Osage, Quapaw and Oto; the Ponca,\non the other hand, call it a \u201cbow.\u201d The Kiowa suggest that a bow was\nformerly used, but the term \u1d05o\u2019\u1d05\u0119\u2071\u00e4 means \u201cbrace-to hold-stick\u201d; it must\nbe of bois d\u2019arc (_Maclura pomifera_ C. K. Schneider), however, and some\nare nocked at the top and bottom like a bow. The Lipan \u201ccane\u201d was called\nilkibenatsi\u00b4e or \u201cram-rod.\u201d[56]\n\nThe Shawnee, according to Mrs. Voegelin, called the peyote staff the\nwalking stick of the old, but the red tassel at the top symbolized the\nheaddress worn with a single feather at the war dance. The t\u2019owayennem\u00f6\nof Taos was held in the left hand \u201cfor the strength of life,\u201d and the red\nand white horse-hair tufts encircling the top (so Dr. White was told)\nwere there \u201cbecause the White man is above the Indian.\u201d A Delaware staff\nwhich Dr. Speck saw contained designs representing a tipi, water, the\ndoor of the lodge, the blue sky and fire, symbolized by the colors of the\nbead-work.\n\nReinterpretations of the meaning of the staff are common. A Wichita\ncalled it the \u201cstaff of life.\u201d The Iowa staff represents the staff of the\nSaviour, while the Winnebago variously interpret it as a shepherd\u2019s crook\nand the rod with which Moses smote the rock (in obvious reference to the\nleader\u2019s calling for water in the ceremony). Differences in the staff\nhave even come to symbolize a schism in the Winnebago church: that used\nby Rave was decorated, as elsewhere in the Plains, but Clay used a simple\nundecorated staff, lacking even feathers, calling attention to the fact\nthat Moses staff was undecorated.[57]\n\n_Gourd Rattles_. Rattles made of gourds (_Lagenaria_ spp.) have become\nuniversal in the Plains since the spread of peyotism; but the Iowa had a\nsmall gourd rattle with beaded handle in their Red Bean war bundle dance,\nand the peripheral-Plains distribution of this trait in pre-peyote times\nhas been traced elsewhere. Some groups (Delaware, Osage, Ute, etc.) have\nindividual rattles for each participant.[58] A large one seen at Apache,\nOklahoma, made by Spotted Crow (Cheyenne) had drawn on it a moon with a\nfire and a Morning Star in negative, together with the following \u201cJesus\ntalk:\u201d[59]\n\n Help me O Lord\n My God O save me\n According to thy Mercy\n O God my heart is\n fixed. I will sing\n And give praise\n Even with my glory.\n\nA Wichita gourd was said by one informant to represent the world or sun;\nthe beads are \u201cpeople talking\u201d and the bead-work in general is \u201cthings on\nthe earth,\u201d while the horse-hair tuft dyed red on the top represents the\nrays of the rising sun. A Delaware gourd of Dr. Speck\u2019s has bead-work on\nits handle symbolizing morning (blue), fire (red) and a row of X X X\u2019s\n(the songs sun).[60]\n\n_Drum._ The standard peyote drum, already described for the Kiowa, made\nof a small iron kettle with seven bosses in the lacing, is found also\namong the Arapaho, Comanche, Iowa, Cheyenne, Lipan, Pawnee, Ute, Shawnee,\nKickapoo, etc.[61] The Kickapoo say the seven marbles represent the days\nof the week, just as the twelve eagle feathers of the fan symbolize the\ntwelve months of the year; the four coals which are dropped into the\nwater of the drum are lightning, the water rain and the drumming itself\nthunder.[62]\n\nIn drumming, the vessel is given an occasional shake to wet the head\nwith the contained water, and the left thumb is used to test the tone\nand tighten the head: sometimes too the head is sucked or blown upon, so\nthat the water is forced to ooze through the skin. The Ponca, however,\ndo not permit the drum head to be touched\u2014\u201cpeyote makes the sound, not\nthe hand,\u201d[63] they say\u2014and hence make a handle of the lacing-rope\ntwisted upon itself. Old Man Sack (Caddo) also forbade blowing on\nthe drum, \u201ceven when it cups up and sounds like a tin can,\u201d a Kiowa\npeyote-boy said; in the stricter Caddo moons no water is drunk until the\ndrum has made four rounds, with the result that some of their meetings\nconsequently last well into the forenoon of the next day\u2014a genuine\nordeal according to informants. Among the Iowa, and possibly also in\nsome Caddo Delaware \u201cBig Moons\u201d the drum chief accompanies the drum\naround the circle, drumming for each singer. The Jesse Clay style of\ndrumming among the Winnebago, described by Densmore, is common among the\nsouthern tribes: a rapid unaccented beating before the beginning of the\nsinging, gradually slackening to match the speed of the voice. Another\nmannerism may be noted at the end of each song, when the rattle is shaken\nunrhythmically as fast as possible during the last few bars of the song,\nthen suddenly stopped with the last drum beat.[64] The water drum is\ntypically Southeastern in distribution, but its presence in the Plains\npeyote cult must be accounted another Southwestern feature, inasmuch as\nit was standardized and diffused over the Plains before Southeastern\ngroups in Oklahoma received peyote and hence could have introduced the\ntrait into it.[65]\n\n_Feathers._ Feathers are important in peyote symbolism. In the original\nComanche rite only the leader brought in a medicine fan with him; \u201cnow\nmany young men bring them who have no special business to.\u201d Skinner wrote\nthat eagle feathers were \u201cbadges of the society\u201d among peyote-using Iowa;\nwomen were never allowed to use eagle feathers in meetings, however.\nYounger Oto men carry modern ribbed folding-fans, older ones commonly an\nentire wing. The individual fans of the Northern Cheyenne, as elsewhere,\nare not produced until the full effects of the peyote come on, some time\nafter midnight. The eagle feather fans of the Winnebago represent the\nwings of birds mentioned in Revelations, while the Kickapoo state that\nthe twelve feathers of the eagle fan symbolize the twelve months of the\nyear; twelve is a common Delaware ritual number also.[66]\n\nThe Arapaho hang bunches of feathers on the northeast, northwest,\nsoutheast and southwest tipi poles to brush off the bodies of tired\nworshippers. The Mescalero use eagle feathers as a spoon to feed their\nfirst peyote to neophytes. The Winnebago, like other tribes, pass a\nfeather around with the staff in its circuit. The Kiowa, Ponca and others\nuse feathers in the water rites: the former make a cross in the midnight\nwater with the feathers of all present, held in a bunch, while the latter\nplace a single feather across the top of the bucket and whistle along\nthe feather. The use of feathers among the Ponca, where cedar incensing\nis not a strong trait, is especially conspicuous: a feather is passed\nto the fireman as a symbol of authority, allowing him to leave the tipi\nwithout express permission each time from the \u201croad-man,\u201d and there is\na \u201cbaptism\u201d with feathers in the water ceremonies too. The vanes of\nPonca feathers are often notched. The red blankets of the two Carrizo\nwomen helpers were fastened with a woodpecker and a flicker feather\nrespectively.[67]\n\nFeathers are common in visions too. A Kiowa envisaged his barred\nhawk-feathers as a ladder rising through the smoke hole of the tipi\nto heaven, like a Jacob\u2019s Ladder, and another time as rippling water.\nFeathers are commonly arranged and cut, colored and tufted, etc., in\naccordance with visions seen during meetings.[68] Jonathan Koshiway\n(Oto) had assembled a favorite fan from individual gift feathers, each\nof which had a different history\u2014one from an old Osage woman who wished\nfor him her long life, two from Hunting-horse (Kiowa), and the like. An\ninteresting development in the Big Moon ceremony is the ritual necessity\nfor each person to be fanned at the fire by the fireman or others every\ntime he re-enters the tipi. This trait is Delaware, Caddo, Osage and\nQuapaw[69] in distribution, the latter having two special \u201cguards\u201d at\nthe north and south arms of the altar cross who are charged with fanning\neach entrant; ordinary incensing with cedar has been reported even among\nthe Ute and is probably universal in peyotism. Perhaps with the same\npurpose in mind, protection from dangerous influences, the Mescalero\ntakes an eagle feather from either side of the door as he makes his exit,\nreturning as soon as possible.[70]\n\n_Birds._ We have already noted the importance of birds in Huichol and\nTarahumari peyote symbolism, and are to discover that they are equally\nsignificant in the Plains. Here the \u201cwater-bird\u201d somewhat ambiguously\nsuggests a bird that lives in the water or the bird involved with the\nwhistling for the midnight water. Arapaho songs refer to peyote and the\nbirds which are its messengers, and sparrow hawk, yellow hammer and other\nwoodpecker feathers are common in their meetings. When the fireman goes\nto get the water he carries an eagle wing, and the whistling which he\nmakes is said to imitate the cry of a bird in search of water (the end of\nthe eagle wing-bone whistle is finally dipped into the water bucket, as\nthough it were the bird drinking).[71]\n\nThe Comanche peyote bird is the \u201csun-eagle,\u201d said to be just under\nthe rising morning sun; \u201cComanches always mention that bird in their\nmeeting.\u201d This bird, the k\u02b7ina-\u00f3hap (literally, \u201ceagle-yellow\u201d), which is\nrepresented in the shaped ashes west of the peyote fire, \u201cflashes like\nthe sun; ... water bird feathers are used just because they are pretty.\u201d\nIn this connection it is interesting to recall the Tarahumari place name\nCouw\u00e1pig\u00f3chi, \u201cplace of the wapig\u00f3ri,\u201d from the name of a fishing bird,\n\u201ca cross between an eagle and a hawk, with feet like an eagle,\u201d which\nthe Mexicans call aquillala, and the brilliantly colored macao and other\nbirds belonging to the Huichol \u201cGrandfather Fire.\u201d[72]\n\nThe Kiowa represent their \u201cwater-bird\u201d on peyote tie-slides as a\nlong-necked bird like a kingfisher or crane; these have been traded all\nover the Plains. If a Kiowa peyote-user sees an eagle in a vision, he\nthereafter carries his eagle-feather fan in his left hand as a sign of\nthis.[73] The peyote bird is prominent in symbolic Kiowa paintings also.\nJonathan Koshiway, the Oto peyote teacher, said:\n\n The peyote spirit is like a little humming bird. When you are\n quiet and nothing is disturbing it, it will come to a flower\n and get the sweet flavor. But if it is disturbed, it goes quick.\n\nHence the admonitions to sit quietly in meetings and \u201cstudy\u201d to see if\nyou can \u201cmaybe learn something.\u201d Tom Panther, a Shawnee leader, called\nthe ash-bird\n\n a holy bird; it drinks as well as we do of the holy water\n [_i.e._ some of the ritual water is poured on the ash-figure in\n the morning] and it gets alive a little when people drink, and\n from then on is lively until morning.\n\nThe martin is said to be the Shawnee peyote bird, as indicated perhaps\nin the \u201cscissors-tail\u201d shape of some ashes. A Mexican who had long lived\nwith the Wichita had an interesting vision during the water-ceremonies\nof an Arapaho meeting, when he saw a white feather of the leader \u201cturn\ninto Christ and boss the bald-eagle feather of the fireman around.\u201d The\nassociation of birds with peyotism, therefore, appears to be universal in\nthe Plains and Mexico alike.\n\n_Fetish Peyote._ Peyote is the only plant toward which the Kiowa and\nother typical non-agricultural Plains tribes have a religious attitude\nand from which they can get \u201cpower.\u201d Yet the fetishistic attitude as\na psychological phenomenon is not unknown in the Plains of pre-peyote\ntimes; the Kiowa taime or Sun Dance image and the \u201cTen-Medicine\u201d bundles\nhave widespread parallels in the Plains\u2014the Cheyenne fetish-arrows\nand sacred heart, the Iowa red bean war-bundles, and the ubiquitous\nmedicine-bundles of which the Blackfoot are a type.[74] The Arapaho wore\nthe fetish-plant in an amulet pouch covered with beads, and when placed\non the altar a head-plume was sometimes put nearby. The Cheyenne also\ncarry exceptionally large specimens in beaded buckskin cases,[75]\n\n the bead-work being in the form of a star to represent the sun\n [?] and the case being suspended from his neck by four strands\n of beads \u201cto represent the four thoughts that lead to peyote.\u201d\n\nA Wichita informant carried a peyote button with him to France in the\nlate War, and the fetish miraculously escaped detection during the\nsterilizing of uniforms; it protected him until he could return to\ncollect his soldier\u2019s bonus in 1936, when a special meeting was held to\nthank peyote for these boons.\n\nSome Shawnee call the hogim\u00e1 or \u201cpeyote chief\u201d the messenger between\nhumans and God; others call it the \u201cinterpreter\u201d or the Holy\nGhost. Crashing Thunder addressed the most holy peyote medicine as\n\u201cgrandfather,\u201d but the usual designation of the fetish is \u201cpeyote chief\u201d\nor \u201cfather peyote.\u201d While Wolf (Comanche) called it \u201celder brother\u201d\nbecause as a child one specific plant had protected him during an illness.\n\nThe Winnebago are evidently influenced by an older tribal pattern in\ntheir use of two sacred peyotes, one \u201cmale\u201d and the other \u201cfemale.\u201d John\nWilson in an early Caddo meeting near Fort Cobb, Oklahoma, \u201cbefore the\ncountry opened,\u201d placed three peyote buttons on the moon (symbolizing the\nTrinity of leaders?); his drummer saw one of these turn into a person he\nhad known in life. The Lipan usually had only one hucdjiya\u00b4isia, or \u201cbig\npeyote lying,\u201d but sometimes put buttons in a circle around the fire pit,\nsomewhat like the Comanche who placed them in the sage crescent west of\nthe fire.[76]\n\nThe Osage, with their usual flair for ostentation, place the \u201cchief\npeyote\u201d \u201cwithin the marked outline of a heart and set upon a beaded\ncylinder support,\u201d according to Dr. Speck. Iowa father peyotes are\nnotable for their size. The Tonkawa sometimes painted the fuzz on the\nplant red, as though it were a person. The Taos addressed the peyote\nchief as \u201cFather Ear,\u201d probably carrying over to peyote a common Pueblo\nfetishistic attitude toward corn. Lipan and Mescalero father peyotes\nwere an active ally of the shaman leading the meeting, as any attempt at\nwitchcraft would \u201cshow\u201d on it and inform him of something amiss.[77]\n\nSome individuals particularly cherish and prize their \u201cfather peyotes.\u201d\nA well-known Wichita leader showed the writer his private collection of\nthem one forenoon after a meeting.[78] Some famous \u201cpeyote chiefs\u201d are\nalmost heirlooms. Belo Kozad, a prominent Kiowa peyote leader, has one\nwhich once belonged to the famous Comanche chieftain, Quanah Parker. This\nwas passed around at the end of the meeting and handled with the utmost\nreverence.[79]\n\n_Bible._ Peyote-users have also taken over the typical Protestant\nfetishism of the Bible, but this Christian element in peyote meetings\nis confined exclusively to Siouan-speaking groups. Radin states\ncategorically that \u201cthe use of the Bible is an entirely new element\nintroduced by the Winnebago,\u201d but there is good reason to believe that\nHensley borrowed this trait from more southerly Oklahoma groups which he\nvisited in the early days of Winnebago peyotism. The Omaha placing of\nan open Bible near the father peyote may indeed have been influenced by\nthe Winnebago (who put the peyote directly on the open book), and so too\nthe Iowa, but the Oto use of the Bible in the Church of the First-born\nprobably preceded it in Oklahoma, where, indeed, John Wilson\u2019s Big Moon\ncult embodied Christian elements. Further, the reading of the Bible is a\nfeature of the Rave rite only, not of the Clay version, a more aboriginal\nform.[80]\n\nThe Winnebago use the New Testament, especially Revelations. Hensley used\nto have the singing stop at intervals, so that the younger educated men\nmight translate and interpret portions for non-reading members. For some\nindividuals at least, the Bible was the touchstone of behavior:\n\n Then we went home [says Crashing Thunder] and they showed me a\n passage in the Bible where it said that it was a shame for any\n man to wear long hair. I looked at the passage. I was not a\n man learned in books, but I wanted to give them the impression\n that I knew how to read so I told them to cut my hair. I was\n still wearing it long at the time. After my hair was cut I took\n out a lot of medicines, many small bundles of them. These and\n my shorn hair I gave to my brother-in-law. Then I cried and\n my brother-in-law also cried. He thanked me, told me that I\n understood and that I had done well.\n\nAnother time, in a peyote vision, his body deserted Crashing Thunder and\nturned the leaves of the Bible until it came to Matthew 16 and read[81]\nthat \u201cPeter did not give himself up\u201d; this meant that the peyote was\ntroubling him because he was stubborn and would not acquiesce to its\npower.[82]\n\nThe Bible was also used to support rationalizations after the fact:[83]\n\n At first our meetings were started without following any rule\n laid down by the Bible, but afterwards we found a very good\n reason for holding our meetings at night. We searched the Bible\n and asked many ministers for any evidence of Christ\u2019s ever\n having held any meetings in the day-time but we could find\n nothing to that effect. We did, however, find evidence that he\n had been out all night in prayer. As it is our desire to follow\n as closely as we can in the footsteps of Christ, we hold our\n meetings at night.\n\nThe Bible is said to mention peyote in several places:\n\n And they shall eat the flesh in that night, roast with fire,\n and unleavened bread; and with bitter herbs they shall eat it\n (Exodus 12.8).\n\n And this day shall be unto you for a memorial; and ye shall\n keep it as a feast by an ordinance forever (Exodus 12.14).\n\nMrs. Voegelin cites a Shawnee belief in a Bible reference to peyote, but\nit is somewhat ambiguous and obscure.[84]\n\n_Altars or \u201cMoons.\u201d_ Peyote altars range in complexity from the simple\nwar-shield of a Comanche war-party leader on which the peyote was laid,\nto the elaborate permanent symbolic concrete altars in the Big Moon\nround-house churches. All the Plains variants are built on the standard\ncrescent altar, grooved from tip to tip by the \u201cpeyote road\u201d which\ndevotees must follow to a knowledge of peyote.[85] Interpretations of the\nmoon symbolism are almost as numerous as individual users; for, given\nthe physiological effects of peyote and the acceptance in Plains culture\nof the individual vision \u201cauthority,\u201d standardized meanings are not to\nbe expected. One Shawnee, for instance, said the mound represented the\nmountain of the origin story where \u201cPeyote Woman\u201d first found peyote;\nanother that the place of the peyote on the moon represented the space\nbetween Jesus Christ\u2019s eyes, just over the brain, and the arms of the\ncrescent his arms as he lay face downward on the cross: \u201cIf we eat the\npeyote which is on his brain, maybe it will make us think too.\u201d\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 4. Peyote altars or moons. a, Basic Caddo-Delaware\nmoon with a mound at the east of the cross; b, the Caddo Big Moon altar;\nc, Enoch Hoag (Caddo) moon, as drawn by Elijah Reynolds (probably the\nsame as Petrullo, Plate 5 B).]\n\nAgain, given these factors and the nature of peyote leadership, it is\nnot surprising to find variations run riot; sometimes even the same\nleader does not conduct two meetings exactly alike, or construct the moon\nprecisely the same (changing the ashes, etc.) Three Osage leaders, for\nexample, change the tribal altar by simply turning everything through\n180\u00b0 to make a \u201cWest Moon.\u201d John Elcare (Delaware) is said to have a\nunique \u201cfish moon,\u201d north of the fire and facing east, which he feeds\nand gives to drink. The Omaha[86] dug a heart-shaped fireplace eight to\ntwelve inches deep to represent the heart of Jesus. We were unable to\ndiscover the exact nature of Leonard Taylor\u2019s (Cheyenne) \u201cHeart Moon,\u201d\nno longer conducted, but it appears rather to resemble a Winnebago altar\nfigured by Densmore: a heart superimposed on a cross in the fireplace,\nunder the fire, with a small mound to the east representing the earth.\n\nThis mound opposite and to the east of the crescent appears to be of\nCaddoan origin.[87] Jimmy Hunter\u2019s moon shows this in perhaps its\nearliest, and certainly its simplest form: a line joining the mound and\nthe center of the crescent, with another crossing this from horn to\nhorn of the crescent. Bob Dunlap\u2019s moon has a further minor addition, a\nheart at the juncture of the crossed lines. The moon of Ernest Spybuck,\npictured in Harrington, is Shawnee rather than Delaware-Caddo, but shows\ndefinite Big Moon influence; it is intermediate in complexity, perhaps,\nbetween the Caddoan small moons and the elaborately symbolic John Wilson\nBig Moon. The Enoch Hoag moon[88] (a favorite among the Caddo nowadays)\nshows features parallel with the Wilson moon: it has a star and a\nheart at the hair-parting or forehead of the altar \u201cface,\u201d ash mounds\nsimulating eyes, an inverted heart at the crossing of the altar-lines as\na nose, four concentric lozenges for an oracular mouth, and another heart\neast of this resembling a cleft chin; the moon itself is the figure\u2019s\nhair. Moonhead\u2019s (i.e. John Wilson\u2019s) altar similarly represents a man\u2019s\nhead, and contains the leader\u2019s initials or \u201cfoot-prints\u201d and his \u201cgrave\u201d\nalongside that of Jesus. The Black Wolf moon is another elaboration of\nthe Big Moon type.\n\nIt must not be thought, however, that the bold innovations begun by John\nWilson and others have resulted in a complete chaos of individualism.\nIt requires considerable prestige and force of personality to vision\na moon impressively enough to gain an adequate following. In recent\nyears leaders in the Native American Church have expressed themselves\nunfavorably on the growing variety and profusion of rival moons, and\nhave urged a return to the standardized simplicity of the older more\ndeeply entrenched forms. Perhaps for this reason, and personality factors\nas well, several new \u201cmoons\u201d have been considerably less than complete\nsuccesses. A case in point is that of Albert Stamp (Seminole). His design\nis not strikingly original or different from the moons of the Caddo among\nwhom he lives: he has six concentric lozenges to Hoag\u2019s four and has\nadded three concentric triangles. That is all. But his moon has not found\nacceptance, and he has dismantled his cement altar, removing the entire\ncentral symbolic portion, leaving only the crescent and simple polygonal\napron.[89]\n\nThis is only a single instance of a general movement back to more \u201cpure\u201d\noriginal forms, stimulated perhaps by the standardizing influence of\nthe Native American Church. This sentiment has had its effect even\nupon followers of the Wilson Big Moon rite, which is apparently dying\nout among the Caddo-Delaware (though still strong among the Osage and\nQuapaw), in favor of the \u201cmore Caddo\u201d Hoag moon. If a generalization\nmight be made about the influence of the three tribes most important\nin the diffusion of Plains peyotism\u2014the Kiowa, the Comanche and the\nCaddo (who because of their southerly position first received the new\nreligion)[90]\u2014we might call the Kiowa the original standardizers and\nteachers, who have departed only in the most minute ways from earlier\nforms; the Comanche the proselytizers and missionaries of the new\nreligion; and the Caddo[91] the innovators.\n\n_Fire._ Nowhere is the kind of wood for the fire ritually prescribed.\nMulberry, slippery elm, cottonwood and black jack are said not to be good\nbecause they pop and give off sparks, tending to scatter the carefully\npiled-up ashes. Red bud, which gives off much light and little heat,\nis a favorite for summer use, while box alder is considered good for\nwinter. But \u201cGrandfather Fire\u201d (as the Delaware, Winnebago, Kickapoo and\nShawnee address it) is built in a ritually prescribed way, like the angle\nof a worm-fence with the apex to the west. The Shawnee say the first\nfour sticks represent tipi poles. The ritual number of peyotism, seven,\nappears in the number of sticks prescribed for the Northern Cheyenne and\nTaos.[92]\n\nThe fire stick at a Kickapoo-Shawnee meeting attended near McCloud,\nOklahoma, was elaborately carved with a crescent, a bird, a father peyote\non a rosette, the word \u201cChrist\u201d and crossed sticks.[93] The Caddo say\nthis fire stick is the \u201cheart,\u201d while the twelve interlacing sticks of\nthe fire are the \u201cribs\u201d and the two ash mounds the \u201clungs\u201d of Jesus; in\nsome Caddo moons two fireman put sticks on alternately.[94] The Wilson\nmoon of the Quapaw and Delaware has three firemen who sit by the door\nto fan entrants. The Arapaho[95] leader chooses his hict\u00e4n\u00e4\u207ftc\u00e4 or\n\u201cfire chief\u201d by silently pointing an eagle wing-feather at him, which\nthe latter uses as a fan during the ceremony; the feather of the Ponca\nfireman is a symbol of authority. The ceremonial fire as a trait is\nMexican, Southwestern, Southeastern and southern Plains (e.g., Caddo\nand Hasinai), but as involved in peyotism it is a Mexican-Southwestern\nborrowing rather than Southeastern.[96]\n\n_Ashes._ An interesting feature, remotely suggesting the Southwest,\nis the building up of the ashes of the peyote fire into a figure. The\ncommonest form is a crescent, smaller than and parallel to the crescent\nof the earthen moon, which is nearly universal in the Plains. At an early\ndate the Comanche began making the ashes into the shape of a \u201csun eagle\u201d\nand the Kiowa into a \u201chumming-bird.\u201d The Shawnee and Kickapoo call it\na \u201cwater bird\u201d; one Shawnee leader occasionally makes buffalo heads. A\nPawnee leader, Good Sun, makes an \u201ceagle\u201d in the ashes. Jonathan Koshiway\n(Oto) says the bird is \u201cthe holy spirit when Jesus was baptized; it\u2019s got\ngood eyes like an eagle\u2014you can\u2019t fool it.\u201d[97]\n\nThe separation of the ashes into two piles in the Big Moon rite comes in\nfor similarly varying interpretations. A Delaware informant said that\non one\u2019s journey in life toward the peyote \u201cif you\u2019re the right kind of\nfellow you can pass the fire and everything opens up\u201d like the Red Sea.\nSome say the two ash piles are the lungs of Jesus; others that one is the\ngrave of John Wilson and the other the grave of Jesus Christ. Some Osage\nsay the whole interior of the altar represents a grave.\n\n_Smoking._ Most of the variations in this ceremony are rather minor.\nIn some groups like the Kiowa only the leader or an older man prays;\nin others like the Oto all pray aloud at the same time with individual\nprayers. The Kickapoo ask permission of the leader to make a smoke\nprayer. The Caddo stop the singing while a prayer is going on, but this\nis not universal elsewhere. The rule not to pass a smoker or a person\nchewing peyote appears everywhere, save in the Wilson rite; in this only\nthe leader smoked, and \u201cshow-offs\u201d who made requests for tobacco were\nfrowned upon. This descriptive fact is minuscule in importance, save in\npointing out the authority of the leader and personality traits of Wilson\nhimself. The original ceremony, as indicated by the Lipan, was a communal\nsmoke at the beginning. The Osage are said to smoke cigars in their\npeyote meetings, but the usual insistence is on native materials, the\ncorn shuck or, occasionally, the oak leaf cigarette.[98]\n\nIn view of the nearly universal ritual use of tobacco in the Americas,\nthe negative cases which occur are interesting. This is traceable to the\ninfluence of White Protestantism of the \u201cRussellite\u201d sect in Kansas upon\nthe founder of the Church of the First-born, Jonathan Koshiway. Persuaded\nby the Kiowa, however, Koshiway and the Oto later abandoned this\nprohibition, but meanwhile it had spread to other groups. The Iowa[99]\n\u201cthrew away\u201d smoking along with liquor, and did not smoke in peyote\nmeetings. The conjectured Oto origin of Winnebago peyotism is seemingly\nconfirmed by their rejection of smoking in the Jesse Clay meetings:[100]\n\n My elder brother [says Crashing Thunder upon conversion to\n peyote] hereafter I shall only regard Earthmaker as holy. I\n will make no more offerings of tobacco. I will not use any more\n tobacco. I will not smoke, nor will I chew tobacco. I have no\n further interest in these things.\n\nThe non-use of tobacco in peyote meetings appears to be Pawnee[101] as\nwell. Nowadays, as though in compensation for his earlier defection from\nthe pure native rite, Koshiway uses extraordinarily long six-inch corn\nshucks.\n\n_Sage._ Sagebrush is used in several ways in peyote meetings: around the\nperiphery of the tipi as a seat, in a cross or rosette under the father\npeyote on the altar, and in the perfuming ceremony before eating peyote,\nwhen it is rubbed between the palms, smelled and rubbed over the head\nand arms, body and legs.[102] Sometimes a bunch of sage tied together is\npassed around with the singing-staff also.[103] Dr. Parsons says that at\nTaos[104] the perfuming is done \u201cto keep the smell of it [on us] so we\nwon\u2019t feel weak or dizzy\u201d; and as a similar protective function of sage\nis reported by Opler for the Lipan and the \u201cSun Dance weed\u201d by Mrs. Cooke\nfor the Ute, it is evidently widespread. The Ute sometimes place a willow\nrope around the tipi, about four feet in from its circumference.\n\n_Passing of Objects._ The standard clockwise circuit of tobacco,\nsage, peyote, paraphernalia, water, food and persons has already been\ndescribed. This trivial ritual has nevertheless been made the vehicle of\nexpression of the leader\u2019s authority to change it. Sometimes the circuit\nbegins at the door (Lipan), sometimes at the leader or cedar chief\n(Iowa), and elsewhere smokes may begin at the leader but food and water\nat the southeast.[105] In the morning after the untying of the drum the\nritual paraphernalia and the father peyote are commonly passed around for\nparticipants to handle (Kickapoo, Kiowa, Ponca, etc.) The Ponca make a\npoint of passing the water between the fire and the paraphernalia at the\naltar-cloth in the midnight ceremony.\n\nThe obsessive, involutional quality of ritualism is nowhere better\nillustrated than in the minutiae of these rules for passing. We\nhave particularized for the Kiowa the standard modes of passing\nparaphernalia,[106] but even experienced \u201cpeyote boys\u201d are in need of\ninstruction concerning the \u201cway\u201d of an unfamiliar leader when they visit\nother tribes. The Northern Cheyenne, for example, may not pass the drum\nin his clockwise circuit to leave the tipi, save in grave emergencies\nwhen permission is asked of the leader through the fireman. One may\nnot pass a person praying or smoking or eating peyote, and must again\nconsult the leader to see if the way out is clear; there is still another\nobstacle in the fireman, for no one may exit between him and his seat\nwhile he is fixing the fire (the smoker may temporarily put his smoke on\nthe ground before him, or the fireman temporarily take his seat in these\ncases).\n\nThe Clay rite of the Winnebago has a unique method of passing objects:\nclockwise along the north from the leader to the fireman at the east,\nthen counter-clockwise back to the leader and around along the south\nto the door, and again clockwise to the leader. The Caddo meticulously\nobserve another rule in entering and leaving the tipi, as though the\ninterior were divided into north and south sides: those on the south\nenter clockwise and exit counter-clockwise, while those on the north\nenter counter-clockwise and exit clockwise.\n\nThese sometimes complicated \u201crules\u201d are not the least part of \u201clearning\nabout peyote,\u201d and the ordering of them by the leader reflects similarly\ncomplex psychological transactions among individuals. For instance, the\nsimple matter of leaving the tipi at recesses is involved in schism among\nthe Caddo. Translating the terms, they cite the full-blood Caddo, Enoch\nHoag\u2019s, as the \u201csystematic way,\u201d or \u201cpure tribal way,\u201d to which they\nare currently returning (because the leader must be consulted before\nleaving); the half-Caddo, John Wilson\u2019s, is \u201cany kind of way\u201d (because\nhe is said to have abrogated some of these rules). The Seminole, Stamp,\nattempted a compromise, allowing persons to exit without permission if\nthey observed the rules about not passing in front of a smoker or eater\nof peyote; \u201cI\u2019m right in the middle,\u201d he said. But Elijah Reynolds says,\n\u201cThe older men were skeptical. He just made it up to gain influence among\nothers. It\u2019s a kind of racial feeling there.\u201d\n\n_Praying._ Minor variations occur in this procedure too. The Cheyenne\nare said to pray at great length\u2014\u201can hour or more sometimes,\u201d a Comanche\ntold me. The Oto use cedar incense instead of tobacco when they pray.\nThe Ponca pray in unison and audibly before the meeting, seated. The\nWinnebago stand up together to pray, and the leader stands up to pray\nwith a confessant west of the altar. The Shawnee pray on getting the dirt\nfor the \u201cmoon,\u201d getting the sage, making the moon, putting a cross on it,\ncutting the corn shucks, when the food is brought in, etc. The door-man\nin Pawnee meetings makes a special prayer of dismissal. Often, as with\nthe Kiowa and Oto, the \u201ctribal priest\u201d or curator of the tribal palladium\nis asked to make an official prayer at some time in the meeting. At Taos\nthe chief prays before the line of worshippers enters inside, and all\npray inside. Murie says all the Pawnee pray after the closing song, when\nthe sun\u2019s first rays strike the altar through the opened door.[107]\n\nMrs. Voegelin gives a typical Shawnee prayer:\n\n My prayer is that of a pitiful man. And also these people here,\n visitors, I wish my creator to answer my prayer to take pity\n on those visitors. They came to my daughter\u2019s meeting for some\n good reason to learn something about my daughter\u2019s meeting. So\n each of us give blessing, and bless the water that was brought\n in this morning. So let our friendship purify it, that we might\n drink this water, to give us long life, and a better life; and\n I ask our father to bless all my children, and my wife, and all\n of us who are in this meeting tonight. I am glad my friends\n came here to help me with my prayer tonight, my daughter\u2019s\n birthday meeting, and we thank thee for this food she brought\n in, that our friends who are going to eat this food, that they\n might feel better from now on in everyday life. We ask in the\n name of Jesus, Amen. (He then cried ceremonially at the finish\n of the prayer; a few tears ran down his cheeks.)\n\nPraying in peyote meetings appears to have much of the psychological\nflavor of the old vision quest. The speaker\u2019s voice becomes louder\nas he proceeds, earnest and quavering as he sways with the fullness\nof his emotion and stretches out his hands toward the peyote and the\nfire. Sometimes his speech is wholly interrupted by uninhibited broken\nsobbing as he cries out for the pity of the supernaturals. John Rave,\nthe Winnebago teacher, said that \u201conly if you weep and repent will you\nbe able to attain knowledge.\u201d Several of the Delaware face-paintings\ncollected by Dr. Speck represent \u201ccrying for repentance.\u201d\n\n_Incense._ Cedar incense is invariably placed on the fire at the\nbeginning of the ceremony to purify the paraphernalia and to \u201cbless\u201d\nthe participants before they eat peyote. A patient or one sick from\neating peyote is incensed and fanned with an eagle wing, and incense is\nburnt for the fireman at midnight when he returns with the water, for\nthe leader on returning from the whistling ceremony outside, and for\nthe water woman in the morning. Others extend the incensing and fanning\nto every person who re-enters the tipi after a recess, and the Wilson\nrite[108] has special officials to perform this duty. Many leaders about\nmidnight provide for the cedar smoking of personally-owned feathers,\ndrum sticks, gourds, etc., and permit individuals to use their own after\nmidnight until morning in place of the equipment provided by the leader.\n\n_Method of Eating._ Peyote is most commonly eaten in the raw dried state\nas \u201cbuttons,\u201d but when obtainable, in the green form also, which is said\nto be more potent in action. Sometimes both are provided in the same\nceremony, as well as peyote \u201ctea,\u201d a dark-brown infusion made of soaked\nand boiled buttons. For the old and sick the buttons may be soaked and\nsoftened in water, or pounded dry in mortars and molded into small moist\nballs; the latter form is reported for the Arapaho, Caddo, Delaware,\nLipan, Osage and Winnebago. In chewing the dry buttons the Kiowa,\nMescalero and others take care to pick off the fuzz on the top lest it\ncause sore eyes and blindness.[109]\n\n_Singing._ The leader always sings the four sets of Esikwita or Mescalero\nApache songs as his assistant drums: Hay\u00e4tinayo (Opening Song), Y\u00e1hiyano\n(Midnight Song), Wakah\u00f3 (Daylight Song) and Gayatina (Closing Song). All\nthe other songs, sung by the participants during the rounds of the drum,\nare entirely optional. But the standard set songs are not everywhere\nused: those of the Ponca are said to be Comanche. The ritual songs of the\nPawnee are in the Pawnee language, and those of the John Rave rite are\nin Winnebago (though the followers of Jesse Clay still use the Apache\nsongs.) The circumstances of the origin of some famous songs by Quanah\nParker, John Wilson (e.g., Heyowiniho) and Enoch Hoag (e.g., Yanahiano)\nare widely known.[110]\n\nMany show Christian influence. The Iowa, for example, sing the following\nsongs with Indian vocables, but in a high-pitched style which makes the\nEnglish words nearly unrecognizable:\n\n i. Jesus\u2019 way is the only way.\n ii. Saviour Jesus is the only Saviour.\n iii. Oh, Lord, Lord, Lord! It is not everyone who says that who\n shall be saved.\n iv. I know Jesus now.\n v. You must be born again.\n\nThe closing song of the Winnebago varies; Yellowbank gave this one:\n\n This is the road that Jesus showed us to walk in.\n\nThe followers of Rave close with the Lord\u2019s prayer and a song about wings:\n\n There are many wings [repeated five times]\n It is God\u2019s will that there should be many wings.\n\nThe first of these is said to have come from the Arapaho, the second from\nIsaiah 6.2, although a New Testament explanation is offered.[111] The\nlast song of the Pawnee meeting refers to Christ.[112]\n\nOther Winnebago songs (with repetitions omitted) are as follows:\n\n God, I thank you for all you have done for me through Jesus\u2019 name.\n\n(This is an opening song, according to Yellowbank. Another opening song:)\n\n God\u2019s Son says, \u201cGet up and follow Me.\u201d Jesus said, \u201cYou shall\n enter into the kingdom of God.\u201d\n\nThe following are two morning songs:\n\n Jesus said, \u201cWhoever asks Me for water, I will give him the water of\n life.\n If I give him water he will never thirst again.\u201d\n\n The sun is coming up now. God made that light for us.\n We are living now. God made us. To God is the glory.\n\nOther peyote songs are not sung at ritually-set times:\n\n Jesus, how do we know, Jesus, how do we know [him]?\n We think about Jesus wherever we are.\n\n How did I know, How did I know Jesus?\n\n When I die I will be at the door of heaven and Jesus will take me in.\n\n God said in the beginning, \u201cLet there be light,\u201d\n He meant it for you.\n\n Son of God, have pity on us [repeat]\n Son of God, when you come again,\n Where your people (the angels) are, let us be.\n\n This is God\u2019s way [repeat]\n\n Whosoever believeth in Him will have everlasting life.\n This is God\u2019s way.\n\n We are living humbly on this earth [five times]\n Our Heavenly Father, we want everlasting life through Jesus Christ.\n We are living humbly on this earth.\n\n He is the only way, Christ is the Way of Life,\n He is the only way.[113]\n\nRadin[114] adds the following Winnebago songs:\n\n Ask God for life and he will give it to us.\n\n God created us, so pray to him.\n\n To the home of Jesus we are going, pray to him.\n\n Come ye to the road of the son of God; come ye to the road.\n\n_Midnight Ceremonies._ The whistling outside the tipi at the four\nquarters is variously rationalized. The Kickapoo say the leader\u2019s circuit\nfollows that of the singing inside, the Shawnee that he whistles at the\ncardinal points \u201con account of the four different winds.\u201d The Northern\nCheyenne, according to Hoebel, say they are following the instructions\nof their culture-hero Sweet Medicine in this, while the Comanche say the\nwhistling is to \u201cnotify all things in all directions that we are having\na meeting here in the center of the cross, and calling the great power\nto be with us while we drink so that it could hear our prayers.\u201d The\nWinnebago \u201cflute\u201d blown at this time is to \u201cannounce the birth of Christ\nto all the world\u201d; it also represents the trumpet of the Day of Judgment,\nand the leader\u2019s otter skin hat symbolizes Christ\u2019s crown of glory. Other\nWinnebago[115] say the whistling symbolizes the song of praise of the\nbirds in heaven whom God created. The Arapaho say the whistling is an\neagle\u2019s cry when it is searching for water, and imitates its coming from\na great distance until it dips its beak into the water.[116]\n\nThe midnight songs of the Pawnee are said to be for the protection of\nthe man who fetches the water. Old-time Comanche used a paunch for the\nwater, but a bucket is everywhere now used; Comanche and Iowa drinking\nbegin at the cedar chief, rather than south of the door as is usual.\nThe Ponca leader dips a feather in the water and sprinkles patients and\nthose nearby with it; and Shawnee sacrifice a cupful to the earth before\ndrinking. The Kickapoo and others drink directly from the bucket when the\nfireman brings the midnight water, but use a cup when the woman brings\nthe morning water, in graceful symbolism. Some say the woman represents\n\u201cPeyote Woman\u201d; others, like the Wichita, identify her with older native\npowers.[117]\n\nThe Lipan have no midnight water ceremony. The Hoag (Caddo) rite has\nno water ceremonies until the drum has made four rounds of the tipi,\nbut water is brought in for visitors who might call for it or provided\noutside to be drunk at recesses.[118] In Moonhead\u2019s meeting the fireman\ngets a feather from the leader on leaving and touches the peyote on his\nreturn as he is fanned and incensed with cedar.\n\n_Recess._ After the midnight water ceremony anyone can leave on\npermission of the leader when he has returned from the whistling ritual\noutside and been incensed with cedar smoke. People usually leave in\ntwos and threes, as the meeting continues, but they return promptly\nsince others may wish to go out. The Pawnee are apparently unique in\ntheir midnight recess: after the water ceremony all leave for a ten to\ntwenty-five minute period, the paraphernalia meanwhile resting on the\naltar cloth.\n\n_Doctoring._ Doctoring in peyote meetings (save those of the Kickapoo,\nCaddo and possibly the Osage)[119] is of prime importance, and in a\nmajority of cases is the expressed purpose of calling a meeting. The\nsupposed therapeutic virtues of peyote, or in the less technological\nview, its \u201cpower,\u201d have been important in the history of the cult. Quanah\nParker, the great Comanche proselytizer of peyote, at first opposed to\nit, was cured of a stomach ailment in 1884 and became one of the most\nenthusiastic proponents of the herb. Peyote doctoring has been the\noccasion many times of the spread of peyotism from tribe to tribe (e.g.,\nthe Kiowa bringing it to the Creek). Kiowa doctoring was also probably\ninfluential in modifying the Church of the First-born on Koshiway\u2019s visit\nin their country, and in bringing it into the fold of the Native American\nChurch.\n\nThe motives for the spread of peyotism in the Plains could perhaps be\nequally divided between doctoring and power-seeking, but the dichotomy\nis somewhat artificial in terms of native ideologies: indeed, the chief\n\u201cpower\u201d one gets in meetings is for doctoring.[120] Winnebago attitudes\nrecorded by Radin[121] find parallels elsewhere:\n\n The first and foremost virtue predicated by Rave for the peyote\n was its curative power. He gives a number of instances in which\n hopeless venereal diseases and consumption were cured by its\n use; and this to the present day is the first thing one hears\n about it. In the early days of the peyote cult it appears that\n Rave relied principally for new converts upon the knowledge\n of this great curative virtue of the peyote.... Along this\n line lay unquestionably its appeal for the first converts. Its\n spread was due to a large number of interacting factors. One\n informant claims that there was little religion connected with\n it at first, and that people drank the peyote on account of its\n peculiar effects.\n\nDensmore[122] says that prayer during Winnebago peyote doctoring \u201care\npetitions to God for the recovery of the sick person, not affirmations of\nhis recovery.\u201d\n\nOpler quotes a Lipan informant on doctoring:[123]\n\n In the early days they just had a good time for one night.\n It was not used as a curing ceremony then.... At first they\n wanted to have good visions, that\u2019s what they were after. But\n then, recently, they began to use it as a medicine for sick\n people.... If a sick person comes in the tipi, they see what\n is the matter with him. Perhaps a witch has shot something\n into him, a bone or something like that. It is seen. Then the\n sick one rolls a cigarette and gives it to someone there who\n he thinks can cure him. Perhaps some man says, \u201cI think I can\n take that out with the help of peyote and these other men.\u201d\n So he does his ceremonial work in there and extracts what is\n bothering the patient.... He sucks it out usually with his own\n lips, not with a tube. It is nasty work right there. It might\n be dirty and full of pus. But the medicine man doesn\u2019t think of\n it in that way. To them it is just as if they were sucking nice\n juice out of something. Yet it will look terrible to others....\n All the bad things have to go into the fire and burn down to\n ashes.... Sometimes they suck out things like insects which\n have been shot into people and these things pop. Sometimes when\n they throw the evil object in the fire it blazes up blue but\n does not pop.\n\nNorthern Cheyenne and Shawnee patients sit in special places in the\npeyote tipi, as in the sweat lodge, suggesting that older patterns of\ndoctoring are involved; as we have seen, the sweat lodge is an integral\npart of the Osage peyote round-house plan. That associations of curing\nby peyote and curing in the sweat lodge lie close to the surface finds\naffirmation in an interesting Arapaho case:[124]\n\n One of the recent modifications of the peyote ceremonial\n was devised by a firm devotee, to cure a sick person. The\n originator of this new form of the worship believes himself\n to have been cured by the drug. In this ceremonial, which was\n repeated four times, the tent seems to have represented a sweat\n house, and a path led from the entrance to a fire outside, as\n before a sweat lodge. The ritual, while remaining a peyote\n ceremony, conformed more or less to the ordinary processes of\n doctoring a sick person.\n\nOne could easily over-emphasize the novelty of such a procedure,\nconsidering the widespread use of peyote in doctoring, yet even the\nCaddo, who do not doctor with peyote, often have four meetings to pray\nfor the recovery of the sick person; certainly cures by peyote do not\nrest entirely on the \u201ctechnological\u201d procedure of the patient\u2019s eating\nand drinking peyote, but others present \u201chelp\u201d by eating in the name\nof the sufferer and praying. This is not at all unlike the presence\nof relatives and others in the sweat bath praying for the patient\u2019s\nrecovery; the various uses of sage, the fire pits in some altars, and the\nritual necessity for a fire even on the hottest summer nights further\nsuggest sweat bath parallels.[125]\n\nPeyote is a panacea in doctoring. A Cheyenne woman was cured of a cancer\nof the liver which had been pronounced hopeless at a White hospital. Such\ninvidious distinctions between White and peyote doctoring are common; for\nthe former represents merely human skill, and is not the unmodified herb\nthe direct creation of God? Belo Kozad, himself a well-known Kiowa peyote\ndoctor, spoke as follows:\n\n When my sick wife was in there I chewed peyote for her. Her\n skin got like wood bark\u2014the hair come out. The doctors couldn\u2019t\n make it. We give it up, can\u2019t do anything. [It was] diabetes,\n and we shoot him every time she eats. That spoils the people;\n they lose the mind and the skin gets bad. That morphine for\n Howard [Sankadote, who was ill the night of the meeting and\n could not be present] make him talk funny. It just ruin the\n people in the mind. _Come_ to peyote! God knows more than any\n people!\n\nPerhaps Belo had every \u201cpragmatic\u201d right to talk thus: had he not himself\ncured a boy\u2019s hemorrhage by eating one hundred green peyotes for him?\nPeyote indeed is a famous cure for tuberculosis and respiratory diseases.\n\nJohn Bearskin (Winnebago) knew of two cures by \u201cSister Etta\u201d in meetings:\none a woman with goitre, the other a boy who had previously been\ndumb.[126] Pneumonia also readily yields to peyote, producing beneficial\nperspiration when thirty buttons are drunk over a period of hours in two\nquarts of water. The writer has seen doctoring with peyote for a crushed\nthigh, tuberculosis, and malnutrition (?) in a two-year-old child; this\nlast cried fretfully in the early part of the meeting, but was fed \u201ctea\u201d\nuntil it was blue and quiet in strychnine tetanus by morning. The wife of\nour Quapaw host had also been \u201coperated on in church.\u201d\n\nA Sioux doctor, who had gotten his power from a vision in which peyote\nturned into a man, doctored at Taos; but an acquaintance of Dr. Parsons\nimputed his trachoma to witchcraft on the part of \u201cforeigners\u201d who came\nto large meetings. He found that peyote water prevented the inflammation\nof his eyes. Another boy\u2019s leg was \u201call gone, rotten,\u201d and the boy\nhimself emaciated. Peyote men prayed over him for a month, whereupon he\nbecame well and fat, though his leg remained drawn up because he had\ntaken too much White man\u2019s medicine. The wife of a peyote man, herself\ncured of neck sores by the plant, asserted that witch sickness is lacking\nnowadays in Taos because of the power of peyote in exorcizing witchcraft;\na peyote chief, however, holding a button in his hand, had had to remove\na porcupine quill which some witch had shot into her nose. At Taos even\nanti-peyotists consider it good for cures, and Dr. Parsons, no doubt with\nsome reason, makes the query: \u201cWill peyote find its character of witch\nprophylaxis an introduction to the southern pueblos?\u201d[127]\n\nPeyote is equally successful in treating mental cases. An Oto informant\ntold of four successive meetings held for a man who had \u201cgone crazy\u201d\nwhen his wife left him. Formerly under observation at Norman, he was\nafraid people were coming for him during the meeting; he could hardly\ntalk, wanted to run out and people had to wrestle with him. Old Man White\nHorn gave him a peyote and told him it would protect him; finally, in\nthe third successive meeting the man \u201ccame to\u201d and asked what had been\nhappening. Another Oto patient chopped wood incessantly, rolled and\nunrolled strings, etc., and used to have \u201cmeetings\u201d by himself, drumming,\nsinging and eating peyote all alone. An Oto told me of a Taos boy who\nhad \u201cgone crazy\u201d; some said it was peyote that was doing this. But a\ndoctor from west of Albuquerque came and pulled a snake and a dead water\ndog out of him; these had been his medicines, taught him by his father,\nand it was decided that he had clearly broken some taboo surrounding his\nfather\u2019s medicine.\n\n\u201c_Preaching._\u201d An interesting feature of peyotism, probably deriving\nfrom earlier patterns, is the moral lecture in the morning. In one Caddo\n\u201cmoon\u201d the leader \u201ctalks to the boys, teaches them, just like a preacher,\ntelling them to do the right thing through life, and the consequences\nif they didn\u2019t do the right things.\u201d White Wolf (Comanche) says Quanah\nParker lectured younger people in the morning; so too did Kickapoo,\nCarrizo, Shawnee and Wichita leaders.\n\nAfter passing peyote, the Delaware leader \u201caddresses the peyote and the\nfire, prays, and often delivers a regular sermon or moral lecture.\u201d In\nthe Iowa meeting:[128]\n\n The peyote chief ... leads in the preaching and Bible\n reading.... The leader (or, as the writer understands it)\n perhaps some visiting preacher of the faith, gets up and\n delivers a sermon, while the cedar chief casts some more\n incense on the fire. [He commonly exhorts them to confession.]\n The leader then calls on other preachers to talk, and then\n asks the fire chief [to pass the peyote again].... Meanwhile\n he continues to read the Bible and exhort all sinners to\n repent. He points out that all the old ways have been given\n up, and with them their \u201cidols,\u201d such as the great drum of the\n religious dance.\n\nJohn Wilson ordinarily began his meetings with a talk by himself; the\nOto are commonly addressed in meetings by their \u201ctribal priest.\u201d The\nestrangement of the lively J. S. (Kiowa) and his young wife was composed\nthrough moral homilies delivered by older relatives in a peyote meeting\u2014a\ntypical occurrence.\n\nAt the end of the Pawnee meeting[129]\n\n the members ... sit in their places and talk over their\n experiences.... The leader closes the meeting at noon with a\n lecture, or sermon, on ethical matters, speaking especially\n against the use of alcohol.\n\nPossibly Osage \u201ctestimony\u201d may have some relation to this.[130] The\nWinnebago[131]\n\n ceremony is opened by a prayer by the founder and leader, this\n being followed by an introductory speech.... During the early\n hours ... speeches by people in the audience [are made], and\n the reading and explanation of part of the Bible.\n\nThe midnight sermon, after the midnight water, also occurs:[132]\n\n Then the leader asks anyone he desires to make a speech. This\n may emphasize any point in regard to peyote.\n\nThe moral harangue is no doubt derived from earlier Plains patterns,\nthough it is a Southwestern feature as well, among the Rio Grande Pueblos\nand elsewhere.[133]\n\n_Prophecy._ The gift of prophecy has often been claimed by individuals in\nnative America. The first well-known such was Pop\u00e9 of the Pueblo Revolt\nin 1680, but his successors were many: Wabokieshiek, or \u201cWhite Cloud,\u201d\nthe Winnebago-Sauk prophet of the Black Hawk War; the Delaware prophet\nof Pontiac\u2019s Conspiracy (1762); Tenskwatawa, twin brother of Tecumseh,\nand the well-known \u201cShawnee Prophet\u201d (1805); Kanakuk, the Kickapoo[134]\nreformer (1827); Smohalla, the Sokulk dreamer of the Columbia\n(1870-1885); Tavibo, the Paiute; Nakaidoklini, the Apache (1881); Wovoka,\nor Jack Wilson, the Paiute prophet of the Ghost Dance of 1889 and later;\nSkaniadariio, or \u201cHandsome Lake,\u201d the Seneca teacher, etc.[135]\n\nSave for the revelations of the Caddo-Delaware John Wilson, and the\nteachings of John Rave and Jonathan Koshiway, this tradition has become\nmuch attenuated as regards peyotism. Large-scale prophecies can no longer\nbe made to skeptical and disillusioned audiences, but prophecy in minor\nmatters still occurs via peyote (e.g., the Delaware case in which a\nserious industrial accident might have been avoided if he had only been\nable to interpret correctly a warning peyote gave him). Old-time Comanche\ncould hear the enemy while still away off when they ate peyote, and in\nmaking raids could discover the whereabouts of horses, etc. White Wolf,\nagain, visioned Charley Seminole\u2019s face all bloody at a peyote meeting,\nbut was unable to interpret the prophecy; somewhat later, sure enough,\nthe Seminole accidentally shot himself under the eye.\n\nIn the origin story of peyote, when the Kiowa or Comanche were on the\nwar-path, the Apache leader knew of their leader\u2019s approach to the tipi\nwhere they were having a meeting, and told his fireman to invite him in,\nwhence the visitor brought peyote back to his tribe; this story is known\nall over the southern Plains. Around 1870 the only Kiowa who ate peyote\nwas Pabo, or Big Horse. When he wished to find the whereabouts of an\nabsent party he would go into a tipi and say \u201cg\u02b8\u00e4\u02b0g\u016b\u1e47bo\u1e47ta\u201d (I am going\nto look for medicine), and would drum and rattle and eat peyote, and tell\nthe results of his inquiry afterward. Pabo\u2019s power was from the eagle,\nbut Kiowa owl-doctors had clairvoyant powers in pre-peyote times. Another\nKiowa user miraculously predicted the coming of telegraph lines and the\nrailroad to Anadarko, having previously never seen either, and a Wichita\npredicted the World War.\n\n_\u201cBaptism\u201d and Other Morning Ceremonies._ The \u201ccuring\u201d ceremonies of\nMexico and the Southwest still find a reflex in the Plains \u201cbaptism\u201d in\nthe morning ceremonies. The leader in the tipi whistles for the water\nas in the midnight ceremony, and a smoke is made for the bearer, the\nonly difference being that this time it is a woman, often symbolically\ncostumed,[136] who some say represents Peyote Woman of the legend. Many\ngroups, however, have a ritual \u201cbaptism\u201d in this morning ceremony, which\nis lacking at midnight.[137] The Arapaho,[138] for example, untie the\ndrum and pass it around the circles; each man wrings out the wet drum\nhead, makes a loop of the lacing-rope and throws it lasso-fashion over\nhis foot to symbolize the roping of horses, presses the seven marbles of\nthe drum to various parts of his body, and drinks a little of the drum\nwater. The worshippers then wash the paint from their faces, and comb\ntheir hair, a towel, a mirror, a comb and water making the round of the\ntipi; then finally the drinking water is passed around.\n\nThe Delaware file out behind the fireman to greet the rising sun with\nprayer, and, standing in the same relative positions they occupied in\nthe tipi, wash their faces with the water which the fireman pours on\ntheir hands; those who fall down at this time are said to be visiting\nheaven. The rest re-enter for the ritual breakfast. The Caddo similarly\nfile out to wash and comb their hair, and preserve the same order even\nat the secular meal at noon. The Iowa wash with soap and water as they\nsit in the tipi; \u201cthe peyote chief himself carries the water to show his\nhumility, because of Biblical references to the washing of feet.\u201d The\nShawnee are marshalled outside in two lines at sun-up to wash their faces\nand \u201cdo arm exercises.\u201d The Kickapoo, Wichita, Oto, Northern Cheyenne and\nothers pass the drum and sometimes all the ritual paraphernalia around to\nbe handled; some lick the drum stick dipped in the water and touch it to\nvarious parts of their bodies. The Ponca leader, using a feather, shakes\nwater on participants both at midnight and in the morning, and as in some\nother groups, waters the drum also.[139]\n\nThe ritual \u201cquitting songs\u201d are sung by the Pawnee just at dawn, as the\nfirst rays of the sun strike the altar through the opened door; the last\nsong is sung five times, and each member then prays in turn to God. The\n\u201cbaptism\u201d ceremony of the Winnebago John Rave cultists (derived from\nthe Oto) is more Christian in tone than that of the Jesse Clay rite (of\nArapaho origin). Rave dipped his fingers in a peyote infusion, and passed\nthem over the forehead of a new member saying, \u201cGod, His holiness,\u201d (or,\nas some say, \u201cGod, the Son, and the Holy Ghost\u201d).[140] A little water is\nalso poured on the ground as a sacrifice. The well-nigh universal mode\nof disposing of the remaining water in the drum is to pour it along the\nearthen \u201cmoon.\u201d\n\n_Peyote Breakfast._ The foods in the ritual breakfast in the tipi are\nso standardized as scarcely to allow comparative treatment. They are\nmerely minor variations on the theme: water, parched corn in sweetened\nwater, fruit and dried sweetened meat.[141] From the Lipan (roasted\ncorn, yucca fruit, wild fruit and meat, according to Opler) to the Ute\n(canned corn, canned peaches and corned beef, as reported by Mrs. Cooke)\nthe uniformity is striking. These foods are eaten from a common set\nof four vessels,[142] which are passed around with a single spoon in\neach. Sometimes ground hominy or parched corn mush is substituted, and\nHoebel reports the Northern Cheyenne use of Cracker Jack for the parched\ncorn. Beef is the usual meat, in boneless chunks or dried, pounded and\nsweetened, but pork (tabooed for the Comanche) is reported for the Ponca\nand Northern Cheyenne.[143] Wild fruits are somewhat preferred to canned\nvarieties, but are not always obtainable. Although the original meanings\nand connections with agricultural, gathering and hunting ceremonies\nhave long since been lost sight of, the feeling for the proper foods in\na peyote breakfast is still quite strong in the Plains, a remarkable\ninstance of culture continuity.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] For convenience of reference I have followed with all possible care\nthe sequence of the development and appearance of elements laid down in\nthe Kiowa-Comanche type-rite (above), of which the following paragraphs\nare largely comparative discussions.\n\n[2] Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_, 40.\n\n[3] Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_.\n\n[4] Erminie Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_.\n\n[5] Ritual gathering of plants is not unknown elsewhere; see Mooney, _The\nSacred Formulas_.\n\n[6] See G. A. Dorsey in _Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:650a (Sun\nDance), as well as Spier\u2019s _The Sun Dance of the Plains Indians_.\n\n[7] Hoebel says the Comanche formerly did not have all night meetings\nbecause of the danger of attack while under the influence of the drug.\n\n[8] Opler\u2019s data suggest that even the vision-seeking motive is recent\namong the Lipan.\n\n[9] The Lipan prayed for protection from their enemies as well as for\nhealth and long life.\n\n[10] Petrullo, 48. The mourning council meeting was not unfamiliar in\npre-peyote times. One such council was held for Tarhe, chief priest\nof the Wyandot, at Upper Sandusky, in the old days, attended by all\nthe tribes of Ohio, the Indiana Delaware and the Seneca of New York\n(_Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:294).\n\n[11] Four older men pray and the child is passed clockwise around the\ntipi as every one present calls out its name.\n\n[12] Meetings are held _for_ the corpse, which is present \u201cfacing east\u201d\n(head west) in the meeting; at the funeral next day he faces west. The\nwriter omitted to attend an Osage meeting at Hominy because it was a\nfuneral meeting.\n\n[13] Cf. the uses of datura.\n\n[14] La Flesche, _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 21.\n\n[15] A favorite Indian holiday in Oklahoma is Memorial Day, when graves\nare lavishly decorated.\n\n[16] Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_.\n\n[17] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 12 ff.\n\n[18] Only two cases are known of women who fully participated in\nmeetings: Dog-woman (deceased), wife of John Red-turtle (Cheyenne) sang\nand beat the drum; a woman at Taos, Apekaum says, sings in meetings like\nmen.\n\n[19] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 398-99; Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal\nPattern_; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_; the rest field investigation.\n\n[20] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 725.\n\n[21] One William Richard Nebuchadnezzar West ate peyote with the Kiowa\nfor years. Petrullo mentions one Pat Noonigan who ate with the Delaware,\nand the Shawnee had a white participant for some twenty years. Early\nwhite familiarity with peyote in Texas must be postulated to account for\nits use by Texas Rangers in the Civil War (Lumholtz, 1:358).\n\n[22] A Negro brought by the Kiowa drummed and sang along with the rest in\na Shawnee meeting; the former existence of a Negro \u201cpeyote\u201d church near\nTulsa argues for a considerable amount of such contact.\n\n[23] Again excepting the Caddo, who are over-suspicious for reasons\ndiscussed later.\n\n[24] The most homogeneous meeting I attended was a special tribal Wichita\none which, nevertheless, was attended by three Kiowa, four Comanche, and\ntwo Whites, beside fourteen Wichita.\n\n[25] Radin, _The Winnebago Tribe_, 415.\n\n[26] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 638; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_.\n\n[27] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 2; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 388.\n\n[28] Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_.\n\n[29] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 399; Smith (Mrs. Maurice G.), _A Negro\nPeyote Cult_, 452, note 10; see also _Handbook of the American Indians_,\n2:661.\n\n[30] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 404-405; see also Petrullo, _The Diabolic\nRoot_, 101. Shawnee sometimes paint their temples; Oto use red bars\nbelow side burns. Delaware examples from Speck: red hair-part,\nred-blue-red-blue-red horizontal lines over the bridge of the nose and\ncheeks (Wilson\u2019s Big Moon meetings); red and blue lines below and at\ncorners of eyes (\u201ccrying for repentance\u201d); green zigzags in yellow cheek\nspots, two red and one blue line at corner of eyes; all red chin bounded\nby a blue semilunar arc on the upper lip and up the cheeks (representing\nthe altar \u201cmoon\u201d); and blue red-bordered dots on each cheek-bone and\nforehead representing peyote-buttons (a woman\u2019s design).\n\n[31] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 182.\n\n[32] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 403, 405.\n\n[33] Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_.\n\n[34] Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway Indians_, 261.\n\n[35] Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_.\n\n[36] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 119.\n\n[37] Speck, _Notes on the Ethnology of the Osage_, 163.\n\n[38] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 186-87.\n\n[39] Anhalonium means \u201cwithout salt.\u201d The salt-taboo is a common\nSouthwestern one, unconnected with peyotism there (e.g., Kroeber,\n_The Seri_, 45) but associated in Plains peyotism with such borrowed\nSouthwestern traits as the water-drum.\n\n[40] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 400.\n\n[41] _Idem_, 398. \u201cThe slight variations in pattern,\u201d writes Opler of\nthe Mescalero, \u201c... undoubtedly owe their existence to the fact that\nthere are a number of peyote shamans, each eager to assert his own\nindividuality and \u2018way\u2019 by some minor departure or \u2018rule\u2019.\u201d\n\n[42] The peyote shaman in Mexico was certainly no figurehead, and\nthe peyote leaders of the Carrizo, Tonkawa, Lipan and Mescalero were\nimportant in preventing rivalry.\n\n[43] The authority of the leader finds ritual reflection throughout the\nJohn Wilson \u201cmoon\u201d: e.g., only the leader might smoke and pray, and\nothers calling for smokes were frowned upon as presumptuous. Further,\nJohn Wilson\u2019s \u201cmoon\u201d contains his \u201cgrave\u201d alongside that of Jesus Christ,\nand his initials W. (Wilson) or M. (Moonhead). The altar, indeed,\nrepresented Moonhead\u2019s face; he even prescribed face-painting styles\nwith his initials in them. A man equated with Jesus Christ is scarcely a\nnegligible person. Koshiway (Oto) performed marriages and baptisms and\nconducted funerals in the Church of the First-born. The point is just as\nwell demonstrated by the negative cases of those who aspired to peyote\nleadership and failed. Even the local Pawnee President of the Native\nAmerican Church, James Sun-eagle, does not lead meetings.\n\n[44] Delaware meetings appear to have had only road-man and fire-guard\n(Harrington, _Religion and Ceremonies_, 188) but this may be an error\nof omission. The Kiowa, Pawnee, Cheyenne, Iowa, and Taos all have the\n\u201ccedar-man\u201d in addition.\n\n[45] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 3; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 388.\nDensmore (_Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_), lists only three\nleaders but may not be counting the fireman. See Skinner, _Societies of\nthe Ioway_, 724; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 62 ff.\n\n[46] Schultes, _Peyote and Plants Used_, 129-31.\n\n[47] Excessive prices for peyote have been reported elsewhere. Mooney\nsays (_Miscellaneous Notes_, 30) an Oklahoma White dealer once charged 25\ncents a button, though they cost him only $5.00 a thousand. Hoebel says a\nComanche once traded a fine horse for five hundred buttons. See Bennett\nand Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 291-92; Lumholtz, _Tarahumari Dances_,\n453-55.\n\n[48] Diguet, _Le Peyote et son usage_, 28.\n\n[49] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 60; Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_,\n293, xiv; Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_, 60 ff.\n\n[50] Big Moon leaders apparently required fees; Speck (Peyote MSS.)\nsays the Seneca were too poor to pay more than the leader\u2019s carfare\nwhen the cult was brought to them. Wilson himself met his death when\nsome horses given him by the Quapaw and tied to the back of his wagon\npulled backward at a crossing as a locomotive approached, and some of his\nenemies assert that this was in punishment for his avariciousness and\neconomic exploitation of peyotism. He even charged money for sweatbaths\nhe prepared in connection with meetings.\n\n[51] Cf. Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 410. A Shawnee gave the meeting-tipi to\ntwo old men the next morning, and the writer has exchanged gifts with\nseveral tribes, notably the Oto and the Kiowa.\n\n[52] Koshiway said he ate 100 once: \u201cI was like a Ford, all broken down,\nconnecting rods loose. The next day I was overhauled and hitting on all\nfour, and went to work.\u201d Belo Kozad, well-known Kiowa leader, said he\nate 100 green peyote once but had a \u201chard time keeping it down.\u201d Big Bow\n(Kiowa) claims to have eaten 75 at the time of his prophetic vision of\nthe World War. One Oto sometimes eats 40 to 50 at which a man comes and\ninstructs him. Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne) for eight years President of the\nOklahoma N.A.C. said he ate 84 green ones once. Densmore (_Winnebago\nSongs of the Peyote Ceremony_) says Winnebago ate 40 to 100, and many of\nthem ate 60; elsewhere (_The Peyote Cult_) she states a Winnebago usually\nate 15, but some ate up to 40. Lipan (Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_)\nate 12 to 50. A Tonkawa leader (Opler, _Chiricahua Apache_) ate 40. Users\nat Taos (Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 66) ate as many as 60, but usually about\n20 or 30. Mescalero (Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_) ate\nfrom 4 to 40, with 12 as a \u201cgenerous amount.\u201d Iowa (Skinner, _Societies\nof the Iowa_, 724-25) considered 16 a good amount, women being restricted\nto 2. Huichol (Lumholtz, _The Huichol Indians_, 9) rarely ate more than 4\nor 5 daily, but at times consumed up to 20. An Arapaho stated under oath\n(_Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 49) he had eaten 12-30 peyote\nat different times, agreeing with Kroeber\u2019s average of 12, with amounts\nof more than 30 eaten sometimes. A White observer in a Comanche meeting\nsaid he had seen them eat 30 or 40 apiece (Simmons, _The Peyote Road_).\nAn Osage, on the other hand, stated before an official group that 5 was\nthe upper limit for women and 7 for men (_Peyote as Used in Religious\nWorship_, 31), a statement open to doubt.\n\n[53] Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_.\n\n[54] Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_; _Chiracahua Apache_;\nParsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 3; Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 402, 405; Skinner,\n_Ethnology of the Ioway_, 249 (but the Christian symbolism here is\nPlains); Harrington, _Religion and Ceremonies_, 187-88; Petrullo, _The\nDiabolic Root_, 53.\n\n[55] The cane was the symbol of the Aztec merchant, and his friends did\nthis utlatl or otate great reverence at a feast on the return from his\ntravels; it symbolized Yiacatecutli, the god of merchants. Slaves were\nalso sacrificed at a temple rite involving the canes (Sahag\u00fan, _A History\nof Ancient Mexico_, 1:41-42). Among the Huichol the staff of the judges\nin the native courts are accorded \u201ca superstitious reverence\u201d as symbols\nof authority (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:250). And although Governor\nValdes had visited most of the pueblos to appoint native governors and\ncaptains by the year 1642, in Tarahumari the native term for leaders\nis ig\u00fasuame, \u201cstick-bearers\u201d or selfgame, \u201clance-bearers\u201d (Bennett and\nZingg, _The Tarahumara_, 375-76).\n\n[56] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 718; Harrington, _Religion and\nCeremonies_, 187-88; Opler, _Lipan Apache Field Notes_.\n\n[57] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65; Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 725;\nRadin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 4, 21; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_\n(but there is no biblical authority for this in Exodus 7. 19, 20. or\nconcerning Aaron\u2019s rod in Exodus 8 or 10.13).\n\n[58] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 724; Cooke, _Ute Field Notes_.\n\n[59] Winnebago gourds often have on them pictures of Christ, the cross\nand \u201ccrown\u201d of thorns, the shepherd\u2019s crook and other Christian symbols\n(White Buffalo, in Blair, _The Indian Tribes_, 282; see also Harrington,\n_Religion and Ceremonies_, 188; _Handbook of the American Indians_,\n2:355b; Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 400, 405; Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 20).\n\n[60] The best gourds are relatively small, not more than 3\u2033 in diameter,\nsomewhat flattened on the top rather than spherical, and elongated toward\nthe handle. A hole is made through the gourd opposite the neck, cut off\nan inch or so from the round part; a stick is thrust through these, the\nneck hole being reinforced and made smaller by whittling down half a\nspool and glueing it in. There is no peg transversely through the portion\nemerging through the top, but both this and the handle part are usually\ncovered with tightly-sewn buckskin to which bead-work is attached; some\nhandles are carved or left plain. A tuft of red-dyed horse-hair is often\nput on the top and a buckskin fringe at the bottom; shot or pebbles make\nthe sound.\n\n[61] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 400; Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway_, 249;\n_Societies of the Iowa_, 724; Hoebel, Voegelin, Opler, and Cooke, _Field\nNotes_; Mooney (_Miscellaneous Notes_) says Comanche drums had eight\nmarbles sometimes, as had also the Shawnee, according to Mrs. Voegelin.\n\n[62] The Kickapoo once tried a four-legged brass kettle instead of the\nregulation three-legged iron one, but soon discarded it, having decided\nthat the tone was not right (this probably rationalizes some criticism\nof their ostentation). The Caddo had a 10-marbled crock drum with a deer\nskin head; the Oto, who have the kettle drum, sometimes use a crock, as\ndo the Omaha (Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 166; _Uses of Plants_). The\nDelaware sometimes used otter skin instead of deer skin, with four bosses\ntightened with a sharp stick or deer-horn (Harrington, _Religion and\nCeremony_, 188; Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 50).\n\n[63] Cf. the Mexican belief about the peyote under the gourd-resonator.\nSuch taboos in regard to drums are also Iroquoian I believe, and possibly\nSoutheastern.\n\n[64] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 726; Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of\nPeyote Ceremonies_.\n\n[65] The Chickasaw beat on a wet deer skin tied over the mouth of a large\nclay pot (Adair, _History_, 140). The Choctaw beat with one drumstick on\na deer skin stretched over an earthen pot or kettle (Swanton, _Social and\nReligious Beliefs_, 222); they used the goat skin covered cypress knee\ndrum as well (Bushnell, _Choctaw_, 22), and also bear skin and deer skin\n(Swanton, _op. cit._, 224). The Koasati older drum was deer skin over a\ncypress knee, and later the small iron kettle (Paz, _Field Notes_). The\nTaskigi Creek used a hollow vessel partly filled with water (Speck, _The\nCreek Indians_, 137). The Yuchi, besides the log drum, had the pot drum,\ncontaining water, about 18\u2033 high; the hide was usually decorated with a\nwheel-like design and the privilege of beating the drum was invested in a\ncertain individual (Speck, _Yuchi_, 61, cf. the Caddo, in some respects a\nperipheral Southeastern group and who have the \u201ccrock\u201d drum). The Catawba\nand Quapaw also had the pot-drum (Speck, _Catawba Texts_; _Handbook of\nthe American Indian_, 2:335b). It is not known if the Tonkawa water-drum\nis pre-peyote, but the Lipan pottery drum is late according to Opler. The\nwater-drum of the Southeast is continuous through the Antilles into South\nAmerica (Wissler, _The American Indian_, 154).\n\nWissler makes no mention of Mexican or Southwestern occurrences of the\nkettle-drum or water-drum, but the trait is common in these regions.\nThe Aztec had the kettle-drum (Sahag\u00fan, _A History of Ancient Mexico_,\n1:87, 91). Beals (_Comparative Ethnology_, 112, 188, Table 71) lists the\natabale or kettle-drum in Tehueco, Culiacan, Tepic (Zentispac), Tarasco,\nand Mexico. The pottery drum is Lacandone, Natchez and Chitimacha also\n(Swanton, _Aboriginal Culture_, 708, in Beals, 188). Stevenson (_The\nZu\u00f1i_, 39) mentions a Tepehan pottery drum struck loudly at certain\nceremonies to insure the presence of beings who would keep the singing of\nsongs correct. The Western Apache have \u201cmale\u201d and \u201cfemale\u201d water drums\n(Henry, J., _Cult of Silas John Edwards_). The Huichol use no drum in the\npeyote ceremony; the Tamaulipecan peyote-drum is the wooden type, as is\nalso the Tarahumari drum (Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 67-68) and\nthe Huichol drum, which is \u201calive\u201d (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:32-34).\nThe Taos is the standard peyote drum; but the pottery drum is found among\nnon-users of peyote: e.g., Navaho, Chiricahua, W. Apache, Jicarilla,\nYavapai and Pueblo in general (Spier, information).\n\n[66] Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_; Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_,\n724, 758; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65; Speck,\n_A Study of the Delaware_, _passim_.\n\n[67] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 405-409; Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal\nPattern_; Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 176; Opler, _Carrizo Field Notes_.\nThe feather as a symbol of delegated authority is also found in the Ghost\nDance.\n\n[68] Cf. Boas, _Anthropology_, 91, \u201c... the feathers of the Dakota\nIndians ... by the way they are cut and painted, express warlike\nexploits.\u201d\n\n[69] Hills, _Eating Medicine with the Quapaws_.\n\n[70] Harrington, _Religion and Ceremonies_, 188; Opler, _The Influence of\nAboriginal Pattern_. _Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:455-56, \u201cThe\ndowny feather was to the mind of the Indian a kind of bridge between the\nspirit world and ours.\u201d Note the Ponca whistling along the water bucket\nfeather.\n\n[71] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 403, 405, 407.\n\n[72] The Oto and Arapaho wear tufts of down feathers on their hair in\nmeetings; cf. the Tarahumari shaman\u2019s feather headdress which tells him\nall the bird knew and protects him by preventing air from entering his\nhead and making him ill (Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:313).\n\n[73] Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_, 28. Crashing Thunder visioned an eagle\nwith outspread wings in a meeting once (Radin, 188-89).\n\n[74] Huichol peyote fetishes include the squirrel, skunk, birds and the\nshaman\u2019s fetish plant; the Tarahumari have the squirrel, birds and peyote\nplant; the southern Plains birds and the peyote plant; and the northern\nPlains the plant only\u2014an interesting degeneration in complexity of\nsymbolism, a sort of diffusionist law of inverse squares.\n\n[75] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 401, 406; letter of L. L. Meeker to Mooney.\n\n[76] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 181-82; _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_,\n21; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 389, \u201cThey are regarded by a number of\npeople, certainly by Rave, with undisguised veneration [i.e., the peyote\n\u2018chiefs\u2019].\u201d\n\n[77] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 724; Opler, _Chiricahua Apache_;\n_The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_; _Lipan Apache Field Notes_;\nParsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 64-65. Cf. the Anadarko Delaware phrase\n\u201cear-eating\u201d for peyote-eating (Speck, _Notes on the Life of John\nWilson_, 552).\n\n[78] An especially handsome and regular one, oriented with a thorn on\nits \u201cnorth\u201d side, had fifteen full radial lines of hair-tufts. Of three\nothers, one was kept in a woman\u2019s small mirrored vanity-case, a pomade\njar, and a silk handkerchief, all carefully wrapped up. Another very old\none was given his brother-in-law, Yellow Bird, by a Comanche. A cracked\none was kept in a beaded buckskin pouch along with a Catholic medallion\ndated 1890; it had been given him by an Apache. He has also preserved\none given his wife by Mexicans at El Rio on their first peyote trip in\n1926, and tied up with the mother\u2019s he keeps two little ones which helped\nhis little girl. And finally, there were seven which he laid behind the\nwhistle one New Year\u2019s meeting to represent the seven days of the week;\nhis daughter drank the water in which they were soaked and became well\nin seven days. She is a grown woman now and he still keeps these peyotes\nwhich have so well demonstrated their power.\n\n[79] The Comanche leader Mumsika still preserves a famous peyote button\nformerly belonging to Kutubi which performed prophecies on an historical\nwar party into Texas (Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_). The anxiety of\nClyde Koko (Kiowa) when he thought he had lost his \u201cfather peyotes\u201d after\nchanging his mind about sending them back to their original country, well\ndemonstrates the psychological reality of these fetishisms.\n\n[80] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 169, note; Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_,\n165-66; Speck (manuscript); Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 724;\nDensmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_.\n\n[81] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 200. This is indeed a miracle if he read\nit in Matthew 16.\n\n[82] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 186-87; _Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5;\n_The Winnebago Tribe_, 394-95.\n\n[83] Radin, _Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 6; _The Winnebago Tribe_,\n395-96. The reference to John 1.4 indicates nothing of relevance.\n\n[84] Romans 11.16-18. No native with whom the writer is acquainted has\nto date noted the obvious Shakespearean reference to peyote, in the\nspeech of Banquo as the three witches vanish incorporeally into thin air\n(Macbeth I, iii): \u201cWere such things here as we do speak about, or have we\neaten on the insane root that takes the reason prisoner?\u201d\n\n[85] The Carrizo-Lipan had no crescent mound, which is probably of\nMescalero origin.\n\n[86] Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 165-66.\n\n[87] Cf. _Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:2b, 661: \u201cFormerly among\nthe southern Plains tribes a buffalo skull was placed on a small mound\nin front of the sweat house, the mound being formed of earth excavated\nfrom the fireplace.\u201d The original Comanche and Caddo moons appear to have\nbeen more horseshoe- than crescent-shaped, and the apron of the Caddoan\nBig Moons obviously developed from an elongation of the horns. The\nintroduction of the heart is apparently Caddoan also, influenced probably\nby the Catholic \u201cSacred Heart\u201d of Jesus.\n\n[88] Enoch Hoag was at one time John Wilson\u2019s assistant or drummer.\n\n[89] A Comanche told Hoebel of a \u201cmoon\u201d with the entire tipi-floor of\ncement; if this is identical with one I was told about, it has been\nsubsequently destroyed. The rationalization given was that the cement\nfloor distorted the sound of the drum, and a return to an earthen floor\nwas made.\n\n[90] The Kiowa and Caddo are therefore at opposite extremes; the Kiowa\nwere the leading spirits in the institutionalizing of peyotism in the\nNative American Church, which gathered to itself even the earlier Church\nof the First-born. In this respect they are the \u201cCatholics\u201d of the\nmovement, and, tired of the warring rival Protestantisms let loose by\nCaddo visionaries, many groups are undergoing an \u201cOxford Movement\u201d back\nto the simplest earlier native forms, sans Bible and sans elaborate\naltars, which after all have been the vehicles for prestige and wealth of\nambitious individualism.\n\n[91] Several of Petrullo\u2019s examples (Hoag, Black Wolf, etc.) are Caddo\nrather than Delaware. His Hoag moon (_The Diabolic Root_, pl. 5, B, p.\n181) was given to the writer with a half-ellipse joining the moon-tips\nto form the lower part of the \u201cface,\u201d and the ash-mounds in position as\n\u201ceyes,\u201d and the two eastern hearts reversed.\n\n[92] Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 64.\n\n[93] This specimen is figured in Schultes, _Peyote and Plants Used_,\n7. Is this a reflex of an older Kickapoo pattern? The prophet Kanakuk\nfurnished his followers with a chart showing a path through fire and\nwater, and gave them prayer sticks graven with religious symbols. See\n_Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:650b, \u201cKanakuk.\u201d\n\n[94] Petrullo, _Diabolic Root_, 50, 101, 113. The symbolism of twelve of\nthe Caddo here is clearly a Delaware borrowing; cf. the twelve panels in\nthe Big Moon altars, the twelve eagle feathers, and the twelve sticks of\nthe fire. See Speck, _Delaware Big House_, for the symbolism of twelve\n(twelve \u201cheavens\u201d etc.; cf. the twelve steps in the altar apron of the\nWilson moon). Petrullo says the twelve sticks represent the months of the\nyear or the tail-feathers of the eagle.\n\n[95] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 401. See also Speck, _A Study of the\nDelaware Big House_, 47, 51. Cf. the Arapaho, Sitting Bull, the Ghost\nDance prophet giving feathers to his assistants.\n\n[96] The ceremonial fire we have seen is Huichol and Tarahumari (cf.\nthe \u201cpillow of Grandfather Fire\u201d of the Huichol with the \u201cheart\u201d of the\nCaddo-Delaware peyote fire: both are used as a \u201csmoke stick\u201d). The Caddo\nceremonial fire, however, was pre-peyote (_Handbook of the American\nIndians_, 2:2b; Swanton, _Aboriginal Culture_, 701). Beals (_Comparative\nEthnology_, 127) lists the ceremonial fire for the Tarahumari, Caddo,\nHasinai, Chitimacha, Houma, Natchez, Tunica, Ta\u00ebnsa, Jalisco (Cutzal\u00e1n),\nMexico, and Maya (Lacandone); it is lacking in Tepic-Culiacan, Old\nSinaloa, Old Sonora, Southern Sierra and Tamaulipas (whence a southern\nPlains provenience for the ceremonial fire in peyotism is implausible).\nSee also Beal\u2019s map 26, 209; table 121, 211-12.\n\n[97] It is believed that the Yuchi example figured by Petrullo in Plate 2\nis erroneous in the placing of the ash eagle and in the presence of the\nredundant ash crescent.\n\n[98] Interestingly, though the bulk of modern peyotists are Siouan,\nCaddoan and Algonquian groups, none used the elbow pipe in the\nceremony\u2014only Taos. See Wissler, _The American Indian_, 26, fig. 6.\n\n[99] Skinner thought peyote destroyed the appetite for tobacco\n(_Societies of the Iowa_, 694, 726).\n\n[100] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_. See Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 401;\nParsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 64, for standard form.\n\n[101] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 640-41.\n\n[102] The importance of taking a comparative viewpoint is indicated by\nthe statement of Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 165, \u201c... the Omaha, of\nNebraska, have interjected the use of wild sage, _Artemesia gnaphalodes_,\nin connection with mescal ceremonies, that plant having been an\nimmemorial symbol of sacredness among the Omaha.\u201d But see Kroeber, _The\nArapaho_, 399, 401; Radin, _The Winnebago Tribe_, 415 and others.\n\n[103] In view of other peyote parallels, note the sweat bath sage-whip.\n\n[104] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65. The Arapaho (Kroeber, 402), Kiowa, and\nothers chew bits of sage.\n\n[105] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 722.\n\n[106] Harrington (_Religion and Ceremonies_, 189) may be in error in\nstating that the staff is passed to the drummer\u2019s _right;_ the native\npainting contradicts this; cf. Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 402, for the\nstandard method; concerning passing persons, see Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_,\n65.\n\n[107] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 171, 175-77, 185-87; cf. _The Winnebago\nTribe_, 394-95; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 64. Murie, _Pawnee Indian\nSocieties_, 637.\n\n[108] Cedar was used to purify the Delaware Big House (Speck, _A Study of\nthe Delaware_, 171), which may account for the special cedar-man in the\nDelaware rite of Wilson. But the pattern may have been reinforced by the\ncenser of the Catholics, by whom Wilson is known to have been influenced.\nThe Mescalero ascribe sickness after eating peyote to witching by\nrival shamans. Mooney mentions an odorous root from New Mexico used\nprotectively perhaps, in Kiowa or Comanche meetings. See Kroeber, _The\nArapaho_, 402-403; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65, 105; Densmore, _The Peyote\nCult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_.\n\n[109] Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_; cf. Parsons, _Taos\nPueblo_, 63, 65.\n\n[110] Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_, 8; _Peyote Notebook_, 12, 14. Dr.\nMaurice G. Smith collected a number of peyote songs near Anadarko in\n1930 (see Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_) as did\nRichardson in 1935 (Kiowa largely); see also Klineberg, _Notes on the\nHuichol_, 458. Radin (_A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 3; _The Winnebago\nTribe_, 388) implies that the paraphernalia circulate only among the four\nleaders and others sing only occasionally. Songs are best in the morning\nwhen the unpleasant effects of the peyote have worn off (cf. Mooney, _The\nMescal Plant_; Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 404-405; Rouhier, _Monographie_,\n344). Koshiway (Oto) told a joke in the morning about a partially deaf\nman\u2019s misunderstanding the song \u201cJesus in the glory now, he ya na ha we,\u201d\nand singing \u201cJesus in Missouri now.\u201d Jack said, laughing, \u201cHe must be\ngetting close, He\u2019s just over the river now!\u201d Opler\u2019s informant said the\nLipan can sing songs of a personal ceremony such as bear songs in peyote\nmeetings, but not masked dancer songs.\n\n[111] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 728. Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_:\n\u201cThe greatness (power) of God is made manifest through seven beasts,\nas prophesied. One beast is in power now, as seen by the troubles of\nthe present time, all of which are according to prophecy. There is some\nspirit [the seraphim] praising God constantly, which signifies that we\nalso should do that in order to inherit eternal life.\u201d\n\n[112] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 637.\n\n[113] Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote\nCeremony_.\n\n[114] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 395.\n\n[115] Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; Radin, _The Winnebago Tribe_, 416-17.\n\n[116] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 403. A more concrete physiological reason\nfor the leader\u2019s exit was suggested in the preceding section.\n\n[117] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 725, 727. Murie (_Pawnee Indian\nSocieties_, 637) misplaced emphasis in stating that midnight ceremonies\nas such are peculiar to the Pawnee, yet he was correct, I believe, in\nimplying that their special midnight recess was unique.\n\n[118] Cf. Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 116. Spybuck follows this\nCaddo-Delaware custom (Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_.) Cf. the painting\nin Harrington (_Religion and Ceremonies_, pl. 9); but Spybuck is Shawnee\nnot Delaware.\n\n[119] The Osage case is offered thus tentatively as it was in answer to\na leading question in a public hearing. See Office of Indian Affairs,\n_Discussion Concerning Peyote_, 44.\n\n[120] Certainly doctoring was the most important element in the\nSouthwest; cf. Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 294: \u201cThe use of\npeyote resembles an elaborate curing ceremony [among the Tarahumari]\nrather than a cult.\u201d Opler (_The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_) writes\nthat \u201cApache ceremonialism had for its primary object the curing of\ndisease,\u201d and peyotism came within this framework.\n\n[121] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 12-13; _The Winnebago Tribe_,\n423.\n\n[122] Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_, 3.\n\n[123] To be sure, diagnosis of illness by clairvoyance, etc., is resorted\nto, but this is to be expected when witchcraft is the main cause of\nsickness. (Cf. the combination of doctoring and divination with cohoba\nsnuff in Haiti. Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 393.) Obsessive elements of\ninterest to psychiatry are found both in the witchcraft fear and in the\nmethods chosen to cure the ill.\n\n[124] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 405.\n\n[125] Kiowa and Comanche parallels with older doctoring methods have been\ncollected also. One of the latter involves a 2 foot mound in the tipi\nwith a cedar sprig on it, a fire, a woman assistant, smoking of tobacco,\nand blowing on the patient.\n\n[126] Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote\nCeremony_.\n\n[127] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 60, 67-68.\n\n[128] Harrington, _Religion and Ceremonies_, 189; Skinner, _Societies of\nthe Iowa_, 725.\n\n[129] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 637.\n\n[130] \u201c[At] 5 o\u2019clock in the morning, when suddenly the singing ceased,\nthe drum and the ceremonial staff were put away, and the leader,\nbeginning at the door, asked each person, \u2018What did you see?\u2019\u201d (La\nFlesche, in _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 33).\n\n[131] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 3; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 388.\n\n[132] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 176; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_.\n\n[133] Wissler, _The American Indian_, 189: \u201cOne prominent feature of\nNahua life was the elaboration of the moral lecture. In the Pueblo region\nof the Rio Grande the chiefs and head men were given to daily moral\nlectures.... Perhaps we are again dealing with a general characteristic\nof New World society.\u201d Cf. the Tamaulipecan harangue (Prieto, _Historia y\nEstadistica_, 123-24).\n\n[134] The prophecies and predictions of C. W. (Kickapoo president of the\nNative American Church) on the basis of his visions have an old-time\nflavor, though colored by Christianity and proselytizing for peyote: he\nprophesied the \u201cJudgment Day\u201d and the \u201cnew world\u201d to come; \u201cit will be\ntoo late to go in [the peyote tipi] when the time comes\u2014you\u2019ve got to\nstart now,\u201d Kishkaton reports him as saying.\n\n[135] _Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:65a, 309-10, 401-402, 650;\n2:371a, 587a, 885-86. Cf. the elaborate Quichua and Aztec Messiah legends.\n\n[136] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 403-404; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_.\n\n[137] Mooney (_The Mescal Plant_, 8) errs, we believe, in citing a Kiowa\nmidnight baptism.\n\n[138] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 404.\n\n[139] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 93; Harrington, _Religion and\nCeremonies_, 190; Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 727; Voegelin,\n_Shawnee Field Notes_; Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_. \u201cBaptism\u201d\nis Lipan also.\n\n[140] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 637; Radin, _A Sketch of the\nPeyote Cult_, 3, 5; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 389; Densmore, _The Peyote\nCult_. It is said that \u201cthe peyote-eaters wanted to get baptized and\nunite with the church in Winnebago, but the clergyman in charge would\nnot permit them, so they went and did their own baptizing through their\nleader John Rave.\u201d\n\n[141] Some add cookies and candy. The use of sweet foods and the\nsweetening of others recalls the eating of teo-nanacatl with honey,\nand the eating of sweet-meats while smoking \u201cgrifos\u201d or marihuana. See\nMaillefert, _La Marihuana_, 6-7.\n\n[142] Mopope (Kiowa) painted a special set of white enamel-ware vessels\nfor Kozad\u2019s meetings: water-bucket (tipi and \u201cwater-bird\u201d), parched-corn\npan (ear of corn and four-direction feathers), fruit-pan (thunderbird,\nfruit within a crescent design) and meat-dish (cooking fire, buffalo\nhorns and sun design).\n\n[143] A recurrence of an old custom ascribed to Sweet Medicine appears\nin the Northern Cheyenne peyote breakfast, when an individual takes five\npieces of meat across the lodge to a visitor (Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne\nField Notes_).\n\n\n\n\nPSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF PEYOTISM\n\n\nA descriptive account of a ritual pattern, however meticulously detailed\nit be, must always fall short of reality unless supplemented by further\ninformation regarding its functioning in terms of individuals. The older\ndescriptive ethnography and the newer interest in the dynamics of culture\nare as necessary to each other as anatomy and physiology, of which,\nindeed, they are the anthropological parallels. We accordingly embark\nupon the somewhat anecdotal filling in of the pattern sketched in the\npreceding section.\n\nEvery student of peyote has been met with a sometimes odd mixture of\nsuspiciousness and candor, an ambivalence in attitude derived primarily\nfrom the native attitudes toward peyotism itself. Most of the younger\nadherents of the cult have had White schooling of a sort, but though\nthe express intent of this schooling has been the deculturation of the\nIndian, on returning to their tribes old loyalties are characteristically\nreestablished and old ways of thinking fallen into; the total effect of\nChristian teaching on peyotism, therefore, has not been particularly\nprofound.\n\nBut all peyote adherents are aware of the efforts, both religious and\nsecular, to suppress the movement, and most of them are familiar with\nthe arguments advanced against peyote as an allegedly harmful drug.\nThey have commonly met this with the counter-propaganda that peyote is\na specific cure for alcoholism, but nevertheless this attitude on the\npart of bearers of the powerful and prestige-full White culture has not\nleft them unimpressed, and there is a consequent lack of psychological\nsecurity in their belief and practice of peyotism. Though the cult is\na compromise solution between Christianity and older native religions,\nthere is still a large number of persons whose attitude toward peyote is\nthoroughly precarious\u2014as evidenced by the vacillations, defections and\nrationalizations we are about to list.\n\nSave for the Caddo (and there are perhaps historical reasons for this)\nordinary sincerity and interest are met by the Plains practitioners with\ncorresponding candor and friendliness toward the ethnographer. There\nis no very great difficulty in a sympathetic White man\u2019s attending a\npeyote meeting nowadays. Indeed, some groups, out of na\u00efve faith in the\nplant\u2019s power, seem even to invite attendance in the hope of producing\na propagandist for the cult to counteract the unfriendliness which they\nfeel, and not unrightly, has arisen from ignorance and prejudice. An\ninstance of this good faith and even na\u00efvet\u00e9 occurs in an Osage petition\nto Congress that in the event of a law being passed to regulate the\nuse of peyote, an exception be made for the \u201cIndian lodges using it as\na sacrament,\u201d and they promised to use it only under the supervision\nof reservation superintendents![1] And a sincerity not open to doubt\nwas evidenced by a Cheyenne, one time president of the Native American\nChurch, who sent 200 peyote buttons on his own initiative through his\nagency-superintendent to a chemist at Stanford University, requesting a\nthorough and disinterested scientific analysis, and offering his further\nservices if necessary.[2]\n\nAnother factor making for insecurity of belief and practice has been the\nintense opposition on the part of some leaders of older cults in the\ntribe itself. We will recur to this subject in discussing the history of\npeyote in specific groups, but cite here the rather accentuated example\nof hostility at Taos.[3] Dr. Parsons tells of a lawsuit between a \u201cpeyote\nboy\u201d and one of the Mexican Penitentes which was resolved by both paying\nthe costs, to prevent the betrayal of native customs. Thereafter the\nchiefs said:\n\n [Peyote] does not belong to us. It is not the work given to us.\n It will stop the rain. Something will happen.\n\nBut as desire for rain is the typical anxiety reflected in native ritual\nin the agricultural Southwest, the peyote boys retorted in the same vein.\nIn the drought of 1922 they said:\n\n \u201cNow it is so dry this summer because the peyote boys can\u2019t\n have their meetings; they used to bring so much rain.\u201d [Indeed,\n nowadays,] the townspeople are given to referring all their\n inclination to feud to the peyote situation.\n\nBut there is ample evidence that this tendency existed before peyote ever\ncame to Taos. On the other hand, the wife of one peyote-user asserted\nthat there was no more \u201cwitch sickness\u201d in the town because of the\npeyote people, who were able to exorcize witches; nevertheless, one man\nattributed his trachoma to witching by \u201cforeigners\u201d in peyote meetings.\n\nSuch intense seriousness is in marked contrast to the situation in some\nPlains tribes, where peyote jokes are told at times in the forenoons\nafter meetings, when sufficient rapport has been established. A Comanche\nstory tells of a leader who took his expensive watch into a meeting and\nlaid it on the altar cloth near the father peyote to \u201cshow off.\u201d A man\nshaking the gourd vigorously on the north side was making motions toward\nthe father peyote, and miraculously the watch became broken up; \u201cit\nwas just a mess of works there loose, and the hands dropped off.\u201d The\ninformant was highly amused at this story. An Oto told the tale of a man\nwhose jaw became stiff as he was singing, a contretemps which upset the\nwhole meeting. Though this effect was apparently due to peyote, the story\nwas greeted with much laughter. People laugh at the incorrect singing\nof peyote songs too. We have already mentioned the one involving the\nalarming proximity of the Messiah just across the river in Missouri.\nAnother story is told of a visiting Kiowa who attempted to sing a\nComanche song in meeting. He mispronounced the words and sang, \u201c_Mentula\nexposita est! Mentula exposita est!_\u201d All the auditors of this story\nlaughed at this further proof that the Comanche have \u201cno shame.\u201d\n\nThe attitudes surrounding the plant itself are interesting. Perhaps the\nTarahumari[4] attitudes are most accentuated:\n\n Those who have never eaten peyote fear it most. Should they\n touch the plant, they believe they would go crazy or die. Those\n who have once eaten it at a fiesta need have no fear of it,\n providing they treat it properly.\n\nAt Tarahumari feasts of the dead peyote protects the living from the\nghost of the deceased, quite as eating it prevents bears from attacking\nthe hunter or deer from running away from him; it confers invulnerability\nfrom the Apaches and warns of their approach, and likewise foils the\nmachinations of sorcerers and robbers. In short, \u201chikuli is a powerful\nprotector of its people under all circumstances.\u201d\n\nThe Lipan well represent the attitude of early users in the United States:\n\n If a fellow is not scared, is not afraid of it, he will surely\n have a good time. A fellow who is afraid of it just gets dizzy\n and frightened. He sees things that frighten him. What he sees\n is not true, but is just playing a joke on him.... When a\n fellow is honest and good natured it is easy for him. But when\n a fellow is rough and ill tempered he will have a hard time\n learning from peyote. It will scare him and make it hard for\n him.... The chief peyote is pretty tough. It watches what is\n going on. It keeps everything straight. It is a plant, but it\n can see and understand better than a man. If someone has wrong\n thoughts, he had better look out or he will go crazy....\n\n When they first start eating peyote they put their thoughts on\n something good, something they want, for they say that whatever\n you are thinking about when you start is what you will see all\n during the night in your vision.... Sometimes a man sees a\n vision and it scares him and he goes out running. But he is all\n right the next day. The thing that frightened him won\u2019t happen\n unless he thinks about it all the time and it frightens him\n continually. Then he begins to be afraid of it and thinks it\n will happen. But if he holds it off\u2014holds off the bad thoughts\n that frighten him\u2014nothing will occur.... Sometimes it makes\n you dream something pleasant, sometimes it makes you dream\n something dangerous.... In the morning, just after the meeting\n is over, you can tell others what you saw.\n\nHoebel writes that\n\n the trickiness of peyote is emphasized by the Cheyenne. They\n constantly reiterate that a man must keep hold of himself and\n also that he must live straight or peyote will shame him.\n\nA Delaware rationalized the unpredictable effect of peyote somewhat\ndifferently:[5]\n\n I had the feeling once that it was going to make me foolish,\n but that happens to everybody, and is a test of one\u2019s faith in\n peyote.\n\nVomiting of peyote is a punishment for one\u2019s sins, but it cleanses the\nbody of its impurities in the process and purifies the blood. Part of the\nsymbolism in the bead-work on an Arapaho fetish-pouch is the \u201cvomitings\u201d\ndeposited in a ring around the inside of the tipi.[6]\n\nIt would be na\u00efve to suppose that peyote tastes any less unpleasant to\nnatives than it does to Whites. But we should remember that peyote is\neaten by Indians influenced by strong motives and deep belief, and the\nconsequent physiological state is easily and adequately rationalized. It\nis not surprising that a man addicted to alcohol and shamed by it before\nboth Indians and Whites believes that \u201cwhiskey and peyote fight in a man,\nand usually peyote wins and brings it out.\u201d No doubt such a cure _ad\nnauseam_ is as good as any, and more effective than some. The depressing\neffect of peyote is also well recognized and measures are taken to\novercome it. The Arapaho have feathers at four corners of the tipi to\nbrush persons who tire during the meeting, and the \u201csmoke\u201d at Taos is\nmade to overcome the depression of the early stages of eating, as sage is\nsimilarly used in the Plains.[7]\n\nBut suffering is counted even a positive virtue among people who had the\n\u201cvision quest\u201d in the old days. A crippled Indian at Miami told me that\n\u201cto get power from peyote a man must suffer to it.\u201d The four rounds of\nthe drum without water among the Caddo suggests an intention of making\nthe meeting an ordeal, and Mrs. Voegelin\u2019s Shawnee informant emphasized\nthat the Spybuck moon modelled on the Caddo was \u201chard.\u201d Most informants\nwould consider the Osage, who have \u201cbeds\u201d in their meeting-houses\nsometimes, not merely ostentatious but also \u201csoft\u201d; one old man said that\nsage under the blankets of the seat as a cushion indicated a decadent\ngeneration, for did not they sit on the bare ground in the old days? A\nKickapoo informant said Quanah Parker used to warn them that the taste of\npeyote wasn\u2019t good, though \u201cit would keep you on the right path.\u201d About\n2:10 in the morning a Comanche informant of Simmons said:\n\n If there is suffering, this is the time. That\u2019s the reason\n I took a good rest: so I could stand it. Many a time I have\n fallen over at this time. It\u2019s getting on to what they call\n the dark hour, the hour of the Crucifixion. Everyone here is\n suffering now.\n\nThe Winnebago[8] elaborated into a dogma the physiological effect of\npeyote in producing occasional vomiting:\n\n If a person who is truly repentant eats peyote for the first\n time, he does not suffer at all from its effects. But if an\n individual is bull-headed, does not believe in its virtue, he\n is likely to suffer a great deal.... If a person eats peyote\n and does not repent openly, he has a guilty conscience, which\n leaves him as soon as the public repentance has been made....\n If a peyote-user relapses into his old way of living, then the\n peyote causes him great suffering.... The disagreeable effects\n of the peyote varied directly with a man\u2019s disbelief in it.\n This explanation [Rave] persistently drummed into the ears of\n beginners, who otherwise become terrified and give up too soon.\n\nWe have already noted the Huichol-Tarahumari belief that peyote sees and\npunishes evil deeds. Similarly, when as an old man Kutubi (Comanche)\nbecame sick he gave his father peyote to Mumsika, reasoning that he had\n\u201cprobably eaten something peyote didn\u2019t allow\u201d; this is probably the\nsame father peyote which years before had predicted a bad fate for a war\nparty. The leader had wept and strenuously upbraided peyote for this and\nmay later have felt some guilt for his presumptuousness. In any case he\nheld peyote responsible both times for his bad fortune.\n\nBut if peyote is blamed for bad fortune, it is also accredited with\nthe liquidation of manifold anxieties. Fear of death is perhaps the\nmost conspicuous anxiety in Plains culture. It is not surprising,\ntherefore, that doctoring plays a major part in the cult. But the power\nand authority of peyote are relied upon in other ways too. In a number\nof tribes peyote or peyote tea is used whenever the individual finds\nhimself confronted with any important personal problem. To be sure, it\nis the individual\u2019s _total wishes_ which ultimately find expression in\nthe course of action followed, but the consultation with peyote composes\nconflicts and gives an authority to the decision which the \u201cunaided\u201d\nindividual might not have been able to summon.[9]\n\nThe protective function of the father peyote is most highly\npatterned, perhaps, among the Mescalero Apache.[10] In this culture\nthe aggressions arising from the particular socio-economic system of\nmarriage find expression in intense witchcraft activity. But for the\ntypical aggressions which a culture engenders, a culture often has a\npatterned solution to offer. For though the means used were magical, the\naggressions and counter-aggressions were _real_ in the psychological\nsense, and peyote had a real function in witch-prophylaxis. Shamanistic\nrivalry was most virulent and witchcraft-anxiety was correspondingly\nas intense as the projected hatreds. One never knew what dangerous and\npowerful supernatural possessions a hated rival possessed, hence a\nnumber of protective devices were developed in Mescalero peyotism.[11]\nYet characteristically in this uncomfortable culture, the power of peyote\nwas itself dangerous, and elaborate care had to be exercised in removing\nthe fuzz from the top of the buttons before eating. Should it touch the\neyes, it would cause blindness!\n\nIn the Plains the fear is often expressed, not without justification,\nthat the white man is ever about to take away the peyote religion\nfrom the Indian, as he has taken almost everything else material and\nimmaterial. But the frequency of this asserveration, sometimes in\ncontexts which the writer thought were unrealistic, indicates that\nIndians view peyote in a sense as a protector from the Whites. Peyote\nis rather confidently thought to be able to take care of itself\u2014which\naccounts for the comparative ease with which a white man can obtain\nentrance to a meeting, where he will be exposed to \u201cproof\u201d of peyote\u2019s\npower. We need not emphasize this function of peyote beyond its true\nproportions, but it may be recalled that peyote enabled a native to\nescape from a white man\u2019s jail; that it aided peyote pilgrims to bring\nplants undeterred through the white man\u2019s customs; that it is the\nsovereign remedy for the evil of the white man\u2019s whiskey; that peyote\nhas so far protected itself against the white man\u2019s attempted sumptuary\nlegislation; that it miraculously escaped detection and confiscation in\na white man\u2019s war, through which it protected its bearer; and, not least\nin psychological importance, that peyote characteristically succeeds\n(because it is of God, not man) in cures which the white doctor has long\nsince given up as hopeless.\n\nThis function of peyote as protector is rooted in earlier history:\nit sees from afar the approach of the enemy, predicts the results of\nbattle and protects one in battle from the hazards of war. Peyote would\nhave prevented a gun accident, and an accident with a mechanical saw,\nin instances collected, if the persons involved had only been able to\nunderstand its warning. And in another case, when a serious automobile\naccident had already happened, peyote quelled the anxiety of worrying\nrelatives in assuring an ultimate cure. Again, Mary Buffalo, White Wolfs\nmother and Belo Kozad\u2019s wife had all lost many children, until they took\ntheir sons into peyote meetings and prayed to the power that they be\nspared; in each case the son grew to manhood. Peyote is the comforter in\nthe event of death also; a funeral meeting is often held as the last rite\nof respect to the deceased, and some groups hold anniversary meetings for\nfour years after the death.\n\nBut peyote punishes as well. An inconstant result of its physiological\naction is the production at times of an intense fear-state. Rave, for\nexample, (Winnebago)[12] in a period of mental stress experienced his\nfear:\n\n Suddenly I saw a big snake. I was very much frightened.\n Then another one came crawling over me. \u201cMy God! Where are\n these snakes coming from?\u201d There at my back there seemed to\n be something also. So I looked around and saw a snake about\n ready to swallow me entirely. It had arms and legs and a long\n tail. The end of its tail was like a spear. \u201cOh God! I am\n surely going to die now,\u201d I thought. Then I turned in another\n direction and I saw a man with horns and long claws and with a\n spear in his hand. He jumped for me and I threw myself on the\n ground. He missed me. Then I looked back. This time he started\n back but it seemed to me that he was directing his spear at\n me. Again I threw myself on the ground and he missed me. There\n seemed to be no escape for me.\n\nA similar experience of Crashing Thunder (Winnebago) is noted elsewhere;\nand in a story told of Bear Track (Cheyenne) and his Osage wife on their\nvisit to the Holy Land, the parents seem to have communicated some of\ntheir anxiety and fear surrounding mysterious experiences there to their\nsmall daughter, who awoke screaming one night at a presence she saw in\nthe room.\n\nThe peyote meeting of many groups has incorporated in it a powerful\nmechanism for the liquidation of individual anxieties in the practice\nof public confession of sins. It is difficult to over-estimate the\nimportance of this feature.[13] On the exhortation of the leader, many\nmembers rise and accuse themselves publicly of misdemeanors or offenses,\nasking pardon of persons who might have been injured by them. How large\na part peyote has in the production of such states is an open question\n(for the pattern of public confession is widespread aboriginally in the\nNew World); but that confession to the father-peyote and his authority,\nand repentance before the group is of profound significance cannot be\ndoubted. More than ritual tears stream down the confessant\u2019s cheeks as he\nacknowledges his faults and asks aid to keep his promise to mend his ways.\n\nPeyote often figures in matters of personal adjustment. The story of John\nRave is too well known to require more than mention here. The somewhat\nsimilar history of Jonathan Koshiway (Oto) is likewise interesting in\nshowing how a compromise was struck between the older pagan culture and\nChristianity, to whose influence this individual had been exposed. The\npersonal solution in Koshiway\u2019s case seems to have been a perfectly\nsatisfactory one: in the Church of the First-born he doctored and\n\u201chollered\u201d like the source of his power in good old Indian fashion, and\non the other hand baptized, conducted funerals and married couples just\nas in white churches. The statements of Crashing Thunder\u2019s father[14]\nindicate a somewhat less happy and inclusive solution, which involved the\nsacrifice of the old customs:\n\n The peyote people are rather foolish for they cry when they\n feel happy about anything. They throw away all the medicines\n that they possess and whose virtues they know. They give up\n all the blessings they received while fasting, give up all the\n spirits who blessed them. They stop giving feasts and making\n offering of tobacco. They burn up all their holy things,\n destroy the war-bundles. They stop smoking and chewing tobacco.\n They are bad people. They burn up their medicine pouches, give\n up the Medicine Dance and even cut up their otter-skin bags.\n\nCrashing Thunder, as we have seen, was himself persuaded by peyote\ncultists that it was disgraceful to have his hair long, and he gave his\nshorn hair with his medicine bundles to his brother-in-law, as both wept\nand as he received the thanks of his relatives. Clothing and headdress\nare also symbols of conflict between the old and the new for Taos and\nOsage.\n\nA dramatic solution of a life-long problem was offered Crashing\nThunder in peyotism. He had lied about having gotten power from a\nvision-experience in connection with the the older native religion: so\nimportant for personal prestige was this experience that he was betrayed\ninto fabrication to obtain it. But he never lied to himself. All his life\nhe was aware of the deception, and being a man of marked fundamental\nhonesty, he keenly felt the fraud. Finally at the age of forty-five\nhe did achieve through peyote the experience which he had missed in\nhis youth. His conversion to the peyote religion was consequently most\nprofound: \u201cIt is the only holy thing that I have become aware of in all\nmy life,\u201d he said simply, after this experience.\n\nJack Thomas (Delaware) solved a problem of major importance to himself\nthrough peyote. He had been appointed a Government policeman, and found\nconsiderable conflict between his duty and his sympathies. Finally he\nbecame gravely ill, and a meeting was put on by his brother and another\nrelative to pray for his recovery. In this meeting the answer came to him:\n\n The others in the tipi did not like me. Peyote told me this. I\n had been a man-catcher. That was the reason. The two persons\n that loved me prayed for me and I got well. I did not go back\n to my job of man-catcher. Peyote showed me that it is wrong.\n\nThe mechanisms for social control afforded by the public and communal\nnature of the cult (as opposed to the individualism of the older\nreligions in the Plains) are on the whole very effective. The speeches\nof the leaders and old men give ample opportunity for the expression of\nopinions concerning the conduct of younger members in peyote meetings and\nout. We have already noted the case in which a Kiowa marriage was saved\nfrom destruction by timely advice and reprimand addressed to the husband\nin a peyote meeting. The prayers, too, which almost any individual may\nmake by calling for a smoke, are further vehicles for quite various\npsychological transactions.\n\nPeyote leadership carries with it much prestige, and the great\nroad-chiefs like Quanah Parker, Belo Kozad, Old Man Horse, White Horn,\nJohn Rave and Jonathan Koshiway are spoken of with considerable respect.\nIn the case of John Wilson peyote was further made the vehicle of\neconomic success. But the negative instances are just as interesting. We\nhave already mentioned A. S., a Seminole who lived and married among the\nCaddo. He built a moon of the general John Wilson-Enoch Hoag type, which\ndiffered from these in only minor details. His bid for personal prestige,\nhowever, received so little support on the part of his group that he\nremoved the inner symbolic part of his altar to the woods nearby, and\nleft only the crescent and apron of a \u201csmall moon.\u201d\n\nAnother case is that of H. B., a Kiowa. This group has been unimpressed\nby any major changes in the rite, and success in leadership lies along\nrather conventional lines since they regard themselves as the repositors\nof the original native rite. H. B. aspired to be a peyote leader and to\nincrease his prestige through the cult. His wife\u2019s brother was the leader\nof the minutely variant \u201cKiowa Road,\u201d his mother\u2019s brother, further,\nwas one of the two original users of peyote among the Kiowa and his\nstep-father was an owner of one of the \u201cTen Medicine\u201d bundles. All in all\nhis chances might have seemed good in the beginning. But a train of bad\nluck befell him: his wife died, his step-son fell sick, and his mother\u2019s\nbrother died, all within a year. His mother quarreled with the rather\nwell-to-do wife of her nephew, C. A., who among the middle-aged men is\nperhaps the most promising and widely accepted peyote leader (though he\nstill modestly confines himself to the job of \u201cfire chief\u201d). Then, as C.\nA. said\u2014and he was not above sabotaging his rival H. B.\u2019s chances\u2014\u201che\ncouldn\u2019t quite make the grade, because people wondered why all these\nthings had happened to him; some fellows are like that.\u201d\n\nThere is much therefore that is psychologically precarious in peyotism.\nPersonal histories and happenings to the individual determine his\nattitude toward the cult, and the attitude may change as new anxieties\narise and old ones are solved. A typical conversion perhaps is that of\nJohn Bearskin (Winnebago), described by Densmore:[15]\n\n The parents of John Bearskin belonged to the medicine lodge and\n he belonged to that organization until 1912. The mother of John\n Bearskin became sick in 1905 and told him that she was near to\n death. He was so distressed that he went to town and became\n drunk. The next morning they wakened him and said that his\n mother was dead. His father died in 1909. At that time he had\n a little girl two years old and his sister had a little girl\n five years of age. Both children died a week after his father\u2019s\n death. Bearskin\u2019s father left him a farm with house, stock and\n implements. He disposed of these, spent part of the proceeds\n and with the remainder bought a house in Winnebago [Nebraska]\n but later sold that and spent the money. He was drifting from\n place to place and working as he had opportunity when a cousin\n wrote him about peyote, advising him to return and use it. He\n went back and on January 19, 1912, he and his two daughters\n joined the peyote organization, being baptized by John Rave.\n His wife joined later, during an illness. Since that time he\n has not wavered in his attachment to the peyote cult, neither\n has he gambled nor used liquor nor tobacco.\n\nBut there are skeptics who do not join. Michelson[16] quotes a Sauk\ninformant, who first belonged and later quit the cult:\n\n I do not believe in it because it gives you the same effect\n as whisky when you are drunk four or five days; only peyote\n will affect you when you eat it once. I have eaten so there is\n nothing in it. I quit five years ago. And another reason why I\n do not believe in it is because the man did not know who the\n manitou was who did the talking [in the Peyote origin legend];\n because the men pitied by manitous, among us Sauks, knew who\n they were, such as Wolf, Wisake, Turtle, or such as that.\n\nAn Oto informant was skeptical at first about the power of peyote, and\nexperimented with it: for two days he drank tea to test its virtues,\nand then went to a meeting. There he was converted or \u201csaved\u201d when he\nrealized that he was \u201cpitiful like a stick.\u201d\n\nDelos Lonewolf (Kiowa) quit peyote and became a preacher again, though\nhe had been an important peyote leader and one-time president of the\nOklahoma Native American Church; he had had \u201cfamily troubles\u201d and\nwas apparently persuaded thereto by his wife. Cecil Horse and Albert\nCat (Kiowa) have also recently quit peyote. When Kiowa Jim lost his\nson, he gave his staff, gourd and feathers to Baptiste Derond (Oto),\na brother-in-law of Jonathan Koshiway. Derond was later killed in an\nautomobile accident. His younger brother Frank now has the paraphernalia,\nbut according to Koshiway, \u201cthey are afraid of them, and want to return\nthem,\u201d since they are associated with misfortune.[17]\n\nSometimes Christianity itself is invoked in defence of peyote. Old Man\nGreen (Oto) used arguments from the Bible to confound a Protestant\nminister who had been unfriendly to the native religion. He quoted from\nGenesis 1.12 an opinion from God Himself upon His completing the creation\nof green herbs: \u201cand God saw that it was good.\u201d Said Green, \u201cPeyote\nwas there then. If you condemn peyote, you condemn God\u2019s work.\u201d On the\nwhole, however, peyotism and Christianity are mutually exclusive in the\nsouthern Plains at least, so far as membership in the one or the other\nis concerned. This is partly due to the usual time peyote meetings are\nheld (i.e., Saturday night and Sunday forenoon), but partly also to the\nintransigence and stubbornness to native overtures on the part of white\nProtestant ministers.\n\nBert Crow-lance (Kiowa) is an interesting case of a man who has tried\nboth the old religion and peyote, and found both unsatisfactory. In\n1935 he attempted the vision quest, fasting and praying on a hill west\nof Anadarko. A hernia had partially incapacitated him for work, and he\nwas seeking means to support his large family. He went out to fast and\npray in the hope (so he told the writer) of finding gold and diamonds in\nOklahoma through a vision, and failing that, oil, which would make him\nrich. But before he had completed the required four days, his deceased\nmother appeared to him in a vision and told him that there were snakes\naround which endangered him, and that he must return later with a pipe,\nwhich he had forgotten. But the second attempt was no more successful\nthan the first.\n\nCrow-lance had gone to a number of peyote meetings. In one of them he\nprayed that his sick daughter be made well. She later died. Crow-lance in\ndisgust threw his peyote feathers into the Washita River. A friend who\nheard of this was horrified:\n\n Only when a Kiowa _dies_ do you throw things in the river. Your\n children and grandchildren are living. That\u2019s a mistake, and he\n must right it now. We\u2019re getting after him now\u2014he threw away\n all his good feathers!\n\nThe articles were recovered in part, and selections of gourds and\nfeathers were made by other peyote-users. Another anecdote we have\nalready recounted of a father peyote which was almost returned to the\nplace where it had been gathered. Again, Timbo (Comanche) formerly had\nmany cattle and horses. He has lost all of them now, and this he blames\non the displeasure of peyote. In short, all manner of happenings are\nattributed to the approval or ill favor of peyote, and rare is the event\nwhich may not be rationalized on this basis.\n\nFrom these data, then, it may be well seen that peyotism functions\nin all ways as a living religion: peyote christens the new-born and\nprotects their early years, teaches the young, marries young men and\nwomen, rewards and punishes the behavior of adult years, and buries the\ndead\u2014offering throughout consolation for troubles, chastening for bad\ndeeds or thoughts, and serving as the focus for tribal and intertribal\nlife. Peyotism is without question the living religion of the majority of\nPlains Indians today. Perhaps the statement of a Delaware may make this\nclear:[18]\n\n The old Delaware religion is too heavy for us who are\n becoming few and weak. It is too difficult; Peyote is easy\n in comparison. Therefore we who are weak take up this new\n Indian religion. This is the very objection raised by the old\n men, taking it up. But Peyote knows that the Indian\u2019s burden\n of becoming educated and at the same time keeping up the old\n religion is too heavy, for he said that to the old woman who\n was the first to discover our new religion. Peyote is to be the\n Indians\u2019 new religion. It is to be for all the Indian people\n and only for them.\n\nThe intent of the present section was to give the reader some sense of\nthe emotional immediacy of peyotism to the present-day Plains Indian.\nSuch a study might properly be termed \u201cfunctional,\u201d and in biological\nanalogy corresponds to the physiology or dynamic aspect of the anatomy or\ndescriptive morphology attempted in our preceding discussion of cultural\ntraits and patterns. But we must at once abandon our analogy, lest like\nsome others we extrapolate illegitimately terms which have meaning in\none universe of discourse into another where they serve only to produce\nconfusion. In biology and medicine, anatomy may perhaps be understood\nwholly divorced from palaeontological and physical-anthropological (i.e.,\nhistorical) considerations, but this is peculiarly not the case with any\nattempt to discuss a culture-pattern functionally or psychologically.\nHere the immediacy and the momentum of past history, that is the\nfunctioning of culture-patterns in terms of individuals, is precisely the\npoint at issue. And here the aggregation of traits into a complex is less\nthe result of organismic-biological factors than of \u201chistorical accident\u201d\n(e.g., the use of parched corn in the Plains ritual breakfast\u2014its\nfunction in the religious pattern of an agricultural economy having\nlong since been in abeyance). The traits of a complex do not gain\ntheir relatedness or their adhesiveness from any biological-organismic\n\u201cfunction\u201d; culture-traits are not chromosome-linked genes, and change of\none trait of a pattern need not organically change the rest. Indeed, if\nwe can speak of \u201cthe peyote cult\u201d at all, it is only after demonstrating\nits historical continuity as such.\n\nFor Bert Crow-lance and Homer Buffalo, we maintain, judged from the\nvantage-point of any other culture than their own, would remain enigmas\nor examples of inexplicably bizarre behavior if we did not fall back on\nhistory\u2014on the decadent pattern of the vision-quest, and on patterns\nnow almost vanished of prestige and power-seeking, etc. But the problem\nof the ethnologist as we see it is not the reporting of the outlandish\nand the picturesque; it is the discovery of plausible motivations in\nterms of native meanings, the discovery of the essentially humane in its\nto us often disguised manifestations. In practice, then, _we can never\nknow enough history_ either biographical or cultural, in explaining a\npresent culture as it functions in individuals acting in such and such\na (historically-conditioned) way. We feel the more free, therefore, to\ntrace in the next section the history of a pre-peyote Plains narcotic\nused ritually, inasmuch as it affords an insight into the historical\nproblem.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 11, lent through the courtesy\nof Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne).\n\n[2] Letter of Mack Haag (Cheyenne), Calumet, Oklahoma, to Dr. R. W.\nMiles, San Francisco, California, Sept. 16, 1925, and reply Oct. 2,\n1925. What unfriendliness the writer met was largely the projection\nof individual suspiciousness, e.g., that of a Caddo who concocted a\npreposterous story out of his own imagination. When I returned to\nAnadarko in 1936 with a White companion who remained for several weeks,\nthis man circulated the story that James Mooney\u2019s son and the son of the\nCommissioner of Indian Affairs had arrived to make a thorough check-up on\npeyote, that to obtain an \u201cabsolute lowdown\u201d we had a man stationed on\nevery corner in the town to check up on every Indian who took a drink of\nbeer in a saloon, picked up a woman, or was overheard swearing\u2014in any of\na dozen Indian languages!\n\n[3] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 66-68.\n\n[4] Datura or Jimsonweed was also greatly feared; it killed or drove\ncrazy anyone who touched it. Only shamans armed with the more powerful\npeyote dared uproot it. Bak\u00e1nori was used by runners to rub on their legs\nor to carry in the girdle to counteract witchcraft in the ritual races;\nbut if kept too long this plant also would drive a man crazy or kill him.\nSee Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 136-38, 292, 338, 347; Lumholtz,\n_Unknown Mexico_, 1:359-60, 372-74; also Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_.\n\n[5] Opler, _The Use of Peyote_; _Lipan Apache Field Notes_; Hoebel,\n_Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_; Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 71.\n\n[6] Can this be a reflex of an older pattern? Spier (_The Sun Dance_,\n473) lists as a part of the Sun Dance of the Arapaho, Kiowa and Southern\nCheyenne a prepared drink and the induction of vomiting. Kozad (Kiowa)\nbelieved peyote had a good effect whether vomited or not\u2014the virtue being\nin the quantity eaten. Cf. the emetic rites in connection with the \u201cblack\ndrink.\u201d\n\n[7] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 406-407; Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 65.\n\n[8] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5-6, 19-20; _The Winnebago\nTribe_, 395.\n\n[9] E.g., Charles Lonewolf (Kiowa) in _Peyote as Used in Religious\nWorship_, 53; Hoebel, _Comanche Field Notes_. Again, all the prestige\nof the culture itself was behind Old Man White Horn\u2019s pronouncement to\nthe psychotic Oto, R. E., that peyote would protect him. This individual\nsuffered apparently from an obsessional neurosis (stereotyped actions,\ncollecting string, rolling and unrolling balls of it, persecutory fears,\navoidance of people, fear of being pursued etc.). If his difficulties\nhad originally arisen from real or supposed aggressions upon him of\nmembers of his group, the therapeutic value of the assertion that the\nfetish would protect him is obvious. For the belief that it would protect\nhim was shared by all the others present, and he had the support of the\nenormous impetus a deep-seated culture-pattern possesses. The importance\nof the fetish plant as a psychic \u201cauthority\u201d should likewise not be\nminimized.\n\n[10] Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_, _passim_.\n\n[11] For one matter, the shaman\u2019s staff never left his hand to be passed\naround as in the Plains; and each individual had some prophylactic fetish\nin his hand which he never dared relinquish throughout the meeting.\nNote, too, the fetish peyote on the altar: on this the leader could\ndetect evil thoughts and acts, such as the magic intrusive \u201cshooting\u201d of\nwater-beetles and feathers by rival shamans into each other.\n\n[12] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 180, see also 193-94, 198-99; _A Sketch\nof the Peyote Cult_, 8-9; Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote\nCeremony_.\n\n[13] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 725; Radin, _Crashing Thunder_,\n177; _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5-6, 19-20; _The Winnebago Tribe_,\n395; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote\nCeremony_. Confession is present in Iowa, Oto, and Winnebago peyotism.\nBut I have noted non-peyote instances of public confession among Aztecs,\nAurohuaca, Carrier, Chichimeca, Crow, Dogrib, Eskimo, Guatemaltecans,\nHuichol, Ijca, Inca, Iroquois, Maya, Nicarao, Plains Cree, Plains Ojibwa,\nSalteaux, Shawnee, Slave, Tahltan, Western Apache, Yellowknife, and\nYucatecans. Related practices are reported for the Arikara, Blackfoot,\nSouthern Cheyenne, Oglala, and Sarsi.\n\n[14] Radin, _Crashing Thunder_, 171, 186-87; Petrullo, _The Diabolic\nRoot_, 111.\n\n[15] Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of the Peyote Ceremony_.\n\n[16] Michelson, _Sauk and Fox Myths_.\n\n[17] A Wichita told an anecdote which he thought evidenced his own\nvery good fortune. During a storm he was trying to get to a meeting\nat Red Rock in his old car, which failed him. A tragedy occurred in\nthis meeting: Riley Fawfaw (Oto) was killed by lightning. A supporting\nwire had been put on the tipi and along this the lightning apparently\ntraveled, for money in his pocket was melted, his neighbors made\nunconscious and others thrown about the tipi by the force of the bolt.\nUnfortunately it seemed inexpedient to inquire more deeply into detailed\nattitudes about this incident.\n\n[18] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 76.\n\n\n\n\nHISTORICAL INTERPRETATIONS\n\n\nTHE PRE-PEYOTE MESCAL BEAN CULT\n\nAs we have noted in the section on the botany of peyote, the use of\nthe term \u201cmescal\u201d is surrounded with considerable confusion, and is\npersistently used in the older literature to designate _Lophophora\nwilliamsii_ or peyote. The true mescal is the _Agave_ spp. whose\ncabbage-like center is baked by the tribes of the Southwest and\nnorthern Mexico as a food; \u201cmescal\u201d also refers to the brandy distilled\nfrom mescal beer or pulque. No doubt it is due to their intoxicating\nproperties that two other distinct plants, _Sophora secundiflora_\nand _Lophophora williamsii_, have been called, respectively, \u201cmescal\nbean\u201d and \u201cmescal button.\u201d A further confusion of these last has been\ncontributed to by the fact that both have been involved in Plains cult\nuses.\n\n_Sophophora secundiflora_ is an evergreen shrub bearing two or three\ntough-shelled red seeds in a bean-like pod. Known in Mexico as \u201ctoleselo\u201d\nand elsewhere as mescal-bean, coral-bean,[1] frijolito, frijolillo and\nmountain laurel,[2] it contains the extremely toxic narcotic alkaloid\nsophorine or cytisine,[3] the physiological action of which accounts for\nits ceremonial use by natives. This is a powerful poison causing nausea,\nconvulsions and finally death by asphyxiation; it is said[4] to resemble\nnicotine closely in physiological action. A more complete botanical and\nphysiological account appears in an appendix, and we are here concerned\nonly with its ethnographic aspects.\n\nHavard says that the Indians near San Antonio\n\n formerly used the seed as an intoxicant, half of a seed\n producing a delirious exhilaration followed by a deep sleep\n lasting two or three days.\n\nOpler tells a Chiricahua Apache coyote story in which the trickster\npounded up a number of the beans and gave them to the people to eat:\n\n So while the people were out of their minds, Coyote cut out\n their hair in patches the way Indians cut their hair. So there\n they were, crazy.\n\nLumholtz says that the Tarahumari added the root (?) of the frijolillo\nto their maguey wine \u201cas a ferment,\u201d and Bennett and Zingg report\nan archaeological occurrence at a Rio Fuerte site in Chihuahua on a\nBasket-Maker horizon:\n\n Containers found here and in another site held nothing but\n a few seeds of the poisonous wild \u201cbean,\u201d which may have\n ceremonial significance.\n\nThis inference is not implausible when we recall the Mexican mode of\nkeeping peyote.[5]\n\nThe use of peyote in racing and in ball games is noted for the Tarahumari\nand Tamaulipecan groups, and in this connection it is interesting to\nlearn that the Wichita used to eat mescal beans before they ran a race.\nA Cheyenne informant said that his tribe used the \u201cred-berry\u201d as an\neye-wash long before they knew of peyote, though he never heard of their\neating it; \u201cit\u2019s poison,\u201d he said. The Comanche used to get mescal beans\nfrom near Fort Stanton, apparently for ornamental purposes only.[6] Like\nmost of the Plains tribes, the Kickapoo used mescal beans chiefly as\nbeads, but in common with the Cheyenne they used them medicinally: for\nearache they boiled, mashed and strained the beans through a cloth.\n\nThe Kiowa use the \u1e31\u0254n\u1e31o\u03bb or mescal beans typically, as beads in peyote\nmeetings, much as they formerly wore bandoliers of them on the war-path.\nOne Kiowa is said to have chewed the inside of a mescal bean before\nbreaking a bad wild horse bareback. A Kiowa peyote chief had several of\nthe beans on his moccasin heel-fringe, to protect from the dangers of\ninadvertently stepping on menstrual blood, and another Kiowa \u201cpeyote boy\u201d\nhad a mescal bean attached to the thong of his gourd rattle. Mescal beans\nare clearly thought to possess great medicine-power.\n\nThe Iowa had leggings which Skinner thought might have been of a modified\nKiowa-Comanche type, with a perforated scarlet mescal bean (Iowa, maka\nshutze, \u201cred medicine\u201d) knotted on each thong of the fringe. The Omaha\nused as beads and good luck charms bright red beans which Gilmore thought\nwere _Erythrina_, and which they called maka\u207f zhide or \u201cred medicine\u201d\nlikewise. In adopting the use of chinaberries (_Melia azerdache_ L.) as\nbeads, they likened them to mescal beans and called them, curiously,\nmaka\u207f-zhide sabe, \u201cblack red-medicine.\u201d[7] Pawnee informants said that\nlong ago they used bat or mescal beans for medicine \u201cto strengthen the\nbody,\u201d but now use them only for decoration. The Oto used to eat \u201cliar(?)\nberries\u201d or mescal beans in one of their lodges; they had the interesting\nsuperstition that they breed (recalling the sex attributed to peyote):\n\n Tie two or three in a bundle, leave it a year or so, and when\n you open it again you\u2019ll have a dozen.\n\nThe inference that the Pawnee and Oto used the mescal bean ritually is\nborne out by the Iowa, who had a full-fledged ceremony called the \u201cRed\nBean Dance:\u201d[8]\n\n This is an ancient rite (ma\u207fk\u00e1cutzi waci) far antedating the\n modern peyote eating practice but on the same principle. The\n society was founded by a faster who dreamed that he received it\n from the deer, for red beans (mescal) are sometimes found in\n deer\u2019s stomachs.[9] There are four assistant leaders, besides\n the leader, and it is their duty to strike the drum and sing\n during ceremonies.\n\n In this society members were obliged to purchase admission from\n some one of the four assistant leaders. This was done in the\n regular ceremonial way. A candidate brought gifts and heaped\n them on the ground before the assistant leader and begged for\n the songs, etc., which he taught them and was then a leader.\n There was no initiation ceremony. During performances the\n members painted themselves white and wore a bunch of split\n owl-feathers on their heads. Small gourd rattles were used and\n the members while singing held a bow and arrow in the right\n hand which they waved back and forth in front of the body while\n they manipulated the rattle with the left.\n\n This ceremony was held in the spring when the sunflowers were\n in blossom on the prairie, for then nearly all the vegetable\n foods given by wakanda were ripe. The leader, who was the\n owner of a medicine and war bundle called ma\u207fk\u00e1cutzi war\u00fahawe\n connected with this society, had his men prepare by \u201ckilling\u201d\n the beans[10] by placing them before the fire until they\n turned yellow. Then they are taken and pounded up fine[11] and\n made into a medicine brew. The members then danced all night,\n and just past midnight they commenced to drink the red bean\n decoction. They kept this up until about dawn when it began to\n work upon them so that they vomited[12] and prayed repeatedly,\n and were thus cleansed ceremonially, the evil having been\n driven from their bodies. Then a feast of the new vegetable\n foods[13] was given them and a prayer of thanks was made to\n wakanda for vegetable foods and tobacco.\n\n The connection of the ma\u207fk\u00e1cutzi war\u00fahawe, or red bean war\n bundle with the society is not altogether clear to me, save\n that it was a sacred object possessed by the society which\n brought success in war, hunting, especially for the buffalo,\n and in horse-racing.[14] Members of this society tied red\n beans around their belts when they went to war, deeming them a\n protection against injury.[15] Cedar berries and sagebrush were\n also used with this medicine.[16] Sage was boiled and used to\n medicate sweat baths on the war trail.\n\nFurther information is afforded by Harrington,[17] who collected a\ntypical red bean bundle figured by Skinner, indicating a Pawnee parallel\nto the Iowa cult:\n\n In addition to the two varieties of Ioway war bundles before\n described, a third sort was found, Ma\u207fka\u207fshudje oyu, or Red\n Medicine Bundles.... This was not discussed with the others,\n for the reason that the Ioways claim that it did not originate\n with them, but was derived from the Pawnee, who, in return for\n many presents, gave them authority to use it, and instructed\n them in its preparation and ritual. The legend of its origin\n among the Pawnee was not known to my informants.\n\n The bundle, says Chief Tohee, belonged to a society, whose\n annual meeting was held about the time corn is ripe.[18]\n There was but one main bundle, but each member had a \u201cflute\u201d\n or whistle, and a small package of medicine. When the time\n approached for the meeting, the member who was to give the\n feast sent a crier or \u201cwaiter\u201d around to the different members,\n calling them to meet at a certain night in his bark house\n or tipi, whichever he was using at the time. All painted\n themselves and fixed themselves up in their best style for the\n occasion. Music was furnished by a number of singers, who kept\n time to the sound of drumming upon a tight bow-string,[19] and\n the sound of small gourd rattles. During the ceremonies the\n singers seated themselves in four different places at the side\n of the lodge, corresponding to the four directions, and sang in\n each one the verses prescribed by tradition, the order being:\n east, south, west, and north.[20] The dance is said to have\n consisted of peculiar jumping movements.\n\n Now, the \u201cRed Medicine\u201d which forms the basis of the bundle, is\n the sacred red Mescal bean (_Erythrina flabelliformis_) which\n seems to have narcotic or perhaps intoxicating properties when\n taken internally.[21] Formerly widely used by the Indians of\n the Southern Plains[22] to produce dreams or visions at certain\n ceremonies, it has now been supplanted by the more powerful\n \u201cbutton\u201d cut from the Peyote cactus, which is sometimes wrongly\n also called \u201cmescal,\u201d thus taking the name of its predecessor.\n\n When morning put an end to the dances of the ceremony under\n discussion, a large number of the red beans were broken up,\n or \u201ckilled\u201d as the Indians say (regarding the beans as alive)\n and stirred up with water in a large kettle, together with\n certain herbs which are said to make the decoction milder in\n action. Then all the participants drank a cup or two of the\n mixture. The only description of the action of the drug was\n that everything looks red to the drinker for a while, when he\n vomits, and evacuates the bowels, which the Indians say, cleans\n out the system, and benefits the health, even in the case of\n children. The medicine drinking, and the stupor and purging\n consequent upon it end the ceremony.\n\n It is said that the bundle has been handed down for a number\n of generations, since it was obtained from the Pawnee, all\n in one family, which must have benefited considerably, one\n would think, from the valuable presents necessary to join the\n society.... The [bundle\u2019s] taboo was very strict, forbidding\n its owners to break the bones[23] of any animal under any\n circumstances. They must never allow the bundle to touch the\n ground either....\n\n When not in use, it was kept carefully wrapped in hides or\n canvas so as to exclude the weather, hanging on a pole standing\n just east of the owner\u2019s lodge, in front of the doorway. In\n addressing the bundle, they called it \u201cGrandfather,\u201d and made\n offerings to it by throwing tobacco on the ground near the pole\n where it hung. On festal occasions the sweet smoke of burning\n cedar twigs was wafted upon it as an offering.\n\n In time of war, a special man was appointed to carry it, as was\n the case with most war bundles. Like them, too, it was opened\n when the enemy was sighted, when its enclosed amulets were put\n on by the warriors. Tooting their war-whistles, they rushed\n gaily into battle, confident of the Red Medicine\u2019s protection.\n\nMrs. Voegelin[24] quotes an informant on a Shawnee use of mescal in a war\nconnection:\n\n \u010calikwa\u2019s grandfather gave him one of these mescal beans\n (manitowimsko\u010dii\u2019Oa). This old man knew prayers about these\n beans.... He had four grandsons. He made a prayer to give each\n of these boys a bean\u2014one apiece.... He made a prayer about\n how the Creator made these beans and how they\u2019re used, using\n tobacco ... out in the woods; he built a fire, where he offered\n prayer. This old man wanted his grandsons to be warriors. So he\n told the first grandson to swallow one of those beans.\n\n When the first boy swallowed the bean, the bean came out. He\n told the boy, \u201cYou can never be a powerful man or anything;\n there\u2019s something in the way, that that bean didn\u2019t want to\n stay (inside you).\u201d This happened to three of the boys. The\n last grandson to take the bean was \u010calikwa; when he took it,\n the bean didn\u2019t come out. So when he saw his grandson keeping\n that bean, the old man was thankful. He told him, \u201cNow you\n have a power; any time you see a battle you\u2019ll be the leader.\u201d\n [And so he was in 1865, when the Shawnee almost wiped out the\n Tonkawa in battle.]\n\n\nHISTORY OF THE DIFFUSION OF PEYOTISM\n\nFar too little is known\u2014or probably ever will be known\u2014about peyotism in\nMexico to attempt to reconstruct its history; but our earliest Spanish\nsources indicate its pre-Columbian presence among the Aztec, and probably\nalso the Cora-Huichol.[25] But the latter do not live in the region of\ngrowth of the plant, whence Beals argues that they must certainly have\nborrowed the cult. Rouhier claims immense antiquity for Huichol peyotism,\nbut unconvincingly. If, indeed, as Beals with great plausibility argues,\npeyote is historically associated with shamanism, then it may have been\ninvolved in a late reinvigoration of shamanistic elements, at the expense\nof the priestly-sacerdotal elements of an older, impoverished culture\nstratum. Evidence is even less conclusive for other Mexican groups, but\non the whole it appears that the ritualization of the use of peyote was\nalready vigorous in many parts of Mexico at the time of the first Spanish\ncontact.\n\nThe approximate age of the peyote cult among the Tarahumari is likewise\nunknown to us. It is not so integrated into their culture as in the case\nof the Huichol, and in nearly all respects the southern cult is more\ncomplex than the northern. Furthermore, Tarahumari peyotism has for\nsome time been in decline, indicating perhaps a borrowing which was not\nsufficiently rooted\u2014the neighboring Tubar, for example, did not use\nhikuli, though their customs otherwise much resembled the Tarahumari.\nBoth Lumholtz and Bennett and Zingg consider Tarahumari peyotism a\ndiffusion from the Cora-Huichol; certainly the Tarahumari themselves show\nvery little indication of being a center of diffusion in Mexico in their\nlack of characteristic traits[26].\n\nDespite our comparative ignorance of the region, a much better case could\nbe made for northeastern Mexico as a center of diffusion, for the region\nimmediately south of the Rio Grande is one of the abundant growth of\npeyote. The oldest use in the United States is in this region, rather\nthan in the Southwest as represented by the Mescalero. Tonkawan peyotism,\nfor example, may be quite old: Velasco wrote in 1716 that many of the\nIndians of Texas drank \u201cpellote\u201d in connection with their dances. The\nLipan got peyote from the Carrizo before white contact, according to\nOpler\u2019s informants. The Lipan used to go to a place called Bi\u03b3agu\u026bgai,\nwhich was \u201cwide grass country beyond the Pecos in Texas,\u201d where the\nMescalero came sometimes to meet them. Wagner says the Mescalero got\npeyote from the Lipan about 1880, but later Plains history of the cult as\nevidenced by the Kiowa leads us to accept the date 1870 set by Opler, as\nmore plausible. Opler has well accounted for the ready acceptance by the\nMescalero of this shamanistically-colored complex, and its integration\ninto their pattern of aggression by witchcraft; he believes that peyotism\nwas brought to their door by the same movement which brought it to the\nPlains, though Mescalero peyotism is appreciably older.[27]\n\nFrom Dr. Parsons\u2019 careful account, it is clear that Taos practises the\nclassical Plains rite. Contact with the Arapaho-Cheyenne version dates\nat least as far back as 1907, and tentative beginnings of this sort\ncontinued in later years.[28] Interestingly, Cozio recorded in 1720 the\nprosecution of a Taos Indian who had taken peyote and disturbed the\ntown.[29] In any case the history of peyote at Taos has been a stormy\none.[30] About 1918 the hierarchy became bitterly opposed to peyote,\nand turned three men out of their kiva membership in an attempt to\nrout it out. Dr. Parsons[31] believes that the weakness of the kachina\ncult at Taos accounts perhaps for peyote getting any foothold there at\nall. It is no coincidence that the Water Kiva, which has to do with\nthe main elements of the kachina cult, the pilgrimage, is the one most\noutstandingly opposed to peyote. Considerable political activity has\nerupted over the issue, and Dr. Parsons surmises that the protective\ninfluence of a recently deceased political figure in the pueblo was also\nof significance. It may well be that recent Federal legislation will so\nstrengthen the hand of the civil authorities at Taos that the suppression\nof peyote can be accomplished; in 1923 the number of \u201cpeyote boys\u201d was\nonly 52 in a population of 635.\n\nIn the Plains the most important tribes in the diffusion of the peyote\ncult were the Kiowa, the Comanche, and to a lesser degree perhaps, the\nCaddo. Most Kiowa agree that they got peyote and the accompanying ritual\nfrom the Mescalero Apache. The usual story is that a raiding party came\nto the Apache country, and that during an Apache peyote meeting being\nheld at the time, the leader by clairvoyant means was made aware of the\napproach of the war-party leader. He told his fireman to invite the man\nin, enemy though he was. In this manner the man learned the ceremony, and\nat the end he was presented with peyote and ritual paraphernalia to take\nback to his tribe.[32]\n\nPabo, or Big Horse, was the only user among the Kiowa about 1868 or\n1870, and Mooney began to notice Kiowa peyote only around 1886, so the\nvigorous activity of a cult proper may be said to date from about this\ntime (though friendly contacts with the Mescalero in his opinion dated\nas far back as 1850 or before).[33] But the introduction of peyote was\nnot exclusively the doing of one tribe, any more in the case of the\nKiowa than of other groups. Tribal contacts have been multiple since\nthe cessation of intertribal warfare, and one is not at all inclined\nto discount the vague information from Kiowas that they knew of peyote\nfrom the C\u00e1\u03b3eso, the Z\u00e9\u00b7baki\u025bni or \u201cLong Arrows,\u201d the Y\u00e6k\u2019i (a loose\ndesignation for various north Mexican tribes) and the K\u03c9\u0254nh\u0119\u0262o. These\nlast so-called \u201cbare-footed\u201d people are probably the Carrizo, who\nranged within the region of growth of peyote. The Tonkawa[34] also made\nvisits to the Kiowa around 1890 and performed shamanistic tricks in\npeyote meetings. We therefore set the date of Kiowa peyotism somewhat\nearlier than Shonle\u2019s[35] \u201cbefore 1891\u201d (her data were based on official\nGovernment sources which might not have become cognizant of the cult\nuntil late in its history), for Kiowa were holding meetings by 1880 or\nbefore. The Kiowa probably contributed little or nothing definitive to\nthe general shape of the ceremony, most of whose features were already\nstandardized among the Lipan and the Mescalero.[36]\n\nAt one time, however, there was intense opposition to peyote on the\npart of some Kiowa. In the winter of 1887-88 B\u0105\u012fg\u02b8\u00e4 had a revelation\non the strength of which he claimed to be the successor to Pate\u2019te\nor \u201cBuffalo-Bull-Coming-Out\u201d (the \u201cBuffalo Prophet\u201d of 1881-82 who\nhad promised to bring back the buffalo if his followers joined him in\nresisting the Whites and returning to the old customs). He organized a\ngroup of about thirty into an order called Baiyui or \u201cSons of the Sun,\u201d\nwith a special costume, singing of gued\u03c9g\u02b8\u00e4, or old \u201cgoing-to-war\u201d\nsongs, smoking ceremony and dance. These he commanded to resume the old\ncostume, weapons and customs, and distributed to them a sacred new fire\nmade with a drill to take the place of fires kindled with flint-and-steel\nor matches. The Sons of the Sun were bitterly opposed to peyote on the\nground that it was in conflict with the Ten Medicine Bundles, though\nsince its introduction some years before there had been no special\nopposition to peyote. One of their rules was to drink always from an\nindividual cup or bucket, in pointed contrast to the peyote custom.\n\nB\u0105\u012fg\u02b8\u00e4 predicted that a great whirlwind would come in the spring,\nfollowed by a four-day prairie-fire in which the Whites and all their\nworks would be destroyed and the buffalo and the old Indian life\nrestored. He ordered all the Kiowa to gather at Elk Creek, where they\nwould be safe when the catastrophe came. He claimed that his followers\nwould be invulnerable to the white soldiers\u2019 bullets, and that he himself\ncould kill the latter with the glance of his eye as far as he could see\nthem. As the time grew near there was intense excitement and the whole\ntribe, save for a few skeptical chiefs and medicine men, assembled at\nthe appointed spot. When the holocaust failed to materialize the people\nlost faith in him. He held his original group together until the coming\nof the Ghost Dance in the fall of 1890. Shortly before this his son had\ndied, and when the Ghost Dance came he claimed to have seen the fresh\ntracks of this son on his grave, resurrected, and through this revelation\nattempted to identify his group with the Ghost Dance, without, however,\nany success. His disciples continued to ride around together in a group,\nand maintained their bitter hostility to peyote, but were not taken\nseriously. Finally, indeed, Lone Bear and other Sons of the Sun, became\nstaunch peyote-users themselves and opposition vanished.\n\nThe first Comanche user of peyote was Buig\u02b7at, who married an Apache\nwoman and is said to have learned it from the Mescalero. Other early\nusers were De\u0161ode (\u201cSmart Man\u201d) and Ta\u0161ipa, but by far the most important\npeyote leader among the Comanche was Quanah Parker. Previously opposed\nto it, he later changed his mind when peyote cured an illness of his.\nOne of the earliest Comanche meetings was held east of Fort Sill in\n1873 or 1874, about the time Kicking Bird was imprisoned there. Quanah\nsubsequently visited the Cheyenne, Arapaho, Ponca, Oto, Pawnee and Osage\namong others[37] and conducted meetings among them in the early 1890\u2019s.\nThe Comanche origin legend is similar to that of the Kiowa, except that\nthe White Mountain Apache were involved.\n\nRegardless of priority, the prestige of both these tribes as teachers of\npeyote is considerable.[38] Due to their influence, peyote spread rapidly\nin Oklahoma until it assumed the proportions of an \u201cinternational\u201d\nreligion such as the Ghost Dance had been. Distinctly a reservation\nphenomenon in the days following the cessation of intertribal warfare,\npeyotism was able to exploit the friendly contacts growing out of the\nGhost Dance. As Opler writes, \u201cThe spread and increased prominence of\npeyote ceremonies coincided suggestively with the final triumph of white\ncivilization over the tribes of our western plains, those very groups\nupon whom peyote obtained so strong a hold.\u201d\n\nThe express intention of Indian policy of the period was the\ndeculturation of the natives, to be obtained by sending the children\nto white schools, away from the influence of tribal life.[39] But this\npolicy prepared the way for peyotism in several ways: it weakened the\ntradition of the older tribal religions without basically altering\ntypical Plains religious attitudes, and multiplied friendly contacts\nbetween members of different tribes. Friendships made as school-boys\naccount for considerable visiting and revisiting from tribe to tribe, and\nnearly ideal conditions for the diffusion of the cult were established.\nWhen Eagle Flying Above (Pawnee) got peyote from White Eyes (Arapaho)\nthe sign language was the vehicle used, but in modern times the use of\nEnglish as a lingua Franca is an enabling factor of great importance\nin the diffusion of the cult. Thus, ironically, the intended modes\nof deculturizing the Indian have contributed pre\u00ebminently to the\nreinvigoration of a basically aboriginal religion.\n\nAmong the groups of considerable secondary importance in this\ndiffusion, the Caddo are perhaps outstanding. The variations which the\nCaddo-Delaware messiah John Wilson began, and taught to the Quapaw,\nOsage and other \u201cBig Moon\u201d worshippers, is a somewhat special historical\ndevelopment and is treated in an appendix. The significance of the Oto in\nthe development of the Christianized version among the Omaha, Winnebago\nand other Siouan groups is shown in another appendix on the history of\nthe Church of the First-born and other peyote churches.\n\nIn the diffusion of the standard rite the Arapaho and the Cheyenne\nperhaps come next after the Kiowa and the Comanche. Jock Bullbear was\none of the earliest Arapaho users, learning it from the Comanche when he\nreturned from Carlisle[40] in 1884, and by 1891 Arapaho peyotism came to\nthe attention of Mooney. A Cheyenne and Arapaho custom in connection with\npeyote meetings is the giving of presents to friends and visitors the\nnext morning after a meeting.[41] The sweat lodge doctoring modification\nof Arapaho peyotism has been described previously.\n\nThe Bannock of Idaho have used peyote since 1906-1911, apparently\nagainst considerable opposition. They formerly met in log-houses in the\nbackwoods, and did not use the plant openly until the Oklahoma Native\nAmerican Church was organized. The Cheyenne are believed by the writer to\nbe the source of their cult.\n\nThe Blackfoot in 1913 were said to lack[42] the peyote religion, but\nWissler states that he heard them singing peyote songs within a hundred\nyards of the very agent who denied the existence of the cult among them.\nAlfred Wilson (Cheyenne), who as president of the Native American Church\nhas occasion to know, says that the Blackfoot have peyote, though they\nwere officially[43] listed as non-users in 1922.\n\nThe Five Civilized Tribes received peyote at a very late date. Wagner[44]\nin 1932 said that the Creek, Choctaw and Chickasaw do not eat peyote;\nthis agrees with the statements of Jim Aton (Kiowa) who said the Cherokee\ndid not have it when he himself took peyote to the Creek in 1931. The\nSeminole have also taken it up recently, but some acquaintance with the\nplant must be postulated as early as 1922, since Newberne and Burke[45]\nlist 40 users among the 101,506 population of the combined Five Tribes.\nThe influence involved here is probably the Yuchi, who in turn got it\nfrom the Cheyenne.[46]\n\nThe Cheyenne are currently a source for peyote among the Blood in Canada,\nwho were being organized in the summer of 1936. The Canadian Cree and\nChippewa are very recent partial converts too; the latter received it\nfrom the Chippewa of Minnesota.[47]\n\nThe Cheyenne in Oklahoma used peyote before 1885, the date of the first\nGovernment census. The Government scout Flacco was violently against it\nand said that it was used \u201cto witch people and make them crazy.\u201d Cloud\nChief, of the Snake Clan, also opposed the coming of peyote, as he had\npreviously opposed the Ghost Dance. But Leonard Tylor and John Turtle\nwent to the Kiowa country in 1884-85 and learned the ceremony. A little\nlater, in 1889-90, Henry White Antelope and Standing Bird visited the\nComanche and learned Quanah Parker\u2019s \u201cway.\u201d Tylor later got a \u201cheart\nmoon\u201d of his own (Caddo influence?) some time after the allotment of\nlands.\n\nNorthern Cheyenne peyotism is largely parallel in its history to that of\nthe Southern Cheyenne. It began among them around 1900 or before, some of\nthem having learned it at Haskell; recently they have become affiliated\nwith the Native American Church. Hoebel writes:[48]\n\n There has been a limited amount of friction between the\n religious conservatives and the Peyote worshippers, and a\n distinction is drawn between a Peyote leader and a medicine\n man. For example, a ranking Peyote leader volunteered to give\n me much esoteric information on old cultural ways, explaining\n that he could talk to me about sacred things because he is not\n a medicine man. The Peyote people have taken over the entire\n leadership of tribal life. All members of the tribal council\n are Peyote worshippers and probably 80 per cent of the adults\n in the tribe are affiliated with the Peyote cult. Only the very\n old men abstained from Peyote and held to the old medicine\n beliefs. Among the Northern Cheyenne, Issiwin or the Sacred Hat\n is still revered and is under the care of an old medicine man.\n The Peyote leaders took a sacred button to the hat keeper and\n asked him to put it in the ancient bundle with the old hat but\n they claim not to know whether the keeper had done so or not.\n My guess is that they did know but did not care to tell.\n\nThere is a tendency to separatism between the sections on the\nreservation, but nothing suggesting a schism in Northern Cheyenne\npeyotism; there is interparticipation in meetings of the various groups,\nthough there is a mild rivalry between the Muddy Creek and the other\nterritorially-defined groups.\n\nThe Delaware got peyote from the Kiowa and Comanche about 1886, the\nearliest users including Chief Charles Elkhair, Joe Washington, James\nC. Webber, George T. and John Anderson, Benjamin Hill, Reed and Frank\nWilson, Mrs. Allie Anderson, Mrs. Ora Spybuck and Mrs. Little Tethlies.\nWashington\u2019s family still has the original articles given them by the\nComanche.[49]\n\nIowa peyote[50] was in full swing in 1914, but is said to have died out\nsince 1922. In this tribe the introduction of peyote\n\n has driven out of existence almost all the other societies\n and ancient customs of the tribe; almost all of the Iowa in\n Oklahoma are ardent peyote disciples, and only ... a few ...\n still follow the older customs.\n\nPeyotism has relaxed the rules of secrecy about the older medicine\nceremonies also, and may perhaps be ultimately responsible for the final\ndeculturation of the Iowa.\n\nKansa[51] peyotism came from the Ponca about 1907. It was very strong\namong them by 1915, \u201chaving apparently superseded all of the old Kansa\nbeliefs.\u201d\n\nHenry Murdock (Kickapoo) brought the new religion from Quanah Parker\nand the Comanche in 1906; but he had personally known of peyote before,\nhaving gone to Mexico in 1864. Quanah had known Murdock before the peyote\nreligion began spreading and invited his friend by letter to visit him.\nHe put on a meeting in his honor, taught him the ceremony and presented\nhim with peyote paraphernalia. The set songs in the Kickapoo rite are\nComanche, and the custom of making the ashes into a bird likewise\nindicates a Comanche provenience for the ceremony. The Kickapoo were\noriginally much against peyote.[52]\n\nPeyote began to have a limited adherence among the Menomini a little\nbefore 1914, owing largely to marital ties with Winnebago and Potawatomi\nusers.[53] The ritual has the Christian character of the Winnebagos\u2019 and\nmembership in the peyote society not only precludes any in all the other\nsocieties, but also demands the abandonment of all ancient practices and\ndestruction of their paraphernalia. Skinner believed that\n\n its success will mean the death-blow to all the ancient customs\n of the tribe, already decadent, without the compensation of any\n advantageous or progressive substitute.\n\nThe spread of the cult has been met with determined opposition among the\nMenomini, and some peyote users later sought and received reinstatement\nin the older tribal rites.\n\nOne Modoc in Oklahoma, Sam Ball, married a Quapaw woman and took up\npeyote as a result. At present he is the only one,[54] but such marital\nties have often before been the source of the spread of peyote.\n\nPeyote was introduced to the Omaha[55]\n\n in the winter of 1906-07 by an Omaha returning from the Oto\n in Oklahoma. He had been much addicted to alcoholics, and was\n told by an Oto that the plant and the religious cult practiced\n therewith would be a cure. On his return he sought the advice\n and help of the leader of the Mescal Society of the Winnebago,\n next door neighbors tribe of the Omaha. He and a few other\n Omaha, who also suffered from alcoholism, formed a society\n which has since increased in numbers and influence against much\n opposition, till it includes about half the tribe.\n\nThe medicine-men were particularly opposed to the use of peyote; one\nnative Omaha, Thomas L. Sloan, prepared a bill against peyote and\npresented it to the Nebraska State Legislature, but later suffered a\nchange of heart.\n\nThe Osage are a typical example of the multiple origins for peyotism in\none tribe. Chief Lookout testified[56] that the Osage had peyote about\n1896, and in a petition to Congress signed by him and Eves Tailchief,\nEdgar McCarthy and Arthur Bonnecastle, it was stated that Chief Black\nDog and Chief Clermont established lodges among them in 1898. The source\nwas Caddo, and nearly all the 800 full-bloods were ultimately peyote\nusers; the Quapaw ceremony may also have had an influence upon them.\nThe Caddo-Delaware messiah, John Wilson, came to the Osage in 1902,\nafter most of them around Hominy and elsewhere had known of it.[57] The\nyounger Osage who embraced the new religion could be distinguished from\nthe conservatives in their wearing of braids decorated with ribbons and\ncolored yarn, in place of the older reached style of headdress. In the\nlast year or so an Osage named Morell has invited the Caddos Alfred\nTaylor and Ben Carter to bring the \u201cEnoch\u201d (Caddo) moon to his home; he\nalready had a Wilson moon on his place, but his sons wanted to have the\nmore basic Caddoan moon.[58]\n\nThe Tonkawa first brought peyote to the Oto very long ago; Koshiway\nplaces this as far back as 1876 (which is not implausible in view of the\nearliest Kiowa and Comanche contacts with the plant). This must not be\nregarded, however, as the date of the vigorous functioning of the cult,\nbut it is well to recall here the Oto mescal bean cult which may have\nfacilitated the borrowing of the later narcotic.[59]\n\nWe have elaborated in an appendix the origin of the Christian elements in\nOto peyotism, which spread to other Siouan groups (Omaha and Winnebago).\nThe Church of the First-born embodied Russellite doctrines familiar\nto the Oto teacher Koshiway.[60] It was incorporated in 1914, though\nits roots may have gone back as far as 1896, apparently with some\nconsultation with the Shawnee,[61] and the consent of White Horn (Oto)\nleader of the older and already established native peyote ceremony. Its\ninfluence on the Native American Church and the Negro Church of the\nFirst-born is elsewhere discussed, as are also the specific Christian\nelements in peyotism as a whole. The famous meeting 14 miles east of Red\nRock at which the Kiowa leaders Belo Kozad and Jack Sankadote and an\nApache named Star visited the Oto, was responsible for the amalgamation\nof the Church of the First-born and the Native American Church. Dugan\nBlack, leader of the first Oto meeting attended, is stated to have gotten\nhis \u201croad\u201d from Little Henry (Kiowa) and uses Kiowa songs; another Oto\nleader uses Conklin Hummingbird\u2019s fireplace.\n\nThe Ponca are said by Shonle[62] to have gotten peyote from the Southern\nCheyenne in 1902-04, but native information indicates that there were\nComanche sources too (Ponca songs, e.g., are frequently Comanche). The\nCheyenne, White Horse, brought them the cult in September, 1904, but\nwhen they heard that it was recent among this group, they went to Quanah\nParker among the Comanche \u201cto get to the bottom of it.\u201d The late Robert\nBuffalo-head was the earliest leader of the Cheyenne rite. A suggestion\nof Caddo influence appears again in the rules surrounding the drum; the\ntypical Ponca peyote drum has a handle made of the twisted rope-end of\nthe lacing. \u201cThe old people are strict, and you\u2019re not allowed to put\nyour hand on the drum [head],\u201d we were told.\n\nEagle Flying Above, who later became oil-wealthy, was the first Pawnee\nuser of peyote, obtaining it from White Eyes, an Arapaho friend, about\n1890 or a little later. Several months later Sun Chief, the writer\u2019s\ninformant, took it up. At the death of Eagle Flying Above, Sun Chief\nwas the only Pawnee leader, and all the others learned the rite from\nhim; he has eaten peyote since 1892-94, but only later became a leader.\nA still earlier source appears to be the Quapaw,[63] whom two Pawnee\nyouths visited in 1890, but the cult became vigorous only after further\ninstruction from the visiting Arapaho. There was some opposition to\npeyote among the Pawnee in the early days: \u201cthey didn\u2019t understand\nit.\u201d The leaders of the opposition were Sky Chief, head of the Ku\u03b3au\nor \u201cDoctor Dancers,\u201d and Good Buffalo, leader of the Buffalo Dance\nceremonialists; later, however, both joined the peyote-users. The cult\nis found chiefly among the P\u00edtahau\u00edrata, where the form originated, but\nfound a later following among the Chau\u00ed, then the K\u00edtkah\u00e1xki and a few\nSkidi.\n\nIt is interesting to note that, as with the Shawnee and others, Pawnee\npeyote was early involved in the Ghost Dance excitement. The leader\nclaimed from peyote the same sort of revelations acquired in the Ghost\nDance trance, and taught that while under the influence of peyote one\ncould learn the rituals belonging to bundles and societies; in this\nmanner he himself amassed considerable star lore. One unusual Pawnee\nfeature was the use of a special Ghost Dance form of painted tipi for\npeyote meetings; minor changes were made in the type of drum and rattle\nalso.[64]\n\nThe Potawatomi first had peyote sometime between 1908 and 1914, but\nlittle else is known about it there. Quapaw peyotism derives from the\nCaddo-Delaware. The Ree[65] [Arikara] were strongly against the cult, and\nit apparently died out among them by 1924. Ed Butler brought Sauk[66]\npeyote directly from the Tonkawa:\n\n In the early days women were not allowed to be members, and the\n manitou who gave the man this medicine made it a rule that it\n should be used [only] in war-time.... It is only a war-bundle\n among other tribes.\n\nBut the Sauk have been tenacious of their older religion and its\nfetishes,[67] though peyotism is now strong among them; indeed, about\n1923, attempted affiliation with the Native American Church failed\nbecause five rival chiefs ran different meetings.[68]\n\nThe Seminole have started the religion only recently, about the same time\nas the Cherokee; they have learned it through the Yuchi, Caddo and Kiowa.\nGeorge Anderson (Delaware) brought the Wilson moon to the Seneca in 1907,\nwhen eighteen men and women became members. One of the Seneca had a\nQuapaw wife, who gave him the idea of obtaining the moon; they were too\npoor to pay Anderson\u2019s usual fee, and merely gave him carfare home.[69]\n\nThe Shawnee Jim Clark received peyote from the Comanche in the late\n1890\u2019s. Informants say the Shawnee have had peyote as a plant for a long\ntime, using it to keep from getting tired on the march, for moistening\nthe mouth when dry-camping and to relieve hunger. The first Absentee\nShawnee meeting was held by the Scotts in 1900, under the tutelage of\nthe Kickapoo. John Wilson was among the Shawnee about 1894, and George\nFourleaf (Delaware) brought peyote to White Oak from Mexico about 1898.\nErnest Spybuck got his moon from the Delaware near Dewey, while the\nPanthers are said to use the Yuchi manner. The majority of the Shawnee,\nhowever, use the standard Kiowa-Arapaho moon. Some Shawnee liken the\nleader\u2019s staff to the staff in the Green Corn Dance, and there is a\nlegend of getting power from peyote which some say was not peyote but\nanother plant which preceded it.[70]\n\nA Sioux introduced peyote to the Uintah and Ouray Agency.[71] The Ute\naround Fort Duchesne have used peyote \u201con the sly\u201d since before 1916; the\ncult was vigorous around Randlette, Utah, by the spring of 1916. Mrs.\nCooke attended a Ute meeting in 1937 about ten miles from Whiterocks; an\ninformant told her that\n\n sometimes they have a half moon instead of a crescent\u2014depending\n on the size of the moon in the sky at that time.... They had\n twice had a moon which had eyes and a mouth made in it\u2014this is\n \u201cGod peeping.\u201d\n\nThis last suggests a Caddoan \u201cBig Moon\u201d influence, but the motif of\nthe changing moon must be Ute, as it is not encountered elsewhere. The\nGosiute near the Salt Lake Desert began about 1921, as did the Paiute\nwest of Salt Lake City. Little is known of these groups, but possibly\nCheyenne teaching is responsible; Southern Ute visited Oklahoma peyote\ngroups as early as 1910 according to information of Dr. Parsons.[72]\n\nThe Wichita, like the Shawnee, claim to have had peyote long before they\nlearned to eat it in meetings. In one of their rain ceremonies they used\na medicine bundle containing four objects: feathers, a little buckskin\ndoll, a piece of flint and peyote. The ceremony was called h\u00e4\u00b7ctia\u0161,\n\u201cfire-people-around,\u201d and they sang all night for four nights to bring\nrain. The coming of the peyote ritual, therefore, aroused no hostility:\n\n No Wichita was ever against it [Sly Picard says]; they couldn\u2019t\n be, as all our medicine men and women had peyote in their\n medicine\u2014the whole tribe.\n\nYellow Bird (Wichita-Kichai) may have eaten peyote as early as 1889,\nbefore the Washita bridge between Anadarko and Gracemont was built, and\nSly\u2019s father used it in 1892, learning it from the Caddo. But they were\ndissatisfied with the Caddo moon, and invited Frank Moitah (Comanche) and\nSalo (Kiowa) to teach them. Old Man Horse (Kiowa) is usually credited,\nhowever, with bringing peyote to the Wichita about 1902.\n\nIn 1893 and 1894 the Winnebago John Rave visited peyote eaters in\nOklahoma (though he had eaten it as early as 1889,) and again in 1901.\nOn the return from his second trip he tried to introduce the religion,\nbut without success save among a few of his own relatives. In 1903 or\n1904 Rave went to South Dakota, Minnesota and Wisconsin to preach the\nnew religion; he had been visiting the Kiowa and Comanche, as well as\nthe Oto. Somewhat later Jesse Clay was taught the rite at Winnebago\nby a visitor called Arapaho Bull, and Dick Griffin learned another\nversion from the Osage at Pawhuska, at a time when John Wilson was\nthere. Yellowbank said that the Winnebago of Nebraska got peyote from\nthe Arapaho, and thence it came to the Winnebago of Wisconsin. Thunder\nCloud was among those opposing it, but by 1914 nearly half the tribe were\nadherents.[73]\n\nThe Yankton of South Dakota by 1916 had a peyote cult strong enough to\nwarrant the sending to Congress of a petition to pass an anti-peyote bill\nsigned with ninety-two names. The Yuchi affiliated with the Creek around\nSapulpa and Kellyville, received peyote from the Cheyenne. Shonle cites\nthree additional groups we have not yet included. These are the Shoshoni,\nwho received peyote in 1919, the Sioux (1909-10) and the Crow (1912).\nComparisons of the present list with Shonle\u2019s gives on the whole earlier\ndates, yet this need not be considered in any sense a discrepancy.\nShonle\u2019s data were based on government sources, and should stand as\nindicating the dates when the various cults became virile enough to\nattract official notice. Our own data, based on native sources, give on\nthe other hand what are probably the earliest contacts and introductions\nof the rite, without reference to the number or percentage of adherents\nin any tribe. It is evident from them too that tentative starts and\nmultiple origins are the rule rather than the exception, and Shonle\u2019s\ninformation and our own should be regarded as supplementary rather than\ncontradictory.[74]\n\nAlthough peyotism is gone or decadent among the Tarahumari and the\nMescalero, it is still vigorously spreading in the United States and\nsouthern Canada. Conceivably it could spread until it embraced all\nPlains, Basin and Woodlands groups whose earlier culture is sufficiently\nconsonant with its concepts, and it may have some slender chance\nof spreading in the southern and eastern Pueblos and Plateau, but\nscarcely elsewhere, for both geographical and cultural reasons. The\ncult may be expected to spread for some time in the future, but when\nits inevitable decadence and probable ultimate disappearance will have\nbeen accomplished, we may have witnessed in it the last of the great\nintertribal religious movements of the American Indian.\n\nThe present section sums up the external history of the diffusion of\npeyotism so far as it can be known from our Mexican sources, and in the\nPlains, where it appears that the pre-peyote mescal bean cult prepared\nthe way somewhat for the use of the narcotic cactus.\n\nThe Plains rites are basically derived from the Kiowa, Comanche and Caddo\npeyote ceremonies, which in turn derive from the Mescalero Apache (whence\nthe diffusion traces back to the Lipan and Tonkawa through the Carrizo\nperhaps to Tamaulipecan groups). The Kiowa and the Comanche led in the\ndiffusion of the standard aboriginal ceremony, but the Caddo variant was\npowerfully influenced by the individual, John Wilson, and diffused to the\nOsage, Quapaw, Delaware and others in a somewhat modified form. This is\nthe subject of a special appendix.\n\nThe Oto are probably the crucial group in the diffusion of the later\nChristianized version of peyotism among such Siouan groups as the\nWinnebago and Omaha. Here again an individual gave a new turn to the\nceremony by summing up in himself two streams of culture, the aboriginal\nand the Christian. Jonathan Koshiway is discussed in an appendix on the\nNative American Church, and a special appendix is devoted to the matter\nof Christian elements in the cult. The diagram on the opposite page sums\nup the external history of peyotism succinctly.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 5. Chronological outline of the diffusion of\npeyotism.]\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] \u201cThese beans are often confused with those of a certain species of\n_Erythrina_, which are sometimes sold in their place in the markets of\nMexico, but which are not at all narcotic\u201d (Safford, _Narcotic Plants_,\n397).\n\n[2] Not to be confused with the \u201cmountain laurel\u201d _Kalmia latifolia_.\n\n[3] Henry, _The Plant Alkaloids_, 395, 398.\n\n[4] Henry, _op. cit._, 397; cf. Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 397.\n\n[5] Bellanger, in Havard (Bulletin 519:6); Opler, _The Autobiography_;\nLumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:256; Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_,\n358. The use of frijolillo in maguey liquor (which equates with mescal)\nprobably accounts for the usage \u201cmescal bean.\u201d Since the text was written\nfurther Apache material has appeared (Castetter and Opler, _Ethnobiology\nof the Chiricahua and Mescalero Apache_, 54-55).\n\n[6] Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_, 6. Schultes figures a Kiowa necklace\nof true mescal beans (_Sophora secundiflora_ Ortega, Lag. ex DC.) strung\non buckskin, with a piece of red ribbon, beaver fur and a child\u2019s\nring enclosing a bundle of dried beaver-testis \u201cmedicine\u201d in a lace\nhandkerchief, as trinkets or amulets.\n\n[7] Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway_, 261; Gilmore, _Uses of Plants_, 99.\n\n[8] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 718-19.\n\n[9] Cf. the origin of peyote in deer\u2019s foot-prints or hooves.\n\n[10] \u201cThe ma\u207fk\u00e1cutzi beans were supposed to be alive. Those I have seen\nin the possession of various Iowa were kept in a buckskin wrapper which\nwas carefully perforated that they might see out.\u201d Cf. the ability of the\nfather peyote to see.\n\n[11] Cf. the preparation of peyote by grinding on metates like corn.\n\n[12] Cf. the black drink ceremony to the east, and the Plains Sun Dance.\n\n[13] Early peyotism was likewise an agricultural \u201cfirst-fruits\u201d rite.\n\n[14] The Wichita used mescal beans in horse-racing too. Cf. the use of\npeyote in racing and deer-hunting, and the use of datura in deer-hunting.\n\n[15] Cf. the fetishistic use of the father peyote in war.\n\n[16] Cedar and sage are likewise involved in peyotism.\n\n[17] Harrington, quoted by Skinner, _Ethnology of the Ioway_, 245-47.\n\n[18] Compare note 13.\n\n[19] The Delaware, Osage, Quapaw and Oto call the leader\u2019s peyote staff\nan \u201carrow,\u201d the Ponca a \u201cbow.\u201d\n\n[20] Cf. peyotism\u2019s four ritual songs, and the whistling outside at\nmidnight at the four points of the compass.\n\n[21] But _Erythrina flabelliformis_ contains no toxic alkaloids; see\nAppendix 2.\n\n[22] Did that truculent and little-known group, the Caddo, have the\nmescal cult?\n\n[23] Has this taboo any reference to the boneless meat of the peyote\nritual breakfast?\n\n[24] Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_.\n\n[25] The Huichol, for whatever such evidence is worth, in the\nmythological songs of their shamans, recite how the world began and\nhow they were taught to hunt deer, to seek hikuli and to raise corn\n(Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:8). The route they take in gathering\npeyote is from beginning to end full of religious and mythological\nassociations, and they meet their deities on the way in the shape of\nmountains, stones, springs, etc. (_idem_, 2:132). According to their\ntraditions, they originated in the south, but got lost under the earth\nas they wandered northward, reappearing in the country of the hikuli\n(_idem_, 2:23). Such deep-rooted symbolisms as theirs argues age.\n\n[26] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 360, 366-67, 379, 383, 386;\nLumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:357-358, 444 (but see 1:378).\n\n[27] Velasco, _Dictamen Fiscal_, 194; Opler, _The Autobiography_; _Lipan\nField Notes_; _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_; Wagner, _Entwicklung\nund Verbreitung_. Opler says that peyote was introduced within the memory\nof the oldest living Mescalero; after 1910 it was in decided decline.\n\n[28] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 62-63. The origin legend is Kiowa. Mooney\nreceived a letter dated July 18, 1921 from the Taos Indian, Star Road,\nrelative to trials of \u201cpeyote boys.\u201d\n\n[29] Cozio, _Proceso_.\n\n[30] In 1921 on the orders of the Governor, Manuel Cordova, a peyote\nmeeting was raided and the blankets and shawls of all participants\nsomewhat highhandedly confiscated. Prominent medicine-men refused to\ndoctor \u201cpeyote boys\u201d because the new religion was prejudicial to their\nvested interests. In 1923 two adherents of the cult were whipped, one\ntwenty-five lashes, by the Lieutenant-Governor. Three men were fined\n$700, $800 and $1000, and the case ultimately reached the American court;\nthe judge decided that the Governor had no right to impose such heavy\nfines, reversed the judgment and ordered the return of the property.\nThis done, the officers resigned from office, and for a time there\nwere no secular officers at Taos because no one wanted to take up the\ncontroversy. In 1931 the confiscated property taken ten years before had\nstill not been returned, the Council refusing even to consider a $10\nfine in compensation; $25 was demanded for the return of each shawl and\nblanket.\n\n[31] Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 80, note 64; 99, note 166; 118; John\nCollier, in _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_.\n\n[32] This widespread origin legend of the Plains is also Mescalero and\nLipan, and from certain indications I suspect that it is Tamaulipecan\nalso.\n\n[33] Mooney, in _Handbook of the American Indians_, 1:701, \u201cKiowa Apache.\u201d\n\n[34] Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_, 14.\n\n[35] Shonle, Peyote; _The Giver of Visions_, 54. Jack Sankadote, for\nexample, was carried into a meeting as a baby by his father, and he is in\nhis fifties.\n\n[36] Several older Kiowa patterns parallel peyote usages (e.g. the\nsmoking ceremony of the Old Women\u2019s Society: leader west of central fire,\nlieutenants on either side of the door, five dishes of food from the fire\neastward; the Buffalo Medicine Men\u2019s Society bundle-repair meeting with\na sage \u201cstage,\u201d etc.), and the Kiowa-Comanche had the all night singing\nand beating on a rolled-up hide on the eve of departure on the war-path.\nBut such parallels from the tribes one knows best lead to often na\u00efve\nparticularistic explanations and should be guarded against. As a matter\nof fact it is the wide distribution of sweat bath doctoring and society\nmeetings which accounts for the ease with which peyotism made its way\nin the Plains. The following two paragraphs are partly based on data\ngathered by Donald Collier, a colleague of the Laboratory of Anthropology\nKiowa trip.\n\n[37] In judging the relative importance of the Kiowa and the Comanche\nin the diffusion of peyotism, one should recall that Comanche was\nhistorically the lingua Franca of the southern Plains. Quanah took peyote\nto the Caddo and Wichita it is said, though he was not the first to do\nso; he led meetings among the Cheyenne and the Arapaho in 1884. Petrullo\n(_The Diabolic Root_, 129) says he learned peyote about 1868 in Arizona,\nNew Mexico and Old Mexico.\n\n[38] \u201cIt is desirable to eat with the Comanche or the Kiowa because they\nare reputed to have learned of Peyote many years before the others.\u201d\n(Petrullo _op. cit._, 33.)\n\n[39] _Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:870b; cf. Mooney, in _Peyote\nas Used in Religious Worship_, 13-14, 15; Rouhier, _Monographie_, 102.\n\n[40] Jock Bullbear\u2019s and Mooney\u2019s testimonies in _Peyote as Used in\nReligious Worship_, 40, 48, 57.\n\n[41] Kroeber, _The Arapaho_, 410. The practice apparently is also Kiowa\nand Oto.\n\n[42] Wissler, _Societies and Dance Associations_, 436; the statement was\nmade in conversation.\n\n[43] Newberne and Burke, _Peyote: An Abridged Compilation_, table.\n\n[44] Wagner, _Entwicklung und Verbreitung_, 84, footnote.\n\n[45] Newberne and Burke, _op. cit._, 33 ff.\n\n[46] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 71-72.\n\n[47] Wilson said that one Smith had been in Oklahoma from a group on\nthe Yukon River in southern Alaska; they were said to have used it for\nfifteen years. Jenness (letter to Schultes) reported a rumor that a\nlittle peyote had filtered into Salishan groups of British Columbia but\nGunther (letter to Schultes) reported its absence among the Flathead and\nKutenai.\n\n[48] Hoebel, _Northern Cheyenne Field Notes_.\n\n[49] Letter from Fred Washington to Dr. F. G. Speck, April 21, 1932.\nPetrullo (_The Diabolic Root_, 165) says the Delaware got peyote from the\nKiowa; there is obvious Caddo influence too, via John Wilson.\n\n[50] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 693-94, 724; _Medicine Ceremony of\nthe Menomini_; _Ethnology of the Ioway_, 190, 217, 248-49.\n\n[51] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 758.\n\n[52] \u201cWe the undersigned members of the Kickapoo Tribe of Indians in\nKansas most earnestly petition you to help us keep out the pellote, or\nmescal, from our people. We realize that it is bad for us Indians to\nindulge in that stuff. It makes them indolent, keeps them from working\non their farms, and taking care of their stock. It makes men and women\nneglect their families. We think it will be a great calamity for our\npeople to begin to use the stuff.... We most urgently petition you that\nimmediate action must be taken before the stuff gets hold of our people\u201d\n(Seymour, _Peyote Worship_, 183).\n\n[53] Skinner, _Medicine Ceremony of the Menomini_, 24, 42-43, 97.\n\n[54] Speck, _Delaware Peyote Symbolism_.\n\n[55] Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 163-67; _The Uses of Plants_,\n104-106; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_; Speck, _Delaware Peyote\nSymbolism_; testimony of Sloan in _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_,\n35. Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 637.\n\n[56] _Peyote as Used in Religious Worship_, 10-11, 30-31, 43, 44-45.\nThis booklet was compiled after 1911, giving for \u201ctwenty years [ago]\u201d a\nmaximally early date of 1891; but other internal evidence indicates a\npublication date of 1916, giving the date 1896 as quoted.\n\n[57] Speck, _Notes on the Ethnology_, 171.\n\n[58] No doubt with the memory of the fate of Albert Stamp\u2019s attempted\n\u201cmoon\u201d among the Caddo, Taylor exhibited considerable modesty when this\nflattering offer was made. \u201cI appreciate that offer,\u201d he said, \u201cbut I\u2019m\njust Alfred Taylor, that\u2019s all I am, and I never did run a meeting, and\nI would rather you\u2019d get somebody else from down home who runs meetings\nto do it for you.\u201d Several weeks later my informant said he didn\u2019t think\nTaylor would accept, though he might drum or build the fire \u201clike a\nservant\u201d\u2014\u201cHe\u2019s afraid the Caddos will think he is pushing himself ahead\ntoo much, but he has even drummed for Enoch Hoag; he just don\u2019t like to\njump ahead of everybody too much away from home.\u201d This abnegation is all\nthe greater when it is understood that the Osage are accustomed to make\nhandsome money gifts on such occasions.\n\n[59] Koshiway compared the smoke-meeting before the war path to peyote:\n\u201cThey have a meeting and smoke the pipe together and leave the next day.\nThis clears up the enemies, and you can prophesy then. Peyote is similar\nto this\u2014all night.\u201d Another older pattern interestingly survives among\nthe Oto: in the informal morning period in the tipi, joking relationship\nseems to function.\n\n[60] One wonders if the Russellite eschatology was not made more\nacceptable historically among the Oto because of an approximation to\ncertain Ghost Dance notions. In any case, the curious prohibition on\nsmoking may have symbolized, on the one hand, the rejection of older\npatterns of religious smoking, reinforced by the prohibition of secular\nsmoking too.\n\n[61] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_, 38.\n\n[62] Shonle, _Peyote: The Giver of Visions_, 55.\n\n[63] Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 636-37. Wagner (_Entwicklung und\nVerbreitung_, 75) disputes Shonle\u2019s statement that they got it from the\nQuapaw, on the ground of the greater complexity of the Quapaw rite. His\nargument is unimpressive and a priori: John Wilson was the source of that\ncomplexity. Cf. Opler, _The Autobiography_.\n\n[64] There may be Doctor Dance parallels in peyotism (e.g., an earthen\naltar, a fire in a round hole in the center of the tipi, doctoring at\nnight with coals, fan or sucking horn, presence of the relatives of the\npatient in the meeting, etc.); another older Pawnee pattern in peyote may\nbe the special morning prayer-maker south of the door.\n\n[65] \u201cPEYOTE FAILS. It is a good thing that peyote is stopped for it\nwas doing more harm than good. Our young men of the reservation were\njust beginning to start in eating the devil\u2019s root.... Peyote fails\nbecause it has no mouth so can not speak to its followers of their origin\nand destiny, nor as to sin, repentance, forgiveness, salvation nor of\nanything else. It has no ears, so can not hear prayer; it has no eyes,\nso it can not see a person\u2019s needs; no hands so can not help; no mind,\nso can not think. It is therefore unable to ask God for the thing which\nits worshipers need, and which they plead with it to implore God for. Our\nboys tried to make others believe that peyote is a God and a religion,\nbut if one wants to believe in mysterious things it must be Christ or\npeyote.\u201d (Sam Newman, Ree [Arikara], in _The Indian Leader_.)\n\n[66] Michelson, _Sauk and Fox Myths_.\n\n[67] Skinner, _Observations on the Ethnology_, 10, 85.\n\n[68] Native American Church, President\u2019s Report, 1925.\n\n[69] Speck, _Delaware Peyote Symbolism_.\n\n[70] Voegelin, _Shawnee Field Notes_.\n\n[71] _Peyote, An Insidious Evil_, 3-4; Office of Indian Affairs,\n_Discussion Concerning Peyote_, 13.\n\n[72] Much of this information is from Alfred Wilson, a Southern Cheyenne.\nHis presidential report for 1925 (Sixth Annual Convention of the Native\nAmerican Church) cites \u201clocals\u201d for the Caddo, Wichita, Pawnee, Arapaho,\nYuchi, Kiowa, Oto, Shawnee, Ponca, Sauk and Fox, Cheyenne, and Omaha.\nParsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 62; Willard Park informed me in 1936 that the\nPaviotso lacked peyote.\n\n[73] Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 4-5, 7; _The Winnebago Tribe_,\n394, 400, 415, 423; _Crashing Thunder_, 169-70, 179, 185; Lowie, _Notes\nConcerning New Collections_, 289; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult; Winnebago\nSongs of the Peyote Ceremony_; Speck, _Delaware Peyote Symbolism_.\n\n[74] Seymour, _Peyote Worship_, 184; Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_,\n71-72; Shonle, _Peyote; The Giver of Visions_, 55.\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX 1: PEYOTE IN MEXICO\n\n\nThe connotative etymological implications of the term \u201cpeyotl\u201d become\nvaluable when an understanding of its wider denotative applications is\nsought. In Hernandez\u2019 original description, _Lophophora williamsii_ is\ncalled \u201cPeyotl Zacatensi, seu radice molli et lanuginosa\u201d[1]\u2014that is to\nsay, the whitish flocculence which gains the plant both its Aztec and\nmodern botanical names, is again pointed out in Hernandez\u2019 Latin synonym,\n\u201csoft and lanuginous root.\u201d\n\nBut Hernandez distinguished two peyotes, \u201cPeyotl Zacatensi\u201d and \u201cPeyotl\nXochimilcensi,\u201d[2] the latter not even one of the Cactaceae, and one\nwonders at the classification until the plant is botanically described:\n\n This peyote, a rather excellent medicine, has a heavy round\n root covered with woolly rootlets, in addition to other roots\n which resemble acorns, because of their form and size, growing\n out in every direction.... It has few stems ... with yellow\n flowers at their extremities.\n\nFrom even this brief characterization it is clear that the term\n\u201cpeyotl\u201d was extended to this non-cactus (later identified as _Cacalia\ndiversifolia_ or _C. cordifolia_)[3] because of its balanoid lanuginous\nroots. The latter species is sold in the drug markets around Guadalajara,\nJalisco, as \u201cpeyote\u201d; specimens from Alvarez, San Luis Potos\u00ed, locally\nknown as \u201ccachan,\u201d are valued as an aphrodisiac and remedy for sterility,\nthe rhizic-orchic pubescence of the plant being evidently viewed in terms\nof sympathetic magic.\n\nDr. Alfonso[4] applies the term peyote or piote further to _Cacalia\nsinuata_, La Llave, and _Etchevarria coespitosa_ Dec., the former\nCompositae, the latter one of the Crassulaceae. One of the Compositae,\n_Senecio_ spp., ranging from Cerro del Pino to the Valley of Mexico is\nthus described:\n\n The tap-root is tuberous-ovoid, size of a small hen\u2019s egg, a\n little curved above, carrying almost all [its bulk] in the\n heavy extremity.... All the surface is covered with a nap\n formed of long matted hairs of the color of cannel, and a\n number of long roots.\n\nThe \u201cPeyote of Tepic\u201d[5] (_Senecio hartwegii_) is smaller and more\nglobular than the above, and contains no alkaloid, the gluey, sticky\nsap having no effect on the dove or the rat. The \u201cPeyote of Quer\u00e9taro\u201d\n(_Echinocactus turbinatus_ Henning), said to be distinguished from\n_Anhalonium_ only by the spiral disposition of the hair-pencils, is a\ncommon form of _Lophophora williamsii_.\n\nIn the case of all these non-cacti to which the term peyote has been\napplied, the plants have exhibited descriptively either a lanuginous or\npubescent surface-nap, or balanoid, orchitic, or nut-like root-nodules,\nand in some cases both; in one case there was a cocoon-shaped pod in\naddition. But Schultes[6] lists other \u201cpeyotes\u201d which may not fit this\nexplanation: Compositae: _Senecio calophyllus_ Hemsl., _S. Hartwegii_\nBenth., _S. ovatiformis_ Sch. Bip., _S. Petasitus_ DC and _Cacalia_ spp.\n(e.g., _C. cordifolia_ HBK); Leguminosae: _Rhynchosia longeracemosa_\nMart. & Gal.; and even one of the Solanaceae, _Datura meteloides_ DC.\n\nAll the above are non-cacti, but many Cactaceae have also been called\n\u201cpeyote.\u201d These include: _Anhalonium Englemannii_ Lem., _A. prismaticum_\nLem., _A. furfuraceum_ Wats., _A. pulvilligerum_ Lem., _A. areolosum_\nLem., _Lophophora williamsii_ Lem., _Ariocarpus fissuratus_ (Englm.)\nK. Schum., _Astrophytum myriostigma_ Lem., _A. asterias_ (Zucc.) Lem.,\n_Pelecyphora aselliformis_ Ehrenb., and _Strombocactus disciformis_ DC.\nThe diminutive \u201cpeyotillo\u201d has been applied to _Dolichothele longimamma_\nBritton and Rose, and _Solisia pectinata_ Britton and Rose.[7]\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] Hernandez, in Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 295; _Peyotes, Datos para\nEstudia_, 204.\n\n[2] In simpler Mexican cultures, peyote was in the hands of shamans;\nthis other peyote appears to derive its name from the priests of\na certain class in the higher Aztec culture: \u201cAccording to some\nauthorities, the highest grade of these native hierophants bore among\nthe Nahuas the symbolic name of \u2018flower weavers,\u2019 Xochimilca, probably\nfrom the skill they had to deceive the senses by strange and pleasant\nvisions (Xochimilca, que asi llamavan \u00e1 los mui sabios encantadores)\u201d\n(Torquemada, in Brinton, _Nagualism_, 298).\n\n[3] A specimen in Mooney, Peyote Notebook, 56, was so identified.\nSchultes viewed this and identified it as _C. cordifolia_ which in\naddition has cocoon-shaped pods. Cf. the use of _Lophophora_ as an\naphrodisiac.\n\n[4] Alfonso, in Rouhier, _Monographie_, 3; Santoscoy, _Nayarit_, 32.\nSchultes (_Peyote and Plants Used_, 135) lists _Cotyledon caespitosa_\nHaw. as a Crassulaceous \u201cpeyote.\u201d\n\n[5] _Peyotes, Datos para Estudia_, 111, 206, 208. This non-cactus\n\u201cpeyote\u201d of Tepic may have been the false clue leading Rouhier to believe\nan earlier range of peyote into Tepic.\n\n[6] Schultes, _Peyotes and Plants Used_, 135. The Reko etymology\npreferred by Schultes (p. 136) so far as botanical evidence goes\nderives peyotl from Aztec pi- (small) and -yautli or -yolli (herb with\nnarcotic odor or action), making \u201cpeyotillo\u201d a double diminutive.\nSchultes has accepted, at the instance of the present writer, the thesis\nthat _Cacalia_ spp. might well enough fit the \u201cvelvety, cocoon-like\u201d\netymology, but argues nevertheless that \u201cthis etymology does not seem to\nexplain the application of the same name to the great array of plants\nwhich possess no soft or silky parts whatsoever.\u201d Schultes is undoubtedly\nright on this point in terms of descriptive botany; yet may not some\nitems be included in our lists illegitimately? _Anhalonium prismaticum_\nLem., for example, is called hikuli, not peyote, and is only partly its\nterminological equivalent. And does the \u201clittle narcotic\u201d etymology\nexplain all these instances?\n\n[7] Urbina, in Harms, _\u00dcber das Narkotikum_, 31; Schultes, _op. cit._,\n135.\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX 2: PEYOTE AND THE MESCAL BEAN\n\n\nFar the commonest designation for peyote in the older literature is\n\u201cmescal bean,\u201d a curiously persistent misusage, since either in the dried\nor the green state _Lophophora williamsii_ resembles a bean even less\nthan a mushroom, Safford\u2019s teo-nanacatl. On probing more deeply into this\nconfusion, a widespread pre-peyote narcotic cult of the southern Plains\nwas discovered. The ethnographic results of this study are presented in\nthe text, but a brief characterization of the \u201cmescal bean\u201d proper is\nessential as well.\n\nCollected specimens of the old Plains \u201cred bean\u201d (= mescal bean proper)\nhave been identified by authorities at the Harvard Botanical Museum\nas _Sophora secundiflora_ (Ortega) Lag. ex DC.[1] Variously known as\n\u201cmescal bean\u201d (southern Plains), \u201ccolor\u00edn\u201d (Coahuila, Nuevo Le\u00f3n, Texas),\n\u201cfrijolillo\u201d (Nuevo Le\u00f3n, Texas), \u201cfrijolito\u201d (Texas), \u201cevergreen\ncoral-bean,\u201d \u201ccoral-bean\u201d and \u201cmountain laurel\u201d (southern New Mexico),\nthis plant grows from Coahuila to San Luis Potos\u00ed, western Texas and\nsouthern New Mexico, being specially characteristic of the dry limestone\nhills. It is not, however, the \u201cmountain laurel\u201d _Kalmia latifolia_,\nbeing a true member of the Fabaceae or Bean Family; the term \u201ccoral-bean\u201d\nis likewise applied to two other legumes of Texas, both, however,\n_Erythrina_ spp., not _Sophora_.[2]\n\n_Sophora secundiflora_ contains the highly toxic narcotic alkaloid\nsophorine, C\u2081\u2081H\u2081\u2084ON\u2082, which is identical with cytisine (= ulexine, =\nbaptitoxine). Resembling nicotine closely in physiological action, the\ncontents of one bean are said to be able to produce nausea, convulsions\nand even death by asphyxiation in man.[3] _Sophora secundiflora_ (=\n_Broussonetia secundiflora_) itself is a handsome evergreen shrub or\nsmall tree, eight to thirty-five feet high, bearing thick, leathery,\ndark glossy green leaves. The violet-blue bunches of flowers appearing\nin the spring give off a strong rank fragrance, and from these develop,\nin the summer, woody pods, satiny outside, two to four inches long, and\ncontaining one to four hard-shelled bright red beans.[4]\n\nSafford[5] states that \u201cthese beans are often confused with those of\ncertain species of _Erythrina_, which are sometimes sold in their place\nin the markets of Mexico, but which are not at all narcotic.\u201d It is\ntherefore possible, and indeed probable, that the beans used as necklaces\nand bandoliers in the Plains were both _Sophora_ spp. and _Erythrina_\nspp.; Mooney[6] for example had specimens of red bean necklaces\nidentified as _S. secundiflora_ and _E. fruticisa_. The confusion of\nthe two closely related groups is understandable when the beans alone\nare available for diagnosis; the bean of _Sophora secundiflora_ differs\nfrom that of _Erythrina flabelliformis_, for example, in little more\nthan the shape of the hilum, or scar of attachment, that of the former\nbeing rounded and of the latter more linear, while the beans of _E.\ncorraloides_ are more elongate than those of _Sophora_. Gilmore\u2019s[7]\nidentification of the Omaha \u201cred-medicine\u201d with _Erythrina_ spp. may\npossibly be wholly correct since he mentions only decorative and\nmagic uses for the beans; but in view of the chemical composition of\nthe two, any ritual narcotic use must _a fortiori_ refer to _Sophora\nsecundiflora_, the \u201cmescal bean\u201d proper.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] There is no problem of identifying the old Plains \u201cred bean\u201d with the\n\u201cmescal bean\u201d; both Schultes and I obtained Kiowa specimens in the field.\nThe problem is the correct botanical classification of the specimens, and\nthe widespread misusage of their name for peyote.\n\n[2] Standley, _Trees and Shrubs_, 435; Dayton, _Important Western Browse\nPlants_, 87; Boughton and Hardy, _Mescalbean_, 5; Opler, _Autobiography_.\nThe Chiricahua \u201cMountain laurel\u201d is _S. secundiflora_.\n\n[3] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 395; Dayton, op. cit.,\n89. Havard (_Report on the Flora_, 500) says the alkaloid sophoria\n[sic] was isolated by Dr. H. C. Wood in 1877 as a whitish, amorphous\nsubstance producing convulsions, temporary loss of voluntary movement,\nand distressing vomiting; again (_Drink Plants_, 39) he says sophorine\n[sic] is an irritant-narcotic. Another alkaloid, matrine, is found in\n_Sophora_ spp. (Nagai, Plugge, Kondo et al. in Henry (T. A.), _The Plant\nAlkaloids_, 398). Havard, citing one Bellanger, says the Indians near San\nAntonio formerly used the seed as an intoxicant, half of one producing\na delirious exhilaration followed by a deep sleep lasting two or three\ndays; a whole bean, according to Dr. Rothrock\u2019s informant, would kill a\nman. Dayton, 89, says children have been known to die from the effects\nof eating seeds of _S. secundiflora_; in any case, a rupture of the\nhard, leathery coat of the bean would be required for the release of the\nalkaloid in the bean-flesh.\n\nCattle and sheep appear to be more affected by the leaves of the plant,\nwhich also contain the alkaloid, than by the beans. The effect on them\nis marked: sheep fed about one percent body weight of the leaves were\nparalyzed in the legs for days and calves fed as little as .25% of body\nweight of fresh leaves died in 45 hours; one fed 1.0% died in 1\u00be hours.\nRecovery in sheep sometimes required 12 days, in calves up to 16 days\n(Boughton and Hardy).\n\n[4] Condensed and synthesized from Boughton and Hardy; Havard, _Report on\nthe Flora_, 458, 500; _Drink Plants_, 39-40; Standley, 435; Dayton, 87-89.\n\n[5] Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 398.\n\n[6] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_ (quoting Safford?).\n\n[7] Gilmore, _Uses of Plants_, 99 writes: \u201cThe Omaha traveling into\nOklahoma have found them [chinaberry] there, and have taken up their use.\nThey already had employed for beads as well as for a good-luck charm the\nbright red seed of a species of _Erythrina_. They say it grows somewhere\nto the southwest, toward or in Mexico. They call it \u2018red medicine,\u2019 maka\u207f\nzhide (maka\u207f, medicine; zhide, red). When the seeds of Melia (azerdache\nL.) [chinaberry] were adopted for use as beads, they likened them to\nmaka\u207f zhide, and so call them maka\u207f-zhide sabe, \u2018black red-medicine\u2019.\u201d\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX 3: PEYOTE AND TEO-NANACATL\n\n\nThe already sufficiently intricate ethnobotanical problem of peyote has\nbeen further complicated by an erroneous identification of a narcotic\nmushroom used by the Aztecs with the cactus peyotl. Safford[1] identifies\nthe two by a somewhat casual use of his evidence, and mystifies himself\nwith the consistent contradiction offered by all the early Spanish\nwriters to his assumption. He composes the contradiction by assuming\nthat the Aztecs did not recognize the dried discoidal button as the same\nplant as the green cactus; despite overwhelming etymological evidence he\nsupposes they called the former teo-nanacatl and the latter peyotl. Only\na complete review of the evidence can clear up this misapprehension.\n\nThe Spanish writers consistently describe the two separately,\nwith detailed circumstantial distinctions which leave no room for\nmisunderstanding. Sahag\u00fan,[2] says\n\n [The Chichimeca] had a great knowledge of herbs and roots\n and knew their qualities and their virtues. They themselves\n discovered and first used the root that they call peiotl and\n those that used to gather and eat them used them in place of\n wine, and they did the same with those that they call nanacatl,\n which are toadstools [hongos malos] that also make one drunk\n like wine.\n\nAgain, in a special chapter on intoxicating plants, Sahag\u00fan distinguishes\nthe two:\n\n There is another herb like tunas of the earth [the Spanish name\n for the fruit of the prickly pear, _Opuntia opuntia_] which\n is called peiotl. It is white. It grows in the northern part.\n Those that eat it see frightening and laughable visions. This\n intoxication lasts two or three days and then stops....[3]\n\n There are some little mushrooms in their land that they call\n teo-nanacatl. They grow under the grass of the fields or\n pastures. They are round. They have a sort of high stem [pie],\n thin and round. They are eaten with great relish, but they harm\n the throat and make one drunk.[4]\n\nStill further to emphasize the point, Sahag\u00fan in the next section of\nthis chapter[5] goes on to speak of edible mushrooms:\n\n The cone-shaped mushrooms (mushrooms or nanacatl) _genus campos\n agrorum_ in the mountains are good to eat. They are cooked\n because of this, and if they are raw or badly cooked, they\n produce vomiting or diarrhea, and they kill one,\n\nand he continues to list and describe a number of other edibles.\n\nThe naturalist Hernandez[6] is even more explicit. He describes\nteo-nanacatl under the heading \u201cDe nanacatl seu Fungorum genere\u201d; and\nfrom the harmless white mushrooms, iztacnanacame, the red mushrooms,\ntlapalnanacame, and the yellow-orbicular mushrooms, chimalnanacame, he\ndistinguishes teo-nanacatl as \u201cteyhuinti,\u201d that is, \u201cintoxicating.\u201d\nSim\u00e9on\u2019s Nahuatl dictionary even uses nanacatl as an illustration:[7]\n\n Teo-nanacatl, espece de petit champignon qui a mauvais gout,\n enivre et cause des hallucinations; il est medicinal contre\n les fievres et la goutte.... Teyuinti, qui enivre quelqu\u2019un,\n enivrant; teyhuinti nanacatl, champignon enivrant.\n\nSafford quotes this evidence himself!\n\nPadre Jacinto de la Serna[8] records for us another compound of the\nNahuatl word for mushroom, and describes the fungus while likewise\nspecifically distinguishing it from peyote and ololiuhqui:\n\n To this meeting had come an Indian ... who had brought some of\n the mushrooms that are gathered in the monte, and with these\n he had performed a great idolatry. But before proceeding with\n my story I wish to explain the nature of the said mushrooms,\n which in the Mexican language are called Quahtlananacatl, \u201cwild\n mushrooms.\u201d ... These mushrooms were small and yellow and ...\n were collected by priests and old men, appointed as ministers\n for these impostures, who would proceed to the place where\n they grow and remain almost the whole night in prayer and in\n superstitious conjuring; and at dawn, when a certain little\n breeze known to them would begin to blow, then they would\n gather the narcotic,[9] attributing to it deity, with the same\n properties as ololiuhqui or peyote, since when eaten or drunk,\n they intoxicate those who partake of them, depriving them of\n their senses, and making them believe a thousand absurdities.\n\nIn Safford it appears that de la Serna distinguished these from Picietl,\ntobacco, also. There is an implied confusion, to be sure, in Alarc\u00f3n,\nbut he supplies confirmation of this last point, along with interesting\nethnographic details:[10]\n\n One should notice that in almost every case that they are moved\n to offer a sacrifice to their imagined gods, there comes to\n take charge of it and preside over it some quack, medicine-man,\n seer or diviner from among other Indians, the majority of them\n falling back on their crazy ceremonies, or on whatever whim\n arises when they are deranged from the drinking of what they\n call ololiuhqui or pezote [sic] or tobacco, whatever it might\n be called in particular localities.\n\nThe Franciscan Fray Toribio de Benvento mentions teo-nanacatl, to which\nhe gives an erroneous etymology:[11]\n\n They had another kind of drunkenness ... which was with small\n fungi or mushrooms [hongos \u00f3 setas peque\u00f1as] ... which are\n eaten raw, and, on account of being bitter, they drink after\n them or eat with them a little honey of bees, and shortly after\n that they see a thousand visions, especially snakes. They went\n raving mad, running about the streets in a wild state [bestial\n embriaguez]. They called these fungi \u201cteo-na-m-catl,\u201d a word\n meaning \u201cbread of the gods.\u201d\n\nTezozomoc,[12] again, related that at the coronation of Montezuma the\nMexicans gave wild mushrooms [hongos montesinos] to the strangers to eat;\nthat the strangers became drunk, and thereupon began to dance. Diego\nDur\u00e1n[13] gives further particulars of the coronation of Montezuma II;\nhe says that after the usual human sacrifices had been offered, all went\nto eat raw mushrooms (hongos crudos), which caused them to lose their\nsenses, more than if they had drunk much wine. In their ecstasy many\nof them killed themselves with their own hands, and by virtue of the\nmushrooms had visions and revelations of the future.\n\nThe conclusion from all this evidence is obvious: the peyote of the\nPlains, _Lophophora williamsii_, is identical with the peiotl, peyotl,\npellote, peyote, pejori, peyori or bejo of the Aztec and other Mexican\ntribes, but this cactus is wholly distinct from the little yellow\nthin-stemmed fungus teo-nanacatl, and Safford\u2019s identification of the two\nis erroneous.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] Safford, _An Aztec Narcotic_ 294; _Identification of Teo-nanacatl,\nNarcotic Plants; Peyote_, 1278-79.\n\n[2] Sahag\u00fan, _Historia general_, Lib. 10, cap. xxix: \u201c... ellos mismos\ndiscubrieron, y usaron primero la ra\u00edz que llaman peiotl, y los que\ncomian y tomaban la usaban en lugar de vino, y lo mismo hacian de los\nque llaman nanacatl que son los bongos malos que emborrachan tambien\ncomo el vino.\u201d The authoritative edition of Jourdanet and Sim\u00e9on, 661-62\ntranslates nanacatl as \u201cchampignon v\u00e9n\u00e9neux.\u201d\n\n[3] Sahag\u00fan, _Historia general_, 3:241-42: \u201cHay otra yerba como tunas\nde tierra, se llama peiotl, es blanca, hacese \u00e1cia la parte del norte,\nlos que la comen \u00f3 beben v\u00e9n visiones espantosas \u00f3 irrisibles.\u201d (Lib.\n11, cap. vii, pt. i, \u201cDe ciertas yerbas que emborrachen.\u201d) Jourdanet and\nSim\u00e9on, 737, unfortunately describe tunas as \u201cune ... plante qui rapelle\nla truffe,\u201d which is a mushroom. Sahag\u00fan\u2019s work is virtual dictation from\nAztec informants, later translated with painstaking care into Spanish. It\nis difficult to assume, as did Safford, that such able herbalists did not\nknow the difference between a cactus and a fungus.\n\n[4] \u201cHay unos honguillos en esta tierra que se llaman teo-nanacatl,\ncr\u00edanse debajo del heno en los campos \u00f3 p\u00e1ramos; son redondos, tienen\nel pie altillo, delgado y redondo, comidos son de mal sabor, da\u00f1an\nla garganta y emborrachan.\u201d (_Idem_, 3:241-42.) To be sure our own\nbest scientific knowledge must always be the touchstone for the data\nof the various folk-sciences; yet one is not entitled to a lofty and\ncomprehensive _\u00e1 priori_ distrust of native knowledge, particularly when\ndetailed with such clarity as this.\n\n[5] \u201cLas setas (hongos \u00f3 nanacatl) hacen genus campos agrorum en los\nmontes, son buenas de comer....\u201d (Sahag\u00fan, _Historia general_, 3:243).\n\n[6] Hernandez, in Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 293. The very word\nitself means \u201cmushroom!\u201d Reko\u2019s etymology for teo-nanacatl, \u201cdivine\nnourishment,\u201d is unsound according to Whorf; and indeed, there is nothing\nof the edible _par excellence_ about fungi (see Schultes, _Peyote and\nPlants Used_, 136-37).\n\n[7] Sim\u00e9on, in Safford, _Identification of Teo-nanacatl_, 400, 412.\n\n[8] de la Serna, _Manual de Ministros_, 261.\n\n[9] Cf. the Huichol peyote-gathering ritual and the wind which arises.\n\n[10] Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 291. Indeed in this short sub-chapter,\nSahag\u00fan distinguishes and describes coatlxoxouhqui = ololiuhqui\n[its seeds] peyotl, tlapatl, tzintzintlapatl, mixitl, teo-nanacatl,\ntochtetepo, atlepatli, aquiztli, tenxoxoli and quimichpatli! Alarc\u00f3n,\n_Tratado_, 131; also in Urbina, _El Peyote y el Ololhiuqui_, 27.\n\n[11] _Ritos Antiquos_; in Kingsborough, 9:17. Jourdenet and Sim\u00e9on,\ntranslators of Sahag\u00fan, _Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9ral_, 738, have: \u201c[Teo-nanacatl]\nc\u2019est-\u00e0-dire: champignon dangereux. Le terme g\u00e9n\u00e9rique est nanacatl qui\nse met en composition avec d\u2019autres mots pour d\u00e9signer les diverses\nesp\u00e8ces de champignons.\u201d\n\n[12] _Cr\u00f3nica Mexicana_; in Kingsborough, 9:153. The fact that _raw_\nmushrooms are mentioned disposes of Safford\u2019s supposition that _dried_\npeyote buttons are meant.\n\n[13] Dur\u00e1n, _Historia de las Indias_, 564, quoted from Kingsborough\u2019s\n_Mexican Antiquities_ by Bourke, _Scatological Rites_, 90.\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX 4: \u201cPLANT WORSHIP\u201d IN MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES\n\n\nPeyote is only one of several narcotics in the southern United States\nand Mexico which because of their physiological action find ritual and\nother uses. Since, in many of these, uses are related, there arises the\nproblem of their possible historical relationship. In any case, it is\nilluminating to study the general background of attitudes out of which\npeyotism grew.\n\n\nCACTI\n\nThe Tarahumari of northwestern Mexico, though their hikuli cult is less\nelaborate than that of the Huichol, have a complex of \u201cworship\u201d and\nuse of several varieties of cacti. Besides hikuli wanam\u00e9 (_Lophophora\nwilliamsii_) Lumholtz[1] lists the following:\n\n Mulato (a _Mammilaria_), believed to make the eyes large and\n clear to see sorcerers, to prolong life, and to give speed to\n runners who eat it.[2]\n\n Rosapara (a more advanced vegetative form of the same, but\n with many spines) which has very keen eyes for Tarahumari\n wrong-doing; it punishes by driving the offender mad, or\n throwing him down a precipice; \u201cit is therefore very effective\n in frightening off bad people, especially robbers and\n Apaches.\u201d[3]\n\n Sunami (_Mammilaria fissurata_),[4] rare, but even more\n powerful than wanam\u00e9, for it calls soldiers to its aid. The\n drink produced from it is strongly intoxicating. Deer cannot\n run away from you, nor bears harm you when carrying this\n cactus.[5]\n\n Hikuli wal\u00fala s\u00e4l\u00edami, \u201chikuli great authority,\u201d is the\n greatest of all; it is extremely rare, and Lumholtz never saw\n a specimen, though it was described to him as \u201cgrowing in\n clusters of from eight to twelve inches in diameter, resembling\n wanam\u00e9 with many young ones around it.\u201d[6]\n\n Ocoyome, unlike the preceding hikuli which are good, is used\n only for evil purposes. It has long white spines or \u201cclaws,\u201d\n and comes from the Devil. If accidentally touched with the\n foot, it would break one\u2019s leg; it also throws offenders\n over precipices.[7] Lumholtz says it was very rarely used,\n and Mooney says the Tarahumari used it not at all\u2014though the\n \u201cApaches\u201d did\u2014since it was \u201cpoison.\u201d Mooney describes the plant\n as having a reddish down, root and surface, which may account\n for the Apaches\u2019 tying it around their waists to make them\n brave, in their battles.[8]\n\nBennett and Zingg are perhaps referring to the same plant under the name\n\u201cpeyote cimarr\u00f3n,\u201d which is \u201csmall, red, and ineffective; it is not used\nor even touched, since the abuser might die.\u201d \u201cPeyote christiano\u201d (hikuli\ndew\u00e9ame), a larger, green variety, apparently Lophophora, is considered\nthe \u201cmost efficacious.\u201d[9]\n\nBennett and Zingg give two other kinds of cactus used by the\nTarahumari:[10]\n\n Witcul\u00edki (Mex. _biznaga_, _Mammillaria hyderi_), a ball cactus\n of the gorges, is roasted about four minutes in ashes, after\n being split and divested of its spines; the soft center is\n squeezed into the ear in case of earache or deafness. (This\n curiously echoes of the talking peyote stories.)\n\n Bak\u00e1nawa or bak\u00e1nori, a small ball cactus, is used by the\n Indians of the barrancas. Shamans, not peyoteros, carry small\n bits of the root in their bags; it can be kept only three\n years, after which it must be sold or hidden, lest the owner\n go crazy. The shaman chews and anoints the patient with it. So\n powerful is it that runners use it three days before racing;\n one man died of fear after having offended this plant.\n\n\nNON-CACTI\n\nOf the ritually used narcotics of this area we have already discussed\nthe \u201cmescal bean,\u201d or _Sophora secundiflora_, and teo-nanacatl, the\nsacred mushroom of the Aztec and Chichimeca.[11] The use of marihuana\n(_Cannabis_ spp.) in counteracting sorcery, and other beliefs surrounding\nits employment are also elsewhere discussed.[12] The use of the\nmescal-bean of the southern Plains and the various alcoholic drinks[13]\nof Mexico and the Southwest are perhaps related to the \u201cblack drink\u201d made\nof the leaves and twigs of the \u201cbeloved tree\u201d (_Ilex cassine_), which\nis distributed continuously from the Carolinas to the Rio Grande, with\na continuation of the trait across the Antilles into northeastern and\ncentral South America.[14]\n\nBut the narcotic exhibiting perhaps the most numerous parallels in\nusage with peyote is datura.[15] Gayton lists as datura-users in the\nSouthwest[16] the Pima, Zu\u00f1i, Navaho, Hopi, Havasupai, Walapai, Mohave,\nYuma and Cocopa, and in California the Akwa\u2019ala, Southern Diegue\u00f1o, Pass\nCahuilla, Gabrielino, Luise\u00f1o, Serrano, Chumash, Salinan, Miwok, Eastern\nand Western Mono, and the Foothill and Southern Valley Yokuts. This\ndistribution is continuous with that in northwestern Mexico among the\nOpata, Tepehuane, Cora, Tepecano and Aztec.[17]\n\nThe parallel uses of peyote, cohoba snuff and datura in prophecy and\ndivination have been summarized elsewhere,[18] but there are further\ninteresting uses of datura. The Aztec of Mexico[19] had special officials\nwho took ololiuhqui (the seeds of datura) to discover cures for\nillnesses, to find lost or stolen property, to ascertain the origin of\nlong sickness due to witchcraft, etc., receiving pay for their services.\nSometimes they prescribed the drug for their patients; datura was also\nused empirically as an anodyne in setting fractures, and it may have\nbeen one of the drugs employed to stupefy sacrificial victims, though\npeyote is the only one identified. Ololiuhqui was also mixed with tobacco\nand the ashes of venomous insects to make the sacred ointment of the\npriesthood; set on altars it was called Divine Meat.[20] The Cora[21]\nrefer to daturas in their songs and myths, but their use of it is not\nknown.\n\nIn northern Mexico, the Tepehuane used toloache [datura] in place of\npeyote.[22] Tepecano prayers refer to datura as the husband of Corn\nDaughter and the son-in-law of Father Sun; having taken two mistresses,\nhe was punished for this by being stuck head downward in the ground and\ncommanded to give mortals whatever they begged of him. They believe him\nto have great riches, which they pray for and \u201cborrow.\u201d Datura is one of\nthe five narcotics whose flowers decorate a love charm.[23]\n\nIn the Southwest, the Pima had a jimsonweed song which brought success\nin deer-hunting[24] and cured vomiting and dizziness. The White Mountain\nApache[25] mixed the root of _D. meteloides_ with their corn beer to\nmake it more intoxicating. The Apache of Bourke[26] credited datura\nwith the power of making men crazy, but denied using it medicinally or\nceremonially. The Havasupai[27] eat datura leaves occasionally apparently\nfor purely secular pleasure, and also use the drug in their arrow poison.\nAt Zu\u00f1i[28] datura was one of the medicines formerly belonging to the\ngods, and only the rain priests and directors of the Little Fire and\nCimex fraternities could use it; the rain priests propitiated birds with\nthe powdered root, or a man ate it to bring rain. They also administered\nit to clients who had been robbed, to discover the thief, and to patients\nwith broken bones; the pulverized root and flower were also used with\ncorn meal for all types of wounds. In myth the daturas were once brother\nand sister who walked the earth and saw who committed thefts, but the\nDivine Ones said they knew too much and caused them to disappear into the\nearth forever; perhaps for this reason it is also used to communicate\nwith the dead. The Navaho[29] eat the root of _D. meteloides_, and\nsometimes \u201cthe Indians under its influence, like the Malays run amuck and\ntry to kill everybody they meet.\u201d There is a record of Hopi doctoring\nwith datura.[30]\n\nNearly all the tribes of southern California used datura. The Akwa\u2019ala,\nYuma, Mohave and Eastern Mono took it to acquire gambling luck; the\nCentral Miwok did not eat it, but considered that a dream about datura\naided one\u2019s gambling fortune.[31] Of the remaining tribes of the region\nwho used it ceremonially, some features were held in common: (1) it\nwas not taken before puberty,[32] (2) it was usually administered to\na group,[33] and (3) a supernatural helper, sometimes an animal, was\nsought.[34]\n\nIn southwestern California the use of datura is strongly ritualized in\nthe Chungichnich cult of the Luise\u00f1o, and Northern and Southern Diegue\u00f1o.\nAccording to Kroeber the ritual is comparatively recent and overlies an\nolder, simpler use of the plant over a wider area. In the Chungichnich\nceremony datura is given to boys as a preliminary ritual in puberty\nobservance; its use is not seasonal, nor do women ever partake of it.[35]\n\nThe Mountain Cahuilla[36] are typical of groups who had the simpler\ndatura rite in puberty ceremonials before the addition of Chungichnich\nritualism.\n\n Manet (datura) was given to boys of 18-20 in a ceremony lasting\n 3 to 6 days in which other younger boys of 6-10 years were\n taught clan and \u201cenemy\u201d songs by their fathers. The paha or\n leader prepared strings of reed, eagle and flicker feathers\n which were worn by the dancers, who practiced away from the\n village. The drinking ceremony or kiksawel took place inside\n the ceremonial dance house, and women and children were warned\n away by the manet-dancer\u2019s bull-roarer.[37] Each boy was\n given a drink of a decoction of datura pounded in a mortar\n by the clan chief. The men in the enclosure took each boy by\n the waist, and they all danced around the fire, led by the\n manet-dancer. The boys remained unconscious in the house all\n night when the effect of the drug became manifest, and were\n removed the following afternoon to a secluded ca\u00f1on where for\n a week they were taught songs and dances nightly. The last\n afternoon a sand-painting was made and its symbolism explained.\n After an ant-ordeal and a fire-dance they were regarded as men\n and full-fledged members of the clan.\n\nA second group of tribes in the San Joaquin basin and Sierra Nevada\nfoothills had a datura-drinking ceremonial every spring for both sexes\nshortly after the age of puberty.[38]\n\n The participant\u2019s social status was not changed and the\n rite alone constituted a ceremonial unit, the tananhibina\n or tanabi-drinking of the Western Mono. Dancing to clappers\n took place until the children fell unconscious, whereupon\n they were carried away to special camps by relatives. If\n a person appeared to be covered with blood or maggots and\n vermin (the causes of sickness), they were brushed off with\n an eagle-feather brush.[39] In discovering the sickness the\n seer used an eagle-bone whistle which enabled him to \u201chear\u201d\n the sickness; if a man had poison, one could see where it was.\n One could also see things at very great distances, as well as\n discover what medicine-man had caused the death of people by\n witchcraft. The seer could likewise find lost articles and\n discover wealth by means of datura. The drinkers were guarded\n during this time lest they harm themselves or be harmed.\n Some men did not have any datura-visions; this was because\n some medicine-man feared his bad deeds would be discovered,\n and hence rendered the drink harmless by magic and \u201ccovered\n up\u201d those persons. If a medicine-man wanted to become very\n powerful, he took tanabi on ten successive seasons. Datura\n leaves were placed on the forehead of a dead person to drive\n out the spirit,[40] and people boiled tanabi leaves so the\n steam filled their house that the spirit of the dead man would\n not return to them in dreams.\n\nIn view of these repeated parallels in the attitudes and usages\nsurrounding both peyote and datura, it is certainly not without\nsignificance that their distribution, while contiguous, is mutually\nexclusive in northern Mexico and the southwestern United States: peyote\nis generally central and northeastern in Mexico, whence it spread\nnorthward and eastward into the Plains, while datura is northwestern in\nMexico and extends through the Pueblo and nomadic Southwest to southern\nCalifornia. And if the \u201cblack drink,\u201d native American beers in Mexico and\nthe Southwest, and the mescal bean be all counted with peyote and datura\nas part of one general distribution, we have a large continuous area or\n\u201cnarcotic complex\u201d across the whole southern United States and northern\nMexico. Such large general distributions are not unknown (e.g., bear\nceremonialism), and datura (via Central America), ilex drinks (via the\nAntilles) and aboriginal alcoholic liquors (continuous from the Southwest\nthrough Mexico and Central America to include the entire northern\nthree-quarters of South America) are surely connected ultimately with the\nsame traits in South America\u2014more particularly since not alone are the\nplants involved the same, but also detailed \u201csuperorganic\u201d attitudes and\nritual manifestations.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:372-74. These short paragraphs are\nsummaries, not direct quotations.\n\n[2] Cf. the physiological action of peyote-alkaloids, discussed\nelsewhere (dilation of the pupil, increased reflex excitability). The\nuse of narcotics in this area in connection with racing appears again\nwith peyote in northern Mexico, and with the \u201cmescal bean\u201d (_Sophora\nsecundiflora_) among the Wichita. The Acaxee used peyote in their\nball play, much as the \u201cblack drink\u201d (_Ilex cassine_) was used in the\nSoutheast. Cf. Mooney\u2019s (_Tarumari-Guayachic_) \u201cMur\u00e4to,\u201d apparently\nidentical with Lumholtz\u2019 Mulato, that \u201cis used mostly in races, not\nground up, but tied whole around waist, at back.\u201d\n\n[3] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:373. In this region narcotics in\ngeneral are much employed in connection with war, and the magical\n\u201cwitching\u201d of the enemy\u2014whose power is not merely physical but\nmagically malevolent too. \u201cMescal beans\u201d were part of the war-bundle\nin some southern Plains tribes, and both peyote and datura were used\nclairvoyantly and prophetically in war connections. The attitude that\nthe enemy is a witch, Dr. Spier informs me, is widespread among both the\nYumans and Athapascans of the Southwest. Cf. also peyote and captured\nscalps (e.g., Maricopa) talking, and being danger-ridden.\n\n[4] This is an instance where it is rewarding conscientiously to\nrespect native categories and ethnobotanical statements for hordenine\n(= anhaline, one of the alkaloids of Lophophora) was discovered in\n_Anhalonium fissuratum_ in 1894 by Heffter (see Appendix 5, fn. 5).\n\n[5] Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_, says sunami is very much respected, and\nis used only by doctors. Women doctors grind them on metates, placing\nthe plant upright and crushing it with one blow (cf. the \u201ckilling\u201d of\nmescal beans in the Plains). Doctors assemble for this feast, which\nrequires the sacrifice of a beef. Special rites attend its gathering,\nand it must be gathered in a black blanket and bleeds red blood. It\nmust be kept in a double basket in a cave, lest it hear quarreling in\nthe house. It dislikes fire, and after ten or twenty years it loses its\nvirtue and must be replanted with copal incensing where originally found.\nDoctors rub tizwin-and-sunami over the heart and rest of the body, for it\nmakes one win races. _Anhalonium fissuratum_ has a striking resemblance\nto deer-hooves; it is likely the hikuli referred to in this and other\nTarahumari-Huichol tales\u2014but it should be recalled that peyotism in\nMexico is also connected with deer-hunting.\n\n[6] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:373-74; Mooney, _Tarumari-Guayachic_,\nsays this variety is as big as a man\u2019s hat. The description probably\nrefers to an occasional polycephalous specimen of _Lophophora williamsii_\n(hikuli wanam\u00e9).\n\n[7] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ 1:374; _Tarahumari Dances_, 253, 452-54;\ncf. Mooney\u2019s (_Tarumari-Guayachic_) k\u00f3koy\u00f3mi. Mooney thought Lumholtz\u2019\n\u201cwalulasahane\u201d was Tepecano, not Tarahumari.\n\n[8] The resemblance of some _Mammillaria_ spp. to a head or scalp of hair\nis quite striking; Higgins, in fact, figures an \u201cOld Man Cactus\u201d with\nlong flowing white \u201chair.\u201d\n\n[9] Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 290.\n\n[10] Bennett and Zingg, _op. cit._, 137, 295. The users of bak\u00e1nawa\nbelieve it to be even more powerful than peyote. One can more easily\nbelieve that the ataxic gait of a peyote-intoxicated person would \u201cthrow\u201d\nhim over a cliff or break a leg, than that it would result in any\nconspicuously superior racing ability.\n\n[11] Dorman, in Bourke, _Scatalogical Rites_, 91, says mushrooms\nwere \u201cworshipped\u201d in the Antilles, in Virginia, and possibly also in\nCalifornia. The Siberian use of _Amanita_ spp. is well-known, but no\ndoubt these sporadic uses are all independent of each other.\n\n[12] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 2:354; see also notes 41, 45, 48 in\nAppendix 6.\n\n[13] The writer has published elsewhere on the subject of the numerous\nnative American beers (see _Native American Beers_). So far as a\ncactus-source of these is concerned, the following groups make use of\n_Cereus giganteus_ Englm. and _C. Thurberi_ Englm. for their sahuaro\ndrink: Huichol (?), Pima, Maricopa, Yuma, Papago, Halchidoma (?), and San\nCarlos Apache.\n\n[14] The ilex \u201cblack drink\u201d is Catawba (_Handbook of the American\nIndians_, 1:150a, 2:1000-1001); Alibamu (Forster, _Bossu_, 254, 261,\n294, 354-55); Creek (Swanton, _Social Organization and Social Usages_,\n307, 445; Adair, in Swanton, _Social and Religious Beliefs_, 265; Speck,\n_The Creek Indians_, 110, 117-18, 134; Bartram, _Travels_, 449, 507),\nboth Taskigi and Mikasuki; Cherokee (Bartram, _Travels_, 357); Chickasaw\n(Swanton, _Social and Religious Beliefs_, 240); Koasati (Paz, _Koasati\nField Notes_); Yuchi (Speck, _Ethnology of the Yuchi_, 122-24, 135);\nNatchez (Charlevoix, _Histoire de l\u2019Isle_, 166; du Pratz, _Histoire_,\n2:46, 3:13); Atakapa (Forster, _Bossu_, 1:354-55), Chitamacha (Gatschet,\nin Swadesh, _Chitamacha Texts_) and Karankawa (Oliver, in Gatschet, _The\nKarankawa Indians_, 18-19). Also in Florida (de Laudoni\u00e9re, in Lewin,\n_Phantastica_, 279; Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 417; Romans, _A Concise\nNatural History_, 94), and also possibly in Virginia (Beverly, _History\nof Virginia_, 175-80; Ribault [1666], Dominique de Gourages [1567],\nMcCullough, Le Moyne\u2014all in Havard, _Drink Plants_, 41-42; Lawson,\n_History of Carolina_, 380-82 [1860 ed.]; Adair, _The History of the\nAmerican Indian_, 108). A similar emetic rite is also found among the\n\u201cCutalchich\u201d of Texas (Cabeza de Vaca, in Safford, _Narcotic Plants_,\n416-17), the Tainan or Greater Antilles Arawak (Gower, _The Northern and\nSouthern Affiliations_, 39-40), the Lesser Antilles Carib and Guiana\n(Dixon [R. B.], _Some Aspects_, 1-12), the Amazon Basin (Wissler, _The\nAmerican Indian_, 213), Jivaro and Canelo of Ecuado (Karsten, in Lewin,\n_Phantastica_, 279-81; Safford, _Narcotic Plants_, 413, 416); Guarani of\nNorthern Bolivia (Safford, op. cit., 413; Spruce, _Notes of a Botanist_,\n2:419-20). See also Thurnwald, _Economics_, 65; Harrington, _Cuba\nBefore Columbus_, 295, 388-89; Spier, _Yuman Tribes_, 181; _Handbook\nof the American Indians_, 2:32a, 145-46; Sapir, _Kaibab-Paiute_.\nAn interestingly parallel distribution (which may have historical\nrelevance) is that of fish and arrow poisons. Fish poisons are reported\nfor northeastern South America, the Orinoco valley, the upper Amazon,\nthe Antillean Carib; the Tarahumari, Acaxee, Opata and in California;\nthe Catawba, Taskigi Creek, Cherokee, Koasati, Yuchi and Iroquois (cf.\nthe blow-gun of the Creek, Cherokee, Choctaw, Iroquois, Yuchi, central\nCarib, Florida Key-dwellers, natives of Hispaniola and of northeastern\nSouth America). Arrow poisons are found in Sonora, Central America,\nthe Guianas, the Antilles (Carib), Florida Arawak (?) and, in historic\ntimes, the Tarahumari, as well as in South America. The Opata, curiously,\nused yerba de fleche to poison deer at water-holes. Beals (_Comparative\nEthnology_, 115, 193) also lists poison arrows for the Southern Diegue\u00f1o,\nChumash, Cahuilla, Yavapai, Havasupai, Navaho, Western Apache, Lipan,\nNatchez (?), Seri, Mixtec and in Sinaloa and Culiacan. Spier adds the\nBlackfoot and perhaps other Plains groups to this list. The group with\npoison arrows south of the Great Lakes (_Jesuit Relations_, 8:302, in\nGower, 21) one would guess is Iroquois.\n\n[15] We ignore for our purposes the South American area of the use\nof datura, though it is surely connected with the Mexican culturally\nand historically, as well as the South American use of coca, tobacco,\ncohoba snuff (_Piptadenia peregrina_), guarana (_Paullinia cupana_ or\n_P. sorbilis_), chocolatl (_Theobroma cacao_), aya-huasca (_Banisteria\ncaapi_) and yaj\u00e9 (_Haemadictyon Amazonicum_ Spruce). Many of the uses of\nthese plants in war, prophesying, divination, ordeals, and doctoring are\nstrikingly similar to the Mexican uses of marihuana, datura, teo-nanacatl\nand peyote.\n\n[16] The sources for these are cited in Gayton, _The Narcotic Plant\nDatura_, a manuscript to which I am much indebted.\n\n[17] Note the parallel uses of datura in South America found among the\nInca, Matacuna, Chancay, Sipibo, Cocoma, Omagua, Jivaro, Canelo, Quijo,\nZaparo, Guanes (Guanuco?), Chibcha and in Darien (after Gayton). The\n\u201cwysoccan\u201d used by the Pamunky (Beverly, _History of Virginia_, 2:24) is\nsaid to be a datura (Safford, _Daturas_, 557-58); the sporadic use as a\nmedicament in Jamaica (Beckwith, _Notes on Jamaica_, 9, note 5, 28) may\nnot be aboriginal.\n\n[18] The writer hopes in due time to publish further data on New World\nnarcotics.\n\n[19] De la Serna, in Safford, _Daturas_, 551, Arlegui, _Cr\u00f3nica_, 144;\nRouhier, _Monographie_, 331.\n\n[20] Gerste, _Notes sur la m\u00e9dicine_, 51. This may be the source of\nReko\u2019s erroneous teo-nanacatl etymology.\n\n[21] Preuss, _Nayarit-Expedition_, 1:231.\n\n[22] Diguet, _Le Peyote et son Usage_, 21, note 1.\n\n[23] Mason, _Tepecano Prayers_, 138, 139, 142, 143. Cf. the supposed\naphrodisiac effects of peyote, teo-nanacatl, and marihuana.\n\n[24] Russell, _The Pima_, 299-300. Cf. sunami of the Tarahumari for deer\nhunting, and the mescal bean for buffalo hunting.\n\n[25] Hrdli\u010dka, _Physiological and Medical Observations_, 28; cf.\n_Handbook of the American Indians_, 2:837b.\n\n[26] Bourke, _The Medicine-Men_, 455.\n\n[27] Spier, _Havasupai_, 249, 269.\n\n[28] Stevenson, _Ethnobotany of the Zu\u00f1i_, 46, 47, 88; _The Zu\u00f1i\nIndians_, 385; Parsons, _A Zu\u00f1i Detective_, 168-70. Every single instance\nin this paragraph finds parallels in the uses of peyote: the powdering of\nthe root, rain-getting, discovery of robbers, as an anodyne, for wounds,\netc., differentiation in sex and communication with the dead. Note also\nin connection with rain-making the \u201cwater-bird\u201d of peyotism.\n\n[29] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1:4; _The American Cave-Dwellers_, 389;\ncf. the running amuck with peyote.\n\n[30] Robbins _et alii_, _Ethnobotany of the Tewa_, 55, note 1.\n\n[31] References from Gayton, _The Narcotic Plant Datura_.\n\n[32] Cf. the use of peyote formerly only by adult warriors.\n\n[33] Cf. the group use of marihuana, teo-nanacatl and peyote in Mexico.\n\n[34] Again compare peyote, particularly in the Plains.\n\n[35] Kroeber (_Handbook_ 462, 589, 593, 609, 613-14) lists tribes who may\nlack it. See also Kroeber, _Anthropology_, 309-311.\n\n[36] Summarized from Gayton, citing W. D. Strong, _Aboriginal Society_.\n\n[37] Cf. the preparation of peyote in Mexico.\n\n[38] Summarized from Gayton.\n\n[39] Cf. this and the following elements with peyote usages.\n\n[40] Cf. the Mexican use of peyote.\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX 5: CHEMISTRY OF PEYOTE\n\n\nAlkaloids are found in a number of cacti: _Cereus peruvianus_, _C. pecten\naboriginum_, _Pilocereus sargentianus_ Orcutt, _Phyllocactus ackermanii_,\n_P. russelianus_, _Echinocereus mamillosus_, _Mammillaria cirrhifera_,\n_M. uberiformis_, _M. centricirrha_, _Anhalonium prismaticum_, _A.\nfissuratum_,[1] and _Lophophora williamsii_. _Lophophora_ in its mature\nstate, however, is notable for the number of alkaloids which it contains,\nnine being known at present.\n\nThe long and hotly-disputed botanical question of _Anhalonium williamsii_\nversus _A. lewinii_, beyond its ethnographic significance in accounting\nthe plants \u201cmale\u201d and \u201cfemale,\u201d has a chemical aspect for a time\nobscuring their botanical identity. _A. williamsii_ (young specimens of\n_Lophophora_) contains only the alkaloid Pellotine,[2] while _A. lewinii_\n(the mature _Lophophora_) contains at least nine, as follows:[3] Anhaline\n(C\u2081\u2080H\u2081\u2085ON), Anhalamine (C\u2081\u2081H\u2081\u2085O\u2083N), Mescaline (C\u2081\u2081H\u2081\u2087O\u2083N), Anhalonidine\n(C\u2081\u2082H\u2081\u2087O\u2083N), Anhalonine (C\u2081\u2082H\u2081\u2085O\u2083N), Lophophorine (C\u2081\u2083H\u2081\u2087O\u2083N), Pellotine\n(C\u2081\u2083H\u2081\u2089O\u2083N), Anhalinine and Anhalidine. Lophophorine is an oily colorless\nliquid; mescaline crystallizes only in the presence of atmospheric CO\u2082;\nand anhalonidine crystallizes imperfectly; the rest are crystalline.\nTheir physiological activity appears to increase with their chemical\ncomplexity.[4]\n\nHordenine was first isolated from _A. fissuratum_ by Heffter in 1894 and\nshown to be identical with Sp\u00e4th\u2019s anhaline from _Lophophora_ in 1920;\nHeffter isolated pellotine in 1894, mescaline, anhalonidine, anhalonine\nand lophophorine in 1896, Kauder adding anhalamine in 1899. Capellman\ncollaborated with Heffter on mescaline in 1905. If Heffter first isolated\nthe _Lophophora_ alkaloids, Sp\u00e4th is to be largely credited with\nestablishing their chemical constitution and synthesizing them: mescaline\nin 1920, anhalamine in 1921, and anhalonidine and pellotine in 1922.\nR\u00f6der in 1922 and Gangl in 1923 collaborated in establishing the chemical\nconstitution of others of the alkaloids.[5]\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] Tschirsch, _Handbuch_, 680.\n\n[2] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 194; Moureu, _Review_, 519;\nHeffter, _Ueber zwei Cacteenalkalo\u00efde_, 2977; _Ueber Pellote_, 309 ff.;\nSp\u00e4th, _\u00dcber die Anhalonium_; I, _Anhalin und Mezcalin_, 129; Kunkel,\n_Handbuch_, 836; Schumann, _\u00dcber giftige Kakteen_, 106.\n\n[3] Henry (T. A.), _loc. cit._ The more recently discovered anhalinine\nand anhalidine are cited from Schultes, _Peyote and Plants Used_, 134.\n\n[4] Rouhier, _Monographie_, 196, 201, 205, 212.\n\n[5] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 194-95; Moureu, _Review_,\n520; Heffter, _Ueber zwei Cacteenalkalo\u00efde_, 2976; _Ueber Pellote_,\n69-73; Sp\u00e4th, _Ueber die Anhalonium_; I, _Anhalin und Mezcalin_, 129,\n138-39; II, _Die Konstitution_, 97, 263. Anhalonine has been found in\n_A. jourdanianum_ (Henry, _op. cit._, 194; Heffter, _Ueber Pellote_,\n427) which is identical with _Lophophora_. See Heffter, _Ueber zwei\nCacteenalkalo\u00efde_, 2976-77, also vols. 29:216, 223-25, 227; 34:3005,\n3008, 3013; Heffter and Capellman, _Versuch zur Synthese_, 38:3634-40;\nKauder, _\u00dcber Alkaloide_, 190-98. Sp\u00e4th, with Gangl and R\u00f6der, _\u00dcber de\nAnhalonium_, IV, VI; Kunkel, _Handbuch_, 836.\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX 6: PHYSIOLOGY OF PEYOTE\n\n\nACTION OF THE INDIVIDUAL ALKALOIDS OF LOPHOPHORA WILLIAMSII\n\nSince the alkaloids of peyote fall into two classes with regard to\nphysiological action, the strychnine-like (increased reflex-irritability\nto the point of tetanus) and the morphine-like (sedative-soporific) and\nsince there are important ethnographic considerations concerning the\nsupposed \u201csex\u201d of peyote, we discuss the action of each alkaloid before\ncharacterizing pan-peyotl physiologically. The two groups are somewhat\nantagonistic in action; ethnographic indications seem to point to the\nearlier action of the strychnine-like alkaloids, and a delayed reaction\nof the morphine-like. However, the size of the dose and the continued\ningestion of buttons during the night cause variations in the length of\nthe different periods of intoxication.\n\nThe peyote-alkaloids might be arranged in a scale, with mescaline at the\nmorphine-like extreme and lophophorine at the other: (morphine-like)\nmescaline, peyotline, anhaline, anhalamine, anhalonidine, anhalonine,\nlophophorine (strychnine-like). Peyotline, however, has a variable effect\non different individuals, while anhalonine has been accounted of the\nmorphine-like group by Rouhier.[1] The color-visions so conspicuous in\npeyote-intoxication are chiefly produced by mescaline.[2] Lophophorine\nis the most toxic.[3] Physiologically the effects of the individual\nalkaloids are:[4]\n\n _Mescaline_: slowing of pulse, slight headache, sensation of\n heaviness in the limbs lasting one to several hours; heavier\n doses, feeling of discomfort and fullness of stomach (even when\n injected intravenously) in addition to the above symptoms;\n still heavier doses, accentuation of symptoms and appearance of\n color-visions.\n\n _Peyotline_: in about an hour reduces the pulse approximately\n one-quarter the normal number of beats; two hours after\n ingestion, heaviness of eyelids, sensation of fatigue, aversion\n to all physical or mental effort; has no marked analgesic\n action but is a fairly good sedative and has a very appreciable\n hypnotic and anodyne action.\n\n _Anhaline_ [= hordenine]:[5] exercises a paralyzing effect on\n the central nervous system.\n\n _Anhalamine_: this has not been adequately studied\n physiologically. Nor have _Anhalinine_ and _Anhalidine_.\n\n _Anhalonidine_: only slight sleepiness and dull sensation in\n head; pulse not affected.\n\n _Anhalonine_: produces no sensible effect, except perhaps a\n slight sleepiness.\n\n _Lophophorine_: the most toxic, has no narcotic action; a\n quarter-hour after ingestion an accentuated sickening feeling\n in the back of the head, with hotness and blushing of face,\n slight pulse diminution; symptoms disappear after 40 minutes.\n\n \u201cIn short,\u201d says Rouhier,[6] \u201csave for anhalonidine which,\n in strong doses, provokes in the frog paralysis of the\n motor nerve-ends (which is not observed otherwise in\n mammals), the alkaloids of peyote act on the central nervous\n system.... [Mescaline] acts on the brain, which it paralyzes.\n [Lophophorine] is antagonistic in action to this, augmenting\n the irritability of the spinal cord and its elongations....\n Peyotline, anhalonine and anhalonidine hold a middle place\n between the two preceding. They produce in the frog a soporific\n effect (due to the paralysis of the brain or central nervous\n system), followed by an effect of tetanus. Anhalonidine and\n anhalonine have identical physiological effects. The paralyzing\n effect of the former is of long duration. That of the second is\n much reduced and is lacking in warm-blooded animals.\u201d\n\n\nACTION OF PAN-PEYOTL\n\nThe native use of peyote, however, involves of course the whole series\nof alkaloids, and we must discuss the physiological effect of pan-peyotl\npreparations. Since antagonistic alkaloids are at work, it is not\nsurprising to find several stages of physiological action with the whole\nplant. Dixon writes:[7]\n\n The action may be divided into a preliminary stage and a stage\n of intoxication. In the former there is excitement, a feeling\n of exhilaration, and diminished kinaesthetic sensations,\n performances involving effort being hardly noticed; the face\n is flushed, and the pupils dilated; there is a tendency to\n talkativeness, which may become wandering later, when the\n patient begins to feel \u201clightheaded.\u201d\n\n This stage quickly passes away, and is followed by one of\n intoxication, in which there is a great inclination to lie\n down, although there is never any tendency to sleep. The\n pupils are now widely dilated, but act sluggishly to light.\n On attempting to walk, the gait closely resembles that in\n alcoholic intoxication, and in all bodily movements requiring\n precision, the inco\u00f6rdination is evident. The body is generally\n in a tremulous condition, the tremors showing well when the\n attention is fixed on anything held in the hand. Reflexes over\n the whole body are much increased, including the skin reflexes,\n although there is considerable blunting of painful and tactile\n sensation. Twitching of muscles occurs in various parts of the\n body, especially noticeable in the face, and there is a curious\n feeling as if the face, lips, tongue, etc., were much swollen.\n\n As in _cannabis indica_, time is over-estimated, possibly as a\n result of the rapid flow of ideas[8] and the inability to fix\n the attention. Perception of space is also modified,[9] on one\n occasion giving the impression that the ground sloped away in\n all directions.\n\n Perception may be considerably delayed; for example, one\n may look at a person one knows well, and it is only after\n scanning his features for what appears to the experimenter\n a considerable time, that recognition occurs;[10] it is\n possible, however, that this may be explained by the increased\n time-relation. The attention cannot be fixed, as the least\n stimulus is sufficient to alter the train of thought; thus it\n was found impossible to fix the attention on a book, and a\n subsequent examination of notes attempted during intoxication\n showed inco\u00f6rdination both as regards language and writing.\n\n On two occasions when deeply under the influence of the drug,\n there was an indescribable feeling of dual existence; thus\n after sitting with closed eyes subjectively examining the color\n visions, on suddenly opening them for a brief space one seems\n to be a different self, as on waking from a dream we pass into\n a different world from that in which we have been. This may be\n to some extent comparable to the rhythmical rise and fall of\n the \u201cphysical waves\u201d in Indian hemp intoxication.[11]\n\n But by far the most remarkable of these subjective phenomena\n are the sensory hallucinations,[12] especially visual. These\n arise gradually, and are at first only seen with closed\n eyes.... The visions rapidly become more marked, until on\n closing the eyes a regular kaleidoscopic play of colours can be\n seen with either eye, precisely the same; hence the condition\n must be central.\n\n These colours may assume all kinds of fantastic shapes; they\n are never still, but constantly in motion, sometimes in a\n circular or to-and-fro manner, but more generally there\n is a kind of pulsation somewhat similar to that in the\n cinematograph.[13]\n\nBoth native visions and white observations testify abundantly to the\nphenomena of synaesthesis, or the perception of the data of one sense in\nterms of another. Rouhier figures a painting made by an experimenter in\nwhich the sound of a bell is seen as a surr\u00e9aliste aggregate of flowing,\npulsating lines; and a subject of Havelock Ellis had a \u201ccurious sensation\nof tasting colors.\u201d Crichtly mentions a color-taste synaesthesia\nalso.[14] All these phenomena are physiological constants, as indicated\nby comparison of native visions with white experimenters\u2019 observations.\n\nAfter visual hallucinations far the commonest are auditory ones. The\nwriter, with a number of other observers, has noted the preternatural\nresonance, hollowness, discreteness and far-away quality of one\u2019s own\nvoice; if vocal disfunction were involved one would expect a raising of\npitch here, hence it is probably auditory. On this point Dixon bears\ncritical evidence:[15]\n\n The whole effect of the sound of the piano was most curious\n and delightful, the whole air being filled with music, each\n note of which seemed to arrange itself around a medley of\n other notes which appeared to me to be surrounded by a halo of\n colour pulsating to the music. Nasal hyperaesthesia was also\n present, though less evident than either the visual or auditory\n phenomena.\n\nThe more strictly physiological effects may be summed up as follows:[16]\n\n _Skin_: no local irritation on injection of pan-peyotl; one\n observer reports partial skin anaesthesia, but this does not\n affect cutaneous reflex-excitability, which is much increased.\n\n _Respiration_: moderate amounts in Rana esculens produce no\n effect, but in toxic doses respiration becomes quicker and\n shallower, death ultimately occurring from paralysis of the\n respiratory center. In man respiration is ordinarily not\n affected, but some observers report shallower and more rapid\n breathing with \u201coccasional long-drawn and deep sighs, and a\n painful feeling of suffocation.\u201d Still another observer states\n that \u201crespiration slows immediately after injection but is not\n influenced in a durable manner.\u201d[17]\n\n _Circulation_: in the frog a marked effect on heart-beat:\n diminished rapidity, but increased duration; in the dog a\n small dose causes a slight rise in pressure, stronger doses\n considerable depression on the heart and vasodilation; in the\n cat mescaline causes initial lower pressure, slowly rising, and\n with a larger dose a greater initial fall, more marked slowing\n in beat, with variable promptness in recovery. In man .05 gr.\n of lophophorine causes marked slowing of beat but a rise in\n pressure and force. An ordinary dose of four \u201cbuttons\u201d produces\n a 15-25% fall in the number of beats, with a slow recovery from\n a sharp drop unless more are eaten. But death in guinea pigs\n and frogs comes through paralysis of respiration, not of the\n heart, since in Wiley\u2019s experiments it would beat 15-20 minutes\n after the death of the animal. \u201cAll this evidence points to the\n conclusion that the main effect of these alkaloids is a direct\n one on cardiac muscle ... [since] very large doses, quite\n non-therapeutic in amount, are ... required before the colour\n visions ... are observed.\u201d\n\n _Salivation_: increased in the cat, whether administered by\n mouth or subcutaneously; the alkaloids are secreted in the\n saliva (one cc. of cat saliva produces the same symptoms in a\n frog); in man salivation is somewhat increased.\n\n _Digestive system_: in small doses pan-peyotl is constipating,\n according to some. In the cat large doses produce diarrhea and\n blood in the feces. In man and the quadrupeds all sensations\n of hunger are suppressed or absent during the period of\n intoxication, but the appetite returns somewhat increased after\n recovery; on first injection or ingestion there is a marked\n nausea and feeling of fullness in the stomach which passes off,\n without, however, hunger arising.\n\n _Blood, secretions, etc._: no increase in the coagulability of\n the blood; pancreatic and biliary secretions unaffected.\n\n _Kidneys_: peyote alkaloids chiefly excreted by the kidneys;\n experiments show increased renal blood supply, and pan-peyotl\n is markedly diuretic.\n\n _Eyes_: in the later stages of intoxication the pupils are\n widely dilated, accompanied by lack of accommodation and\n consequent photophobia.\n\n _Nervous system_: sizeable doses produce their most marked\n effect on the nervous system: wakefulness (despite cardiac\n and muscular depression), exaggeration of all reflexes (due\n to selective action on the spinal cord). A frog injected with\n pan-peyotl became \u201cexceedingly susceptible to stimuli, until\n even the slightest touch or even a breath of cold air is\n sufficient to give rise to a little nervous explosion, with\n the resulting contraction of several muscles\u201d; the frog became\n rigid in tetanus as the reflexes degenerated. Convulsions are\n produced in the dog with \u2155 cc. of pan-peyotl, sometimes\n light, sometimes as violent as those of strychnine; death in\n convulsions with 1 cc. per kilogram of body weight. Pan-peyotl\n immediately kills a rabbit with a dose of 2 cc. per kilogram\n of body weight, injected intravenously; 2 cc. injected in the\n lymphatic sac paralyzes a frog. An injected cat shows \u201cataxic\n gait, with jerky and stiff movements\u201d\u2014a staccato effect in an\n animal notable for the legato quality of its movements\u2014with\n \u201cirregular twitchings of muscles over the whole body.\u201d The\n same effects, less marked because of relatively smaller doses,\n appear in man as in other mammals. Extraordinary doses cause\n qualitatively and quantitatively the same reactions: the writer\n has seen a child, quite ill and suffering from malnutrition,\n brought very fretful into a peyote meeting and fed peyote \u201ctea\u201d\n until rigid in strychnine-like tetanic opisthotonos.\n\n _Psychic state_: exceedingly variable, varying culturally,\n with the stages of intoxication, and in the individual\n himself at different times. Mexican visions sometimes have\n a frightening tone, sometimes one of hilarity. The writer\n had marked confirmation of this while still ignorant of this\n ethnographic fact: in an Oto meeting in 1936 visions were\n of monstrous animals so ridiculous and hilariously funny\n that proper self-restraint in meeting was difficult; yet, in\n a control experiment comfortably conducted in New Haven,\n the psychic state developed into one of stark, galloping,\n psychotic terror, quite inexplicable on realistic grounds\n (later, parallels were found in Winnebago material and in\n white observations). Curiously enough Dixon noted in a cat\n photophobia, dilated pupils and a fixed \u201cstare ... [and] most\n of the physical elements of \u2018terror.\u2019 ... The ears were drawn\n back, the hair over the body, especially the tail, becomes\n erected, there is twitching of the superficial muscles, the\n respiration being shallow and hurried, and the heart weak and\n irregular.\u201d One experimenter\u2019s subject became possessed of the\n fixed idea that he was being poisoned, when the intoxication\n had thoroughly developed. This experience, once felt, is so\n strikingly physiological that one is tempted to wonder if there\n is any hypersecretion of adrenalin, perhaps in adjustmental\n reaction to the effect of the alkaloids on the heart. Dixon\n thought _Lophophora_ differed from _Cannabis indica_ in never\n provoking merriment; yet Wertham and Bleuler had one subject\n who achieved a state of to him quite meaningless hilarity. Fear\n states are present among native users also, to judge from the\n content of some visions recorded; conceivably these might be\n the psychic end-results of the intensified reflex-excitability\n induced by the strychnine-like alkaloids. However, one should\n bear in mind throughout the antagonistic effect of the\n alkaloids, which together with individual, cultural and other\n differences (physiological state, amount eaten, the form in\n which the drug is taken\u2014infusion or solid, dry or green\u2014the\n continued eating of it in late stages of intoxication, etc.)\n contribute to widely variable reactions. The experiments of\n Wertham and Bleuler are impressive in this connection.[18] This\n variability for the same subject at different times, Indians\n explain, is conditioned by what one starts thinking about when\n the intoxication begins.[19]\n\n\nPEYOTE AS APHRODISIAC AND ANAPHRODISIAC\n\nWe have previously noted the use in Mexico of teo-nanacatl, _Cacalia_\nspp. and _Cannabis_ spp. for their supposed aphrodisiac virtues.\nPeyote too has become involved in this use, but it has been as warmly\ndefended as attacked, some indeed maintaining that it is a specific\nanaphrodisiac. It can hardly be both. The present writer, as a matter\nof fact, considers this less a problem of physiology than one of\nethnology, psychology or even psychiatry, and is persuaded that in the\npharmacological-physiological sense there exist neither aphrodisiacs nor\ntheir opposite, anaphrodisiacs.\n\nThe matter is not to be settled off-handedly by resort to experiments\non white subjects; it is a more intricate question of culture and\npersonality. If white subjects argue heatedly for peyote\u2019s aphrodisiac\nand anaphrodisiac virtues, this proves nothing physiological. It merely\nindicates the long notorious fact that given the somewhat anti-sexual\ntradition of west European culture, the typical anxiety of its\nculture-bearers is sexual. This is scarcely the case with the Plains\nIndians I have observed. As expressed in ritual, symbolism and prayer,\nthe typical anxiety of these natives is that about life itself\u2014and the\nculture-historical background out of which this has grown will be readily\nrecalled by students of Plains ethnography (constant warfare, prestige\nsymbolisms, the coming of the Whites with new diseases, superior weapons,\netc.).\n\nWe shall merely cite here, therefore, instances showing up the order of\n\u201cproof\u201d so far adduced to support these contrary stands about peyote.\nLumholtz leads the anaphrodisiac school:\n\n Another marked effect of the plant is to take away temporarily\n all sexual desire. This fact, no doubt, is the reason why the\n Indians, by a curious aboriginal mode of reasoning, impose\n abstinence from sexual intercourse as a necessary part of the\n hikuli cult.[20]\n\nWertham and Bleuler also write of subjects that[21] \u201cefforts to conjure\nup an erotic scene were unsuccessful.\u201d Fernberger,[22] however, exhibits\na still more na\u00efve sense of evidence:\n\n [An ethnographer] reports that in the Peyote Cults investigated\n there is no actual, implied or even symbolic eroticism[23]\n which marks these ceremonies off from practically every other\n known American Indian ceremony of any tribe or group [!]. In\n order to test the validity of some of these reports, nine\n mature members of the faculty ... submitted together to extreme\n peyote intoxication.[24] [The experiment was performed in a\n group _because_ it] gave the opportunity for suggestion of\n one observer upon another [and permitted a ceremony complete\n with rattles and drum. Consequently[25]] one unexpected and\n unforeseen result of this investigation is the evident strongly\n anti-aphrodisiac[26] effect of the drug. This would again\n explain, for social psychology and for anthropology, the\n purely and totally unerotic character[27] of the ceremonies of\n the Peyote Cults so unusual to American Indian ceremonies.[28]\n\nIt seems alike profitless to enter into a discussion of those who argue\nthe aphrodisiac properties of peyote.[29] These have often enough\nbeen missionaries and administrators whose use of the argument in\nbitter attacks on the Native American Church shows them to be scarcely\ndisinterested. Certainly from the evidence so far at hand we can only\nheartily endorse the opinion of Kl\u00fcver[30] that \u201cthe drug apparently does\nnot influence the sexual sphere in any specific way.\u201d\n\n\nTHERAPEUTIC USES OF PEYOTE\n\nFrom the physiological relation of the peyote alkaloids to strychnine\nand morphine, considerable enthusiasm was early shown about their\npharmacodynamics and possible therapeutic uses. Jolly[31] in 1896\nexperimented on pellotine [= peyotline] as a hypnotic and soporific,\nfor when used in small doses in man the fall of the pulse initially\nis accompanied by sleepiness. Heffter[32] likewise reports a marked\nheaviness of limbs and eyelids. Loaeza,[33] apparently using pan-peyotl\npreparations, maintained that peyote and _Cereus serpentinus_ (organillo)\nhad value as tonics or cardiac regulators, but variable action and\nindividual idiosyncrasy is marked. Henry[34] says the therapeutic dose\nof pellotine is one-third to two-thirds of a grain, but that it is only\n\u201cslightly narcotic.\u201d The high toxicity of lophophorine discourages its\ntherapeutic use. Rouhier[35] wrote in 1926 that \u201cproperly speaking,\ntherapeusis by peyote does not yet exist. Although the drug was\nintroduced in the American pharmaceutical market[36] for twenty years,\nfrom which it has since disappeared, it is still unknown to the great\nmedical public.\u201d On the whole, however, the therapeutic possibilities of\n_Lophophora_ seem unimpressive.[37]\n\n\nUSES IN PSYCHIATRY\n\nBecause peyote produces what has been described as a \u201cmescal psychosis,\u201d\nit has been suggested that it might be a useful approach for the\npsychiatrist in the study of schizophrenia. The production of \u201chorrible\ndepressions\u201d in a subject of Prentiss and Morgan and \u201cfear that his life\nwas leaving him,\u201d as well as the unaccountable hilarity of Wertham and\nBleuler\u2019s subject, suggests a similar value, if any, in the study of\nmanic-depressive psychoses too. No doubt psychoses may be exteriorized\nwith increased facility in peyote intoxication, but this strikes one as a\ncrude method and subject to the introduction of extraneous factors over\nwhich there is no control.[38]\n\nHutchings used pellotine as a hypnotic on psychotic patients in the St.\nLawrence State Hospital. Pilcz likewise reports this use of peyote as\na sedative for the insane, but Warburg states that these experiments\nhave met with little success, on account of the by-effects of the\nalkaloids. Dr. Goodall of the Carmarthen Asylum, according to Havelock\nEllis, tried peyote on melancholic and stuporous patients, but \u201cbeyond\ndilation of pupils and rapidity [!] of heart action, the results were\nnil.\u201d Martindale and Westcott report that formerly peyote was used in\nneurasthenia, hysteria and asthma; it is hard to see in some cases where\nthe cure is any superior to the disease, however. Briau employed peyote\nin \u201canxiety states,\u201d but the extremely variable emotional states under\npeyote intoxication make even tentative conclusions precarious.[39]\nIndeed, peyote would be calculated to aggravate asthma and anxiety states\nunder some circumstances!\n\nBensheim found different mescal reactions in cycloids and schizoids, but\nWertham and Bleuler somewhat surprisingly discovered both reactions in a\nsingle person, and argued for the inconstancy of the formal structure of\nthe \u201cpersonality.\u201d Probably, however, peyote had no definitive importance\nin either case though the former used only mescaline and the latter\npan-peyotl. Zucker induced mescaline intoxication in the hallucinated\ninsane, but far too many variables appear to be involved here. Zador\nconducted experiments on the blind and patients with disordered vision,\nusing mescaline, the chief hallucination-producing alkaloid of peyote.\nKl\u00fcver discussed color predominance in reported visions (red-green in the\ninitial phases, blue-yellow later). This suggests selective action of\nthe alkaloids on various regions of the retina, evidence bearing on the\nLadd-Franklin phylogenetic theory of color vision. Possibly, too, colors\npredominant in peyote-symbolisms of natives may have a physiological\nmeaning. Kl\u00fcver\u2019s \u201cform-constants\u201d in peyote-intoxication may have\nsimilar significance, but he dealt largely with White visions only.[40]\n\n\nPEYOTE AS A DRUG\n\nOf more concern, however, to those who interest themselves in the welfare\nof Indians is the possible ill effect or habit-forming nature of the\ndrug. On this point we quote the opinions of those better qualified than\nthe writer to speak.\n\nBriau,[41] in his psychiatric study, emphasized\n\n the innocuousness of peyote.... No signs of grave intolerance\n were ever exhibited, nor any accident more disagreeable than\n vomiting, all too frequent at the beginning of a treatment\n with opiates. There was no notable organic upsetment produced\n during the time of action of the medicament. The effects on\n the circulation, respiration, digestive system and excretory\n functions have not appeared noxious. We have frequently\n examined urine for the existence of abnormal constituents\n revealing some derangement of the liver or the kidneys. In\n short, never during our researches have distressing secondary\n phenomena been manifested (headache, obnubilation, confusion,\n psychic and physical depression, or gastro-intestinal\n disturbances).... No brutality in the action [of pan-peyotl]\n can be remarked.\n\nBriau believes the drug non-habit forming. Rouhier expresses himself more\nguardedly:\n\n That peyote-mania can sometimes exist, we will not dispute.\n We merely remark, to explain our optimism on the subject,\n that the drug does not seem to provoke that irresistible\n physiological appetite, nor that \u201cstate of need,\u201d purveyors of\n the great toxicomanias which opium, cocaine, heroine or alcohol\n create.\n\nHavelock Ellis expresses himself as follows:\n\n The few observations recorded in America and my own experiments\n in England do not enable us to say anything regarding the\n habitual consumption of mescal in large amounts. That such\n consumption would be gravely injurious I cannot doubt. Its\n safeguard seems to lie in the fact that a certain degree of\n robust health is required to obtain any real enjoyment from its\n visionary gifts.\n\nThe last statement is somewhat gratuitous, if not erroneous.[42]\n\nHrdli\u010dka[43] writes as follows:\n\n My views ... are that any substance which is capable of\n producing such effects on the brain and nervous system if\n abused is bound to produce harm. Fortunately peyotl is rather\n scarce, is used on special occasions only\u2014in a large majority\n of cases\u2014and thus it is probably quite free from any permanent\n injury.[44] The drug can perhaps be likened to nicotine,\n and like the latter will doubtless not affect different\n individuals to the same degree. Also, as with nicotine, it\n may be quite impossible with our present means to detect the\n harm it has done. Besides which it is quite possible that the\n system may build up some resistance or safeguard against it and\n thus prevent any substantial injury. I should by no means join\n myself to those who see in it any _great_ danger.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] Rouhier, _Monographie_, 231.\n\n[2] Kobert, _Lehrbuch_, 1008-1009; Rouhier, _op. cit._, 227; Henry (T.\nA.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 199: Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological\nAction_, 71. Rouhier (_op. cit._, 228, 231) places peyotline in the\nstrychnine group; it has a narcotic and tetanic effect on animals, to be\nsure, but in man, according to Jolly, it causes slight hypnosis, but no\nanaesthesia. Schmiedeberg puts it in the morphine group, which we have\nfollowed (cf. Kobert, _Lehrbuch_, 1009).\n\n[3] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 199; Rouhier, _op. cit._, 238;\nDixon (W. E.), _The Physiological Action_, 71.\n\n[4] Condensed from Rouhier, _op. cit._, 227-32. Note \u201cpellotine\u201d is the\nsame as \u201cpeyotline.\u201d\n\n[5] Henry, _loc. cit._ Staub and Grassmann (_\u00dcber die Wirkungsgrenze_,\n336) state, in dogs, increased heart-beat and pressure.\n\n[6] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 231. I have modified and added to Rouhier\u2019s\nclassifications. Ellis (_Mescal: A New Artificial Paradise_) describes\nthe effects on the central nervous system as \u201cacute cerebrasthenia.\u201d The\nlethal dose of anhalonine hydrochloride for rabbits is 0.16 to 0.2 grams\nper kilogram of body weight; lophophorine kills frogs by a dose of only\n0.011 grams per kilogram of body weight. (Henry, _op. cit._, 199).\n\n[7] Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological Action_, 79-81. Rouhier (_op.\ncit._, 268-69): \u201cIntoxication by peyote in man comprises two very\ndistinct phases, one, general superexcitement, contentment; euphoria,\nthe other of nervous sedation, of more or less accentuated physical\nindolence, and of hypocerebrality; this last phase is almost entirely\nfilled with the production of color-visions.\u201d Henry (_op. cit._, 199)\nlikens this preliminary stage to alcoholic intoxication.\n\n[8] Fernberger (_Observations_, 270) mentions \u201ca very clear but rapidly\nchanging focus of attention\u201d; see also his _Further Observations_, 367.\nCrichtly (_Some Forms_, 102) notes the \u201crapidity of change,\u201d though\nvisions \u201clasted many hours.\u201d It is in this that the \u201cindescribability\u201d of\nthe visions lies (Ellis, _Mescal: A New Artificial Paradise_).\n\n[9] Fernberger (_Observations_, 269) notes \u201cdistortion of time and\nspace\u201d; and (_Further Observations_, 367) a \u201cgrave upsetting of\nspace and time ... space was extremely extended and time extremely\nslowed.\u201d Maggendorfer (_Intoxikationspsychosen_, 355-56) notes for\nmescaline a time and space derangement, similar to those in other\n\u201cintoxikationpsychosen.\u201d Crichtly (_op. cit._, 105) describes micropsia\nand megalopsia, or gravely deranged perception of size.\n\n[10] In these careful statements by Dixon (on a subject not notable for\nthe accuracy of all observers) many physiological bases for ethnographic\nobservations I have made may be found, e.g., the mistaking in a Kiowa\nmeeting of the medicine-man Tonakat by an informant for a hideous\nalligator-like monster; he believed then he had seen this witch \u201cfor what\nhe was.\u201d\n\n[11] The writer testifies to the accuracy of Dixon\u2019s somewhat amazing\nstatement. So marked have been the physical effects of the first stage\nof intoxication, that when these pass off to give rise to the feeling of\nphysiological normality (introspectively), one almost has a distrust of\nthe existence of these spectacular mental displays particularly if the\nobserver is of a markedly non-\u201cpsychic\u201d or skeptical cast of mind. The\nvisions arise in the midst of a psychological state I can only describe\nas one of perfectly plausible \u201cepistemological orientation,\u201d sometimes\nacutely felt in alcoholic intoxication. The feeling of dissociation\nwith this unfamiliar and spectacular side of one\u2019s peyote-intoxication\nexperience has suggested to some observers incipient schizoid psychoses.\nSmall wonder natives often exhibit curiously ambivalent attitudes toward\ntheir visions, and sometimes explicitly reject and disclaim them as\n\u201cbad,\u201d the result of trickery by the peyote power (\u201che\u2019s testing me\u201d) or\nby some human witch present. Hoebel in conversation has insisted on the\nNorthern Cheyenne attitude of suspicion of peyote\u2019s \u201ctrickiness.\u201d But I\nwholly disagree with Havelock Ellis and others who have argued for the\n\u201cineffability\u201d of visions, and even less do I see in peyote-intoxication\nany approach to the mystical state of the epistemological\n_convincingness_ of the _visions_. It is this _concomitant_ state of\nseeming objectiveness and reality-orientation which accounts for the\nmarked feeling of duality. On this point, cf. Drs. Monakow and Morgue:\n\u201c[Peyote produces] a particular state of dreaming, without losing,\nrelatively, the idea of orientation, accompanied by pseudo-hallucinatory\nphenomena.\u201d\n\n[12] Ellis (_Mescal: A Study of a Divine Plant_, 60) reports a \u201cvague\nolfactory hallucination\u201d; Fernberger (_Observations_, 269) and the\nwriter have noticed kinaesthetic derangements which have parallels in\nnative visions. Hearing is very acute (Fernberger, _ibid._; _Further\nObservations_, 371), but subject to hallucination and synaesthetic\nderangement.\n\n[13] Some fifty native peyote \u201cvisions\u201d were collected in the original\ndissertation from which this paper is derived.\n\n[14] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 315, fig. 44; Ellis, _Mescal; A Study_, 68;\nCrichtly, _Some Forms_, 106.\n\n[15] Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological Action_, 81.\n\n[16] Based largely on Dixon and Rouhier, with additional data from\nJaensch, Wiley, Crichtly, Prentiss and Morgan, Ellis, Fernberger, Wertham\nand Bleuler, Lewin, Maggendorfer, Staub and Grassmann.\n\n[17] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 232. But Dixon writes, \u201cIn man the nervous\neffects are extremely interesting, but on account of the respiratory\ndepression which is liable to occur it is not desirable to experiment\ntoo freely; it is necessary to remember that this substance, like Indian\nhemp, varies considerably in its effects on different individuals, and\nthat the element of idiosyncrasy is marked.\u201d\n\n[18] Wertham and Bleuler, _Inconstancy of the Formal Structure of\nthe Personality_. The general thesis of these experimenters was that\npersonality types might be studied as they were exteriorized in mescaline\nintoxication via the Rorschach test. One of the observers described two\npersonalities in a normal subject in two periods of intoxication, not\nknowing that it was the same person. They conclude, interestingly: \u201cIt is\nsuggested that these observations indicate that the form of a personality\nis not a constant, but that it may be influenced by outer circumstances,\nand that the usual psychologic \u2018type\u2019 of a person does not necessarily\nexhaust the description of the formal structure of his personality.\u201d\n\n[19] \u201cWhat an excellent use for a medical congress,\u201d Sir Francis Galton\ndryly wrote Havelock Ellis (_Mescal: A Study_, 71, note), \u201cto put one\nhalf of their members under mescal, and to make the other half observe\nthem.\u201d\n\n[20] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1: 359; cf. _Explorations in Mexique_,\n181-82. It is a curious west-European mode of reasoning that leads one to\nexpect in all psychic upsetments such as this the emergence of the sexual\nanxiety\u2014more particularly in the case of peyote intoxication, which\nprovokes marked fall of heart-beat, physical and mental depression at one\nstage, uncomfortable \u201cstomach fullness\u201d and acute nausea!\n\n[21] Wertham and Bleuler, 60. The presence of prior suggestion is\nblatantly obvious. Cf. Karwoski, 212: \u201cTo the sexologist an easy way of\nobliterating temporarily the genital response is offered since mescal is\na powerful anaphrodisiac.... My own experience confirms the anaphrodisiac\nproperties of mescal, but the fact that under its influence I found my\nimagination turning to erotic situations, although temporarily impotent,\nis an illustration of the persistence of conditioning that offers an\ninteresting suggestion with reference to the extirpation experiments\nreported in the controversy over the James-Lange theory of emotions.\u201d\nUnfortunately, _culture_ cannot be extirpated.\n\n[22] Fernberger, _Further Observations_, 368. But Fernberger\nmisunderstood his informant, Petrullo, who (_The Diabolic Root_, 8, note)\nof course disclaims this statement from \u201cwhich\u201d on.\n\n[23] Field workers protest privately, but not often enough explicitly,\nagainst the projection of these culturally- and personally-subjective\nvalues into other cultures. The envisaging of primitive cultures as\nunspoiled Arcadias where one\u2019s frustrated dreams for one\u2019s own culture\ncome true, is at least as old as Tacitus\u2019 \u201cGermania,\u201d and is still going\non, not alone among laymen.\n\n[24] We repeat that results _either positive or negative_ for white\nobservers have no bearing on the problem as regards natives, as this\nproblem is cultural.\n\n[25] Fernberger, _Further Observations_, 377.\n\n[26] All but one vomited.\n\n[27] It is scarcely surprising that one does not find in Indian\nceremonies what is not there.\n\n[28] Had Fernberger investigated such of his predecessors as Lumholtz,\nthe novelty of his results would have impressed him less. And had his\nexperiments been more critical he would not be superfluously supplied\nwith an \u201cexplanation\u201d to a problem where no data to be explained exist\n(compare the a-priorism of the \u201cparapsychologists\u201d). But Fernberger\ncontinues: \u201cFor every one of the observers the anti-aphrodisiac effect of\nthe drug was marked and continued, in most cases, for at least 24 hours\nafter the period of intoxication. Efforts at erotic stimulation proved\nineffective. In several cases physical automanipulation of the genitals\nfailed to produce the usual physiological effect. The calling up of\nerotic images\u2014visual and verbal\u2014were equally ineffective.\u201d\n\n[29] An able and sincere field worker has told the writer of an\nexperience at a meeting which ended for him in orgasm. But he would agree\nthat detailing of similar White \u201caphrodisiac\u201d experiences is edifying\nmore as regards individuals than the drug. This paper aims to deal with\nthe _native_ peyote cult.\n\n[30] Kl\u00fcver, _Mescal, the Divine Plant_, 101; but peyote is a complex of\nphysiologically antagonistic drugs of quite variable reaction.\n\n[31] Jolly, _\u00dcber die schlafmachende; \u00dcber Pellotine_, 375-76. This\neffect is all the more remarkable since Heffter in similar experiments\nnoted that pellotine produced in the frog excitability and reflex tetanus.\n\n[32] Heffter, _\u00dcber Pellotin_, 327-28.\n\n[33] Loaeza, in del Campo, _Peyote_, 145. Koang-Hobschette (_Les\nCactac\u00e9es_, 41) says cactine, the active element of _Cereus grandiflorus_\nMill. is used like digitalis as a cardio-tonic, strengthening the systole\nand diminishing the diastole like strychnine.\n\n[34] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 199.\n\n[35] Rouhier, _Monographie_, 340.\n\n[36] Parke Davis and Co. formerly manufactured the drug. See their _Newer\nPharmacology_.\n\n[37] But not to all persons! The typical over-enthusiasm with which\nnew materia medica are received is itself an interesting ethnographic\ncommentary. Prentiss and Morgan (_Therapeutic Uses_, 4-5) prescribed it\nvariously for \u201ccramps, griping and colic ... [and] nervous headache\u201d\nas well as \u201ctickling in the throat.\u201d They also report (_The Alkaloids\nof Anhalonium_, 123-37) uses by other doctors. Two brothers, doctors,\nprescribed peyote for their brother who was suffering from \u201csoftening\nof the brain.\u201d He died a few months later, uncured. Nevertheless, they\nprescribed peyote for their sister, who was \u201cvery low and out of her\nhead;\u201d she later recovered. Richardson (D. A.), (_A Report_, 194-95)\nreports still more spectacular sequelae. He administered peyote to a man\nwith \u201cfrontal cephalalgia.\u201d \u201cEspecially would I remark,\u201d he says, \u201con the\nclearing of the skin of pimples over the chest and back, and a marked\nsoftening of the hair, which before the exhibition of the anhalonium was\ndry, with a tendency to break easily.\u201d It nevertheless also decreased\nthe abnormal oiliness of the skin. Further, he thought it was a solvent\nfor uric acid, likely to be of value for stones in the bladder. Lastly,\n\u201cIn my opinion, anhalonium is a superior cardiac tonic, and, like\nnitroglycerine, its effects are prolonged after the administration of the\ndrug is withdrawn.\u201d\n\nThe efficacy of peyote in native doctoring seems as little established\nalso. Reasons of ethnographic nature have already been cited for doubting\nthe anti-alcoholic virtue of peyote. Indeed, the leader of one meeting I\nattended I visited in jail later in the week; he had been arrested for\ndrunken street-fighting. I could uncharitably cite half-a-dozen similar\ncases, but it seems amply enough demonstrated that there is no relation\nof exclusiveness between peyotism and alcoholism.\n\n[38] Kl\u00fcver, _Mescal, The \u201cDivine\u201d Plant_, 97, 108. Prentiss and Morgan,\n_Anhalonium Lewinii_, 581; Wertham and Bleuler, _Inconstancy in the\nFormal Structure_, 52, 60.\n\n[39] Hutchings, in Heffter, _Ueber Pellote_, 409; Pilcz, _Ueber\nPellotin_, 1121-22; Warburg, in Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_,\n136; Ellis, _Mescal: A Study_, 71; Martindale and Westcott, _The Extra\nPharmacopoeia_, 1:836; Briau, in Koang-Hobschette, _Les Cactac\u00e9es_.\nKarwoski (_Psychophysics_, 212) suggests that peyote might heighten\nrapport in psychoanalysis; cf. Deschamps.\n\n[40] Bensheim, _Typenunterschiede_, 121; Wertham and Bleuler,\n_Inconstancy in the Formal Structure_, 70; Zucker, _Versuche_, 107;\nZador, _Meskalinwirkung bei St\u00f6rung_, 30; _Meskalinwirkung_; Kl\u00fcver,\n_Mescal, The \u201cDivine\u201d Plant_, 36-39, 41; Ladd-Franklin, _Colour and\nColour-Theories_, _passim_.\n\n[41] Briau, in Koang-Hobschette, _Les Cactac\u00e9es_, 73-74; Rouhier, _Le\nPeyotl_, 337; Ellis, _Mescal: A New Artificial Paradise_, 141.\n\n[42] An editorial _Paradise or Inferno?_ (Editorial, 390) sharply\nrebuked Ellis for the attractiveness which he had ascribed to mescal\nintoxication, basing the criticism on grounds of medical ethics.\n\n[43] Letter to Schultes, Feb. 21, 1936. My own experience leads me fully\nto endorse Hrdli\u010dka\u2019s careful statement. Elsewhere in the text are cited\nnumerous cases of natives who, in good faith I believe, gave up the\nuse of peyote entirely upon the rising of special or acute anxieties.\nMy informants, on the other hand, quite as frankly admitted that there\nwere some individuals who showed signs of addiction, in the sense that\nthey consumed the plant often and abundantly, but these are not clear\nuncomplicated instances of drug-addiction; I trust such native candor\nimplicitly. Besides, peyote is not wholly pleasant (\u201cYou must suffer to\npeyote\u201d).\n\n[44] The issue of the native religious use of the drug is indeed a\ncomplex one. But whatever else may be said, it is only fair to the\nIndians to state that the bitterest and most unmeasured condemnations\nof the drug have issued from quarters which are scarcely disinterested.\nWhatever the merits of the case, those persons are concerned with the\ndeculturation of the Indian, and see in the peyote religion a formidable\nobstacle to their progress in inducting the native into modern life. The\ndoubtless good intentions of such persons have on occasion, however,\nled them into errors of judgment when, for instance, they would argue\nthat peyotism is merely out-and-out drug addiction in religious guise\n(e.g. Daiker, Hughes, Newberne and Burke, Seymour, Watermulder, and the\nwriters in the Indian Rights Association and Literary Digest articles;)\nLindquist, for example, feels free to commit numerous errors of fact\nyet still pontificate on the \u201cfalse gods\u201d of \u201cthe cult of Death\u201d which\nis \u201cnothing but an evil\u201d (_The Red Man_, 72, 73, 75). For, given the\nPlains religious and ideological background, the peyote cult is entirely\nplausible as a religion, and the issue is properly one of religious\nfreedom.\n\nThe intellectual \u201cauthority\u201d in west European culture is, of course,\nthe empirical and pragmatic (or putatively), while that of the Indian\nin this religion, as elsewhere, can correctly be termed mystical, if\nwe understand by this a super-normal knowledge-technique transcending\nordinary epistemological considerations. For there can be no shadow of\na doubt concerning the deep and humble sincerity of the worship and\nbelief\u2014and sincerity perhaps, even in the absence of other ingredients,\nis the chief component of a living religion. And if the chief function\nof a religion is the liquidation of the anxieties and the solution of\nthe fears and troubles of its adherents, then surely the peyote religion\neminently qualifies as such.\n\nThe issue then balances somewhat delicately on the point of \u201cauthority,\u201d\nwhich is really at bottom a matter of comparative ethnography. If, as\nwe believe, the scientific is truly the most mature knowledge-technique\nman has yet perfected, then facile and off-hand condemnation of peyotism\non its basis is even less possible. Aside from the probable ultimate\ndisappearance of the Native American Church, a generous and libertarian\nphilosophy would condemn present attacks on it as often misguided and\neven oftener uninformed. The chief human difficulty in the world today is\nthe adjustment of one culture to another, of one absolutistic ideology\nand Weltanschauung to another. But the scientific spirit itself would\nprotest against the dictatorship of any one ideology, of whatever sort;\nthere is too much chance that any self-contained scheme be dangerously\nwrong, when unchecked by modifying differing beliefs. Science, indeed,\nhas been lifted above the level of folklore precisely because the\nspectacle of variously conditioned culture-historical outlooks has\nnecessitated self-criticism and an objective comparative survey of\nbeliefs. A fetishistic attitude toward science and its tentative\npronouncements, therefore, is itself folkloristic in tone. This however,\nis not to suggest any distrust in the ability of the scientific method\nto obtain such sound results as have been so far achieved; but it is\nintended to point out the real limitations in our information.\n\nAlthough the best modern scientific knowledge would indicate that the\nalkaloids in peyote do not perform the manifold therapeutic miracles\nwhich natives ascribe to it, one might still well wonder whether harsh\nsumptuary laws would not work more positive hardship and harm than the\ndrug itself. If not the injustice then certainly the inexpedience of such\nexercise of civil authority has been amply demonstrated in the Eighteenth\nAmendment and its sorry consequences. We may not presume therefore to\njudge what should be the administrative fate of the peyote cult. The\nemotional and ideological side of the religion is not open to judgement;\nand on the properly scientific and physiological side of the question the\nsimple fact is that we actually don\u2019t know enough about it.\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX 7: JOHN WILSON, THE REVEALER OF PEYOTE\n\n\nThe life and career of a remarkable individual were successively involved\nin the several traditions of the Ghost Dance, mescalism, old Algonquian\nshamanistic \u201cshooting\u201d ceremonies and finally peyotism. Both for its\nintrinsic interest and its historical significance we give here in some\ndetail the life of this man. Wilson appears first as a leader in the\nGhost Dance movement of the 1890\u2019s. Mooney[1] writes:\n\n The principal leader of the Ghost dance among the Caddo\n is N\u012dshk\u00fbnt\u016d, \u201cMoon Head,\u201d known to the whites as John\n Wilson. Although considered a Caddo, and speaking only\n that language,[2] he is very much of a mixture, being half\n Delaware, one-fourth Caddo, and one-fourth French. One of his\n grandfathers was a Frenchman. As the Caddo lived originally\n in Louisiana, there is a considerable mixture of French blood\n among them, which manifests itself in his case in a fairly\n heavy beard. He is about 50 years of age [in 1892-93], rather\n tall and well built, and wears his hair at full length flowing\n loosely over his shoulders. With a good head and strong,\n intelligent features, he presents the appearance of a natural\n leader.... He was one of the first Caddo to go into a trance,\n the occasion being the great Ghost dance held by the Arapaho\n and Cheyenne near Darlington agency, at which Sitting Bull\n presided, in the fall of 1890. On his return to consciousness\n he had wonderful things to tell of his experiences in the\n spirit world, composed a new song, and from that time became\n the high priest of the Caddo dance. Since then his trances\n have been frequent, both in and out of the Ghost dance, and in\n addition to his leadership in this connection he assumes the\n occult powers and authority of a great medicine-man, all the\n powers claimed by him being freely conceded by his people.\n\nCaptain Scott, who visited the Caddo in 1890-91 during the period of\ntheir greatest excitement about the Ghost Dance, also met Wilson, of whom\nhe writes:[3]\n\n John Wilson, a Caddo man of much prominence, was especially\n affected [by the Ghost Dance], performing a series of gyrations\n that were most remarkable. At all hours of the day and night\n his cry could be heard all over camp, and when found he would\n be dancing in the ring, possibly upon one foot, with his eyes\n closed and the forefinger of his right hand pointed upward, or\n in some other ridiculous posture. Upon being asked his reasons\n for assuming these attitudes he replied that he could not help\n it; that it came over him just like cramps.\n\nWilson soon became a well-known doctor in this connection. Scott\ncontinues:\n\n John Wilson had progressed finely, and was now a full-fledged\n doctor, a healer of diseases, and a finder of stolen property\n through supernatural means. One day, while we were in the tent,\n a Wichita woman entered, led by the spirit. It was explained\n to us that she did not even know who lived there, but some\n force she could not account for brought her. Having stated\n her case to John, he went off into a fit of the jerks, in\n which his spirit went up and saw \u201chis father\u201d (i.e., God), and\n who directed him how to cure this woman. When he came to, he\n explained the cure to her, and sent her away rejoicing. Soon\n afterwards a Keechei man came in, who was blind of one eye, and\n who desired to have the vision restored. John again consulted\n his father, who informed him that nothing could be done for\n that eye because that man held aloof from the dance.\n\nWhen Mooney visited the Caddo on Sugar Creek late in 1895,\n\n John Wilson came down from his own camp to explain his part\n in the Ghost dance. He wore a wide-brim hat, with his hair\n flowing down to his shoulders, and on his breast, suspended\n from a cord, about his neck, was a curious amulet consisting\n of the polished end of a buffalo horn, surrounded by a circlet\n of downy red feathers, within another circle of badger and owl\n claws. He explained that this was the source of his prophetic\n and clairvoyant inspiration. The buffalo horn was \u201cGod\u2019s\n heart,\u201d the red feathers contained his own heart,[4] and the\n circle of claws represented the world. When he prayed for help,\n his heart communed with \u201cGod\u2019s heart,\u201d and he learned what he\n wished to know. He had much to say also of the moon. Sometimes\n in his trances he went to the moon and the moon taught him\n secrets.... He claimed an intimate acquaintance with the other\n world and asserted positively that he could tell me \u201cjust what\n heaven is like.\u201d Another man who accompanied him had a yellow\n sun with green rays painted on his forehead, with an elaborate\n rayed crescent in green, red, and yellow on his chin, and\n wore a necklace from which depended a crucifix and a brass\n clockwheel, the latter, as he stated, representing the sun.\n\n On entering the room where I sat awaiting him, N\u012dshk\u00fbnt\u016d\n approached and performed mystic passes in front of my face\n with his hands, after the manner of the hypnotist priests in\n the Ghost dance, blowing upon me the while, as he afterward\n explained to blow evil things away from me before beginning to\n talk on religious subjects....[5] Laying one hand on my head,\n and grasping my own hand with the other, he prayed silently\n for some time with bowed head, and then lifting his hand from\n my head, he passed it over my face, down my shoulder and arm\n to the hand, which he grasped and pressed slightly, and then\n released the fingers with a graceful upward sweep.[6]\n\nA curious mixture of Caddoan (?) mescalism, Ghost Dance, Delaware\n\u201cshooting\u201d ceremonies and early peyotism occurred among the Shawnee when\nWilson came to them about 1889. The Quapaw were being taught the Ghost\nDance, in which a small water drum was used to accompany the circling of\nthe dancers, alternately men and women. Wilson showed them how to swallow\nmescal beans, and also how to \u201cshoot\u201d them into a person so that he or\nshe would fall down. Then he doctored the person with peyote to bring him\nback to consciousness. A number of tribes were involved in these doings,\naccording to Mrs. Voegelin, the Shawnee, Delaware, Mohawk, Peoria, Caddo\n(?), Quapaw, Iowa and Oto. Gradually, however, Wilson turned from the\nGhost Dance to peyote. Already in Mooney\u2019s time he was \u201cprominent in the\nmescal [i.e., peyote] rite, which has recently come to his tribe [the\nCaddo] from the Kiowa and Comanche.\u201d[7]\n\nBoth mescalism and the Ghost Dance, in his person, have traceable\ninfluence upon peyotism. This syncretism of cultures in one personality\nis of considerable interest.\n\n Before Wilson had quite reached the age of forty, he had lived\n the life of an ordinary Indian of Oklahoma. He was addicted to\n moderate drinking. He frequented the social dances and gambling\n gatherings usual among reservation groups of his type. He had\n participated likewise in the contemporary religious ceremonies\n performed by the Delaware.... As a vagrant, not however in\n the condemning sense of the term, he had wandered as most\n Oklahoma Indians do, from tribe to tribe and inevitably also\n among the whites experiencing the wide range of personal and\n social contacts which might be inferred from the statement.\n Anderson states, in short, that his uncle had lived a sinful\n life but adds in effect that he had not been guilty of any\n major offences. He was married to a woman of Delaware and Caddo\n descent and had an adopted son, Black Wolf, reputed to be also\n part Delaware part Caddo, and who is still living (1932) and\n carrying out Wilson\u2019s teachings and ministrations.\n\nAbout this time he attended a Comanche dance, where a Comanche man\npresented him with a peyote button and told him to give it a trial\u2014which\nhe did in an unusually thorough manner. Speck continues:\n\n Before long he concluded to adopt the advice given and to\n retire from worldly companionship, to make the trial and to\n study its outcome. With this objective in mind he informed\n his wife, secured provisions for a few weeks stay in camp and\n together they drove away in a wagon to a little creek where\n an abundant supply of fresh drinkable water might be had.\n The place he selected was a secluded \u201cclean and open place\u201d\n where they would be alone free from intrusion and worldly\n distractions. Anderson thinks that Wilson remained there about\n two or three weeks but he does not remember hearing him say\n how long. When all was ready he began his innovation to the\n mysteries of Peyote the first night by eating 8 or 9 \u201cbuttons.\u201d\n We learn that during the period of self exposure to the power\n of Peyote he took the medicine at frequent intervals during the\n day or night as the impulse prompted him using about the same\n quantity each time it was taken. As soon as he began, using the\n words of the informant, \u201c_Peyote took pity on him_\u201d for his\n humble mien and sincere desire to learn its power. During the\n whole period he allowed nothing to distract him, giving his\n entire thought and wish to learn what Peyote might teach him.\n The outcome was the revelation that motivated him for the rest\n of his life and made him a teacher of the Peyote doctrines,\n which he himself exclusively evolved through the revelations\n given him at this time.\n\n During the time of his sojourn, Wilson did not fast or undergo\n other abnegations but lived normally.... Each time Wilson\n took peyote during those days and nights of seclusion he ate\n about fifteen peyote \u201cbuttons.\u201d ... During the two weeks or\n so of his experimental seclusion, Wilson was continually\n translated in spirit to the sky realm where he was conducted\n by Peyote. In this estate he was shown the figures in the sky\n and the celestial landmarks which represented the events in\n the life of Christ, and also the relative positions of the\n Spiritual Forces, the Moon, Sun, Fire, which had long been\n known to the Delawares, through native traditional teachings,\n as Grandfather and Elder Brothers. Here, too, he was shown the\n grave of Christ, now empty, \u201cwhere Christ had rolled away the\n rocks at the door of the grave and risen to the sky.\u201d He was\n shown, always under the guidance of Peyote, the \u201cRoad\u201d which\n led from the grave of Christ to the Moon in the Sky which\n Christ had taken in his ascent. He was told by Peyote to walk\n in this path or \u201cRoad\u201d for the rest of his life, advancing\n step by step as his knowledge would increase through the use\n of peyote, remaining faithful to its teachings ... [and if he\n did] he would finally, just before his death, bring him into\n the actual presence of Christ and of Peyote.... The details of\n construction of the earth works to form the \u201cMoon\u201d which he was\n to construct in the Peyote tent were all revealed to him with\n their meanings as Peyote continued his instructions to Wilson\n during his visits to the sky.... Also came revelations as to\n how the face should be painted, the hair dressed. Of major\n importance, however, was the complete course of instruction\n given to Wilson by Peyote in the singing and syllabization of\n the numerous Peyote songs which were to form the principal\n parts of the ceremony of worship. Anderson felt certain that\n Wilson possessed and used no less than two hundred of these\n songs.[8]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 6. An Osage altar of the John Wilson Big Moon type.\nA, \u201cPeyote path,\u201d or Moon-Head (Wilson\u2019s name); B, hole for \u201carrow\u201d\nwhen not in use; C, \u201cHeart of Goodness\u201d where father peyote is placed;\nD, Heart of the World above which the ritual fire is built; E, the Sun,\ngiver of life. The east-west line is the \u201cstraight road\u201d the way to\nheaven, or \u201cthinking straight\u201d; the north-south line represents \u201cthe\nroad across the world\u201d; together they form a cross symbolic of the\ncrucifixion.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 7. A variant Osage moon of somewhat esoteric\nsymbolism. This and the Osage moon in Figure 6 are reproduced through the\ncourtesy of Mr. D. F. Murphy.]\n\nWilson\u2019s original moon, however, passed through an evolution, for\nAnderson\u2019s drawing in Speck is considerably simpler in design than those\ndepicted for the Osage by Murphy, or photographed by the author for the\nQuapaw. An early version, apparently, is one collected from Henry Hunt\n(Wichita) near Anadarko. In this the crescent or \u201cmoon\u201d is elongated to\nimitate the parted hair of an Indian, whose eyes are the two mounds of\nashes between its horns; a line runs from the father-peyote to the east,\nterminating in a mound with five circles concentrically zoning it like\na globe-map, with another line at right angles to this drawn from tip\nto tip of the crescent, making a cross, at the intersection of which\nis drawn a heart resembling a man\u2019s nose. There is also a heart at the\n\u201cparting\u201d of the hair, on which the fetish peyote rests, and a third\none on the top of the zoned mound at the east. This altar is said to\nsymbolize Moonhead\u2019s face, and indeed it much resembles one when seen\nfrom the eastern door. Speck says in confirmation of our conjecture that\n\n at first, he said, he made a small \u201cMoon,\u201d increasing its size\n day by day symbolical of his progress in spiritual knowledge.\n By the end of his sojourn amid spiritual environment, he came\n to make the so-called large \u201cMoon,\u201d the Wilson \u201cMoon\u201d which has\n become typical of his followers.[9]\n\nBut Wilson, no doubt, made still later additions, for these early moons\nentirely lack the elaborate apron symbolism of the Osage and Quapaw\naltars.\n\nA Delaware informant said Wilson\u2019s moon was first used north of Lookeba,\nOklahoma. Black Wolf and George Caddo were early converts to his\nversion\u2014which, indeed may initially have been not so different from\nthe older Caddo moon with a cross and mound east of the crescent (the\nWilson division of the tipi into north and south side, for example, is\nan old one in Caddoan ceremonial organization).[10] The symbolism of the\nWilson \u201cBig Moon\u201d receives varied interpretations nowadays. The Osage\ncall the three hearts of the altar the \u201cHeart of Goodness,\u201d the \u201cHeart\nof the World,\u201d and the \u201cHeart of Jesus;\u201d others interpret the \u201cworld\u201d\nas the \u201csun.\u201d The ashes are the graves of Christ and Wilson for some,\nthe dividing of the Red Sea for others. Some say the whole fire-pit is\nthe grave of Christ, and the ash mounds his lungs, as the figure under\nthe fire is his heart. The twelve lines of the altar apron are variously\nthe twelve steps to heaven, the twelve heavens of Delaware mythology,\nthe twelve months of the year, the twelve feathers of the eagle\u2019s tail,\netc. The symbolism of seven for the \u201cdays of the week\u201d is possibly\nSouthwestern in origin (cf. the seven bosses of the drum). Diamond-shaped\nfigures close to the sun-mound represent Christ\u2019s foot-prints, according\nto Petrullo,[11] while the \u201cWW\u201d or \u201cMM\u201d at the west of the altar are said\nto mean this for the Quapaw (\u201cMoonhead\u201d or \u201cWilson\u201d depending on one\u2019s\nposition while reading the initials). The cross of the altar, of course,\nis symbolical of the Crucifixion. The cigarette of corn husk is known as\nthe \u201cPipe of Jesus\u201d among the Delaware.[12]\n\nPeyote taught Wilson many variations in the ceremony as well. He used\na crock instead of a kettle for the peyote drum. At one period in the\ndevelopment of the ritual only the firemen did the drumming besides the\nleader and his assistant (i.e., four men, three firemen and the leader\u2019s\nassistant, proceeded clockwise around the tipi with the drum, drumming\nfor each singer in turn, instead of the standard method of passing the\ndrum for all to use); Wilson did not require the drum to make four\nrounds, for this might occasionally have interfered with the morning\nrite of filing out of the tipi \u201cto meet the sun\u201d with raised arms and\nprayer. In his rite only the leader made the initial prayer-smoke, though\nolder men might ask for smokes later in the night if they so desired.\nCigarettes could be made only at one of four places, one informant\nstated: at the leader\u2019s place, at the north or south at the ends of the\ncross, and at the fireman\u2019s place, and the leader had to smoke all of\nthem first. Upon reentering after a recess, each person was incensed and\nfanned by the firemen and others to blow away whatever evil influences\nmight cling to him from the outside night. In time Wilson added special\nfunctionaries at the cross-bars of the crucifix to perform this fanning,\nmaking eight officials: two fanners, three firemen-drummers and three\nleaders (road man, drummer and cedar man) symbolizing the Father, Son\nand Holy Ghost of the Christian Trinity. In the Wilson rite there was\nmuch touching of the father peyote as communicants made their circuit\nof the altar on reentering. It is said that water could be asked for at\nany time, and permission to leave was not necessary if the rules about\npassing in front of an eater or smoker were observed.\n\nWilson himself took his \u201cmoon\u201d to the tribes of northeastern Oklahoma.\nThe Shawnee were influenced impermanently, and today only Ernest Spybuck\nhas a modified Big Moon. The Seneca were influenced through the Quapaw,\nwhom Wilson first succeeded in deeply influencing. The Quapaw leader,\nVictor Griffin, made a moon at Devil\u2019s Promenade which was modified\naround 1906 or 1907 from Wilson\u2019s moon.[13] The Delaware around Dewey\nwere much influenced by Wilson from 1890-92 on.[14] But the Osage were\nthe most important converts. By 1902 \u201cmost of the Indians at the Hominy\ncamp and elsewhere in the Nation [had] taken it up and become devoted to\nit.\u201d[15] Black Dog, one of the first Osage converts, introduced the \u201cWest\nMoon\u201d in which the door is at the west and the altar similarly reversed;\nmost of the Osage moons today, however, are the standard Clermont east\nmoons. The Potawatomi may have been influenced by the teachings of Wilson\nsomewhat also.[16] Wilson\u2019s nephew, Anderson, brought the Seneca peyote\nin 1907 on the request of a Seneca married to a Quapaw woman.[17]\n\nThe economic motive seems evident in much of Wilson\u2019s behavior. Speck\ntells of the introduction of peyote among the Osage as follows:[18]\n\n [About 1891] John Wilson was on his way from Anadarko to\n conduct meetings among the Delawares around Copan. While\n passing through the Osage nation he visited Tall Chief, a\n Quapaw married to an Osage woman. While here Wilson was stopped\n by an Osage who had previously attended Peyote meetings among\n the Delawares and requested to meet a group of Osage and tell\n them about his revelations and his convictions and instruct\n them in its rules. He consented and complied with their\n wishes. The Osage in attendance at his meeting were convinced\n and converted. He accordingly stayed on with them about\n three weeks. Black Dog was at the time Chief of the Osage.\n His tribe was won over in force to the Wilson sect of Peyote\n worshippers.... J. Wilson then returned to Anadarko, leaving\n behind him among the Osage two young Delawares who stayed back\n attracted by the prospects of fortune offered by the wealthy\n Osage. Wilson had received presents from the tribe of new\n converts amounting to considerable value, a wagon, a carriage,\n a buggy and teams of good horses and harness for each and other\n horses, fourteen in all, not to mention blankets, goods and\n money.\n\nHis death occurred after a similar mission to the Quapaw. He had been\namong them to conduct a meeting and was returning to Anadarko in a buggy\nwith a Quapaw woman and another woman. Wilson\u2019s wife was still living\nat the time, and he was either offered the Quapaw woman or demanded her\nwhile among the tribe. Speck quotes his nephew:[19]\n\n Anderson said he did not like to think this but that the Quapaw\n were not all good people and had possibly been actuated by a\n desire to establish a home for Wilson in order to keep him and\n his ministry in their midst.\n\nIn any event, Wilson had been given a number of horses, which were tied\nto the back of his buggy. While crossing a railroad track, these horses\npulled back and prevented their crossing just as a locomotive bore down\nupon them. Wilson was instantly killed. His detractors maintain that this\nwas just punishment for his failure to live up to his own teachings.\nSince this period many communicants have fallen away from his \u201cmoon,\u201d for\nhis own[20]\n\n moral instructions ... referred to abstinence from liquor, to\n restraint [in] sexual matters and fidelity to matrimony.\n\nThough influenced by Catholic teachings, Wilson had a peculiar and\nspecific attitude toward the Bible.[21] According to Speck,[22] he\n\n instructed the Indians to seek knowledge by direct communion\n and to avoid consulting the Bible or the Gospels for the\n purpose of moral instructions. He insisted that the Bible\n was intended for the white man who had been guilty of the\n crucifixion of Christ and that the Indian who had not been a\n party to the deed was exempt from guilt on this score and that\n therefore, the Indian was to receive his religious influences\n directly and in person from God through the Peyote Spirit,\n whereas Christ was sent for this mission to the white man.\n\nHe nevertheless embodied in his person many of the messianic\ncharacteristics of his several native prophet predecessors; a Delaware\ninformant said \u201cJohn Wilson used to perform miracles\u201d in meetings, such\nas divining what was in a man\u2019s mind, and telling him who the persons\nwere that he saw in a vision. The Osage, at least formerly, had a marked\nreverence for Wilson. Speck wrote in 1907 that[23]\n\n pictures of Wilson are in demand among the devotees, who kiss\n them on sight. The man has been deified since his death.\n\nThere is much variation of opinion about Wilson among Indians of various\ntribes, but perhaps the statements of his nephew, George Anderson, are\nauthoritative if not entirely disinterested. Speck says:[24]\n\n An idea seems to have become current, either through the rumors\n of designing persons who opposed him or through exaggeration\n among his followers, that Wilson is responsible for having\n told his associates that he would return to life again after\n death and also that they should pray to him in the Peyote\n meetings.... Anderson denies that Wilson made either assertion.\n He had heard Wilson tell in his meetings that at times the\n worshippers when taking peyote might see him, as some are said\n since to have done, his face appearing to their vision over the\n fire. [With reference to the second statement Wilson on the\n contrary warned them not to pray to him, but through peyote to\n God.] ... This warning has not, however, prevented the practice\n of praying directly to and through John Wilson from becoming\n frequent among some of the Osages ... and probably among the\n Quapaw.\n\n In both the latter groups [Anderson] has seen Wilson\u2019s portrait\n placed on the \u201cmoon\u201d in the Peyote lodge near the peyote\n \u201cbutton\u201d and the crucifix. Some who do this, he is convinced,\n actually concentrate thought upon Wilson instead of Peyote. And\n Anderson regards both practices as contrary to the teachings\n of Wilson. A custom has also spread among the Osage to wear a\n portrait button of John Wilson on the coat or, when in native\n dress, upon one of the fur or feather ornaments.... Anderson\u2019s\n testimony [was] that John Wilson told his followers that _he\n was not sent by God to fulfill a mission_, but that he was\n _shown_ by Peyote how to conduct religious worship in the\n Peyote meetings in order to cure disease, heal injury, purge\n the body from the effects of sin[25] and to lead the Indians to\n reach the regions \u201cabove\u201d _hukweyun_ in Delaware, or heaven,\n where they would _see Peyote and the Creator_.\n\nThe Caddo and Delaware, nevertheless, display considerable \u201ctouchiness\u201d\non the subject of John Wilson even today, since other tribes have\nridiculed his real or supposed claims to divinity. Native criticism is\nnot lacking either on the score of his economic exploitation of peyote\nleadership.[26] Petrullo[27] writes that\n\n his enemies claim that in the course of his life he professed\n to have had fresh visions which always were interpreted to his\n personal gain....\n\nHowever, his followers staunchly deny these allegations. Perhaps in\nanswer to the accusation of being mercenary, Wilson, with one of his\nfollowers named Wolf, themselves set up a meeting once, at which they\nshowed their generosity by giving away all their clothes with other gifts\nuntil they were clad only in breechclouts.[28] Yet even so the belief is\nwidespread that his death was due to his exploitation of the gift-giving\npattern to the extreme of demanding a Quapaw woman for his wife.[29]\n\nThe Wilson sect is still strong among the Osage and the Quapaw, but\nelsewhere, even among the Delaware and Caddo, it is waning considerably.\nThe Caddo show a disposition to return to the Enoch Hoag \u201cmoon,\u201d which\nis considered more \u201cpure\u201d and aboriginal.[30] But antagonisms to new\nelements Wilson sought to introduce date as far back as 1885. About this\ntime Elk Hair was hunting in Comanche territory and learned a ritual he\nhas since kept without change:[31]\n\n Elk Hair preferred the Comanche way because it was the pure\n Indian way.... We brought back to our people the pure Peyote\n rite and we have used Peyote in the right way ever since.\n\nElk Hair, according to Petrullo,[32] \u201chas barely managed to keep\na following among the Delawares of Dewey,\u201d but this region is the\nstronghold of the Anderson family and if defection of the Anadarko groups\nto the Hoag moon is any indication, we may expect a reinvigoration of the\nElk Hair rite. Indeed, War Eagle wrote from Dewey in 1932 that[33]\n\n Bacon Rind [whose recent death is mentioned in the letter]\n was one of the last of the old people who beli[e]ved in [the]\n Wilson cult; these first followers of peyote are about all\n gone. [The] small moon now prevales in the Osage. It will be\n a blessing to the world when all the Quapaws and what few\n Delawares [are left practicing it] will change [to the standard\n peyote rite].\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] Mooney, _The Ghost Dance_, 903-905.\n\n[2] Capt. Hugh L. Scott, in Mooney, _The Ghost Dance_, 904.\n\n[3] We have elsewhere expressed the opinion that the Caddo had an\nhistorical significance in the spread of peyotism second only to that of\nthe Kiowa-Comanche, and that Wilson represents this Caddoan influence\npredominantly. Though he had Delaware blood, this numerically small group\ncould scarcely have wielded the influence or exercised the prestige\nnecessary to account for the spread of his \u201cmoon;\u201d the Caddo, on the\nother hand, who early had peyote, did have this prestige. We therefore\nbelieve Petrullo in error in claiming Wilson as a Delaware. Speck (_Notes\non the Life_, 540) writes that \u201cHis associations with the Comanche and\nCaddo, to whom he was related by blood, were close.\u201d Petrullo himself,\nindeed (_The Diabolic Root_, 44) indicates Caddoan influences on Wilson:\n\u201cJohn Wilson, the originator of the Big Moon, was living among the Caddo.\nHe was one of the first Delaware to eat peyote. He belonged to the\nBlack Beaver band ... held by the Government at the Wichita and Caddo\nreservations. It was there that Wilson was born and raised.\u201d Petrullo\nalso says Wilson made visits to Arizona and New Mexico before returning\nto make his moon on the Caddo reservation.\n\n[4] Note the prominence of hearts in the altar elaborated by Wilson.\nAccording to Petrullo (_The Diabolic Root_, 45) \u201cJohn Wilson ... had\nreceived some Catholic instruction.\u201d These probably derive, therefore,\nfrom the Catholic \u201cSacred Heart.\u201d (The heart is present in Huichol\nreligion, but even if not wholly aboriginal [Aztecan influence?] and\nCatholic-influenced there too, it is quite independent of the Wilson\nheart motifs.)\n\n[5] Cf. the prominence in Wilson\u2019s moon of brushing each person entering\nwith feathers.\n\n[6] Cf. the Winnebago leader\u2019s similar praying with confessants in peyote\nmeetings.\n\n[7] Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 540-42; cf. also Petrullo, _The Diabolic\nRoot_, 80.\n\n[8] \u201cIn response to the question as to whether Wilson ever spoke of the\nPeyote songs as symbolizing the singing of birds, Anderson asserted that\nhe had heard of this among other Peyote sects but had never heard Wilson\nexpress it.\u201d (Speck, _op. cit._, 542 note.)\n\n[9] Some of Wilson\u2019s Caddoan teachings were sufficiently unlike those of\nthe Delaware to antagonize them. A Delaware informant of Petrullo (_The\nDiabolic Root_, 66) said, \u201cIt [peyote] should be eaten in order to get\nwell, not to have visions.\u201d (Benedict\u2019s study indicated, one recalls,\nthat in the Woodlands only puberty-visions occurred, while in the Plains\nadults too may obtain them.) Again (p. 68) \u201cWilson was wrong. Peyote is\ngood, but it is good and powerful medicine, not a religion like the Big\nHouse. [For instance] four boiled Peyote placed on top of the head will\nhelp in cases of insanity.\u201d\n\n[10] Cf. the Pawnee (Murie, _Pawnee Indian Societies_, 642).\n\n[11] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 172.\n\n[12] Petrullo, _op. cit._, 56-59, 67, 96, note 29.\n\n[13] Petrullo (_The Diabolic Root_, 103). He claims to be Wilson\u2019s\nauthorized successor and has revised his moon. Petrullo (_op. cit._, 4)\nsays John Quapaw is Wilson\u2019s real successor.\n\n[14] Harrington (_Religion and Ceremonies_, 156) says Wilson brought the\nLenape peyote from the Washita River Caddo as well as the Ghost Dance in\n1890-92, which died out with him among the Delaware (_idem_, 190-91).\n\n[15] Speck, _Notes on the Ethnology_, 171.\n\n[16] On the mere score of Christian elements we do not agree, however,\nthat Wilson\u2019s influence necessarily extended to the Wichita, Winnebago,\nKickapoo, and Omaha (Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 79). See following\nappendices.\n\n[17] Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 554.\n\n[18] _Idem_, 553.\n\n[19] _Idem_, 544.\n\n[20] _Idem_, 546.\n\n[21] For this reason we doubt the soundness of Petrullo\u2019s inference that\nthe Omaha, Winnebago, etc., were influenced by Wilson. These groups\nactually used the Bible in meetings and read from it. This influence, we\nbelieve, traces to another teacher, the Oto Jonathan Koshiway.\n\n[22] Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 547.\n\n[23] Speck, _Notes on the Ethnology_, 171.\n\n[24] Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 549.\n\n[25] Wilson taught that the number of peyote required to be eaten varies\naccording to the amount of impurity in the \u201cheart\u201d and stomach of the\nindividual, \u201cwhich impurity resulting from sins committed he likened\nto \u2018dirt\u2019\u201d (Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 545). The more frequently the\ncommunicant attended peyote meetings, the less dirt, obviously, there\ncould accumulate. The degree of nausea, Wilson taught, is the punishment\nmeted out for sin (cf. John Rave\u2019s teaching).\n\n[26] To be sure the pattern of gift-giving is deep-rooted in the Plains,\nyet it is a curious coincidence at least that Wilson should have taken\npeyote to the Quapaw, who own the largest lead and zinc mining fields in\nthe world, and the Osage, made notoriously wealthy through oil. Anderson\ntold Speck that the Osage had given Wilson $200 for building them a moon,\nand Charles Tyner (Quapaw) told me that he and Victor Griffin (Quapaw)\nhad received $500 for an altar in one sum and some hundreds of dollars\nin money gifts later. The Osage once gave Anderson $20 and his wife $10\nbecause his uncle, John Wilson, had built their moon (Speck, _op. cit._,\n551). Wilson even used to charge $1 per person for the sweatbaths he gave\nbefore meetings.\n\n[27] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 82; cf. 45, 95.\n\n[28] Petrullo, _op. cit._, 45; cf. 104.\n\n[29] His followers, in any case, betray their expectancy of financial\nreward. It was remarked, for example, that the impecunious Seneca gave\nAnderson only his trainfare when he brought peyote to them. Griffin, more\nbusiness-like, always arranges beforehand the amount of compensation he\nis to receive.\n\n[30] Cf. the case of the Caddo Alfred Taylor whom the Osage invited to\nintroduce the basic Caddo moon\u2014even the Osage are turning from the Wilson\nrite.\n\n[31] Petrullo, _op. cit._, 43.\n\n[32] _Idem_, 31-32.\n\n[33] War Eagle, letter to Speck from Dewey, Oklahoma April 1, 1932.\nWe believe Petrullo, as shown by this letter, has over-emphasized the\ndecadence of the basic rite at Dewey. The Wilson-Elk Hair antagonism is\nshown in even trivial ways. The latter use the feathers of swift-flying\nbirds to \u201churry up\u201d the medicine cure, the faster the singing of songs,\nthe quicker the cure. The Wilson cultists, who sing slowly, accuse the\nlittle moon followers of \u201cputting too much vigor and speed into their\nhealing and praying meetings as is typified by their inclination to\ndecorate their Peyote paraphernalia with Hummingbird feathers, symbolical\nof the acme of speed.\u201d (Speck, _Notes on the Life_, 551; thanks are due\nto the University of Pennsylvania Committee of Faculty Research, for\nGrant No. 93 on which his work was done.)\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX 8: CHRISTIAN ELEMENTS IN THE PEYOTE CULT\n\n\nVery few ascertainably Christian elements are discoverable in Mexican\npeyotism. Some such as \u201ccuring\u201d with rosaries of Job\u2019s-tears beads dipped\nin tesvino, eating bits of the idol\u2019s body and the like, may be largely\naboriginal.[1] \u201cEl Santo Ni\u00f1o de Peyote\u201d of Santa Rosalia is apparently\na local variation of El Santo Ni\u00f1o de Atoche; the mission of El Santo\nNombre de Jesus Peyotes is so-called merely from the abundance of the\nplant thereabouts. The overlay of Mexican Catholicism is elsewhere thin\nand localized also. The Huichol[2] see the saints in their color visions\nas pictures or giant men and women walking about; sometimes they press\nthe saints into service in their rain-making ceremonies. The cross[3] in\ntesvino-curing and those on the Huichol peyote patio may really derive\nfrom an old native four-point symbolism. The Tarahumari[4] call the\nlarge green hikuli \u201cpeyote christiano,\u201d in contrast to a small, red,\nineffective one called \u201cpeyote cimarr\u00f3n,\u201d and Christian Tarahumari lift\ntheir hats to the plant and make the sign of the cross, but the essential\nritual was unmodified by Christian ideas. None of these Christian\nfeatures is common to Mexican peyotism.\n\nThe rite as it came to the United States, then, was aboriginal in\ncharacter, as far as we can ascertain. Opler writes that[5]\n\n there is no hint of the influence of Christianity in the\n Mescalero use of peyote. The growth of the cult among these\n people has been maintained entirely within the traditional\n bounds of Apache ceremonialism. Indeed, far from becoming a\n weakened and Christianized version of native beliefs, the\n Mescalero Apache acceptance of peyote resulted instead in an\n intensification of the aboriginal religious values and concepts\n at many points.\n\nThis characterization would equally well fit the basic Kiowa-Comanche\nrite of the Plains, in which Christian elements are quite absent. These\nelements in the Plains are distinctly a secondary development, stemming\nfrom the Oto Koshiway and such Oto-influenced groups as the Omaha,\nIowa and Winnebago[6] and the groups taught by John Wilson, such as the\nDelaware, Quapaw and Osage.\n\nArapaho-Winnebago officials and ritual food are given Christian\nsymbolism:[7]\n\n During the evening the leader represents the first created man,\n the woman dressed up is the New Jerusalem, the bride waiting\n for the bridegroom. The cup used by the leader and the woman\n is supposed to symbolize the fact that they are to become one;\n the water represents the God\u2019s gift, His Holiness. The corn\n represents the feast to be partaken of on the Day of Judgment\n and the fruit represents the fruit of the tree of life. The\n meat represents the message of Christ and those who accept it\n will be saved.\n\nThe Winnebago, Quapaw and Osage peyote officials represent the Father\n(the leader), the Son (the drummer) and the Holy Ghost (the cedar-man);\nthe trinity of hearts in the Big Moon may represent much the same idea in\nthe Osage-Quapaw rite.\n\nKoshiway said that the bird into which the Oto ashes are shaped is\n\n the Spirit descending when Jesus was baptized: the Holy Spirit,\n like an eagle, with good eyes; you can\u2019t fool it. [The ashes\n themselves represent] a prayer for the white hair of old age,\n and the fire is like the fire through which God spoke to Moses.\n Peyote is like a \u201ctelescope\u201d through which you can see God.\n\nThe Delaware twin piles of ashes symbolize Christ\u2019s lungs; Mary Buffalo\nsays one pile is the grave of Christ, the other of John Wilson, among the\nOsage; the Quapaw say the whole coffin-shaped fire-pit is Christ\u2019s grave.\nThe Ponca, according to Brabant, believed the body of the Saviour would\nemerge from the altar and become visible to those who had eaten enough of\nthe sacred plant. Among the Caddo,\n\n the first stick in the fire represents the heart. There are\n twelve other sticks which represent the ribs [of Christ, as the\n ashes his lungs].[8]\n\nThe paraphernalia of the ceremony are also given Christian\ninterpretations. The Delaware followers of Wilson call the corn husk\ncigarette the \u201cpipe of Jesus.\u201d And of an unspecified group Mooney writes\nthat\n\n many of the mescal eaters wear crucifixes, which they regard as\n sacred emblems of the rite, the cross representing the cross of\n scented leaves upon which the consecrated mescal rests during\n the ceremony, while the Christ is the mescal goddess.\n\nSome Kiowa leaders make a cross under the water bucket, and cross the\nfeathers in the water before drinking[9] and the peyote staff, like that\nof the Delaware, often has an inconspicuous cross near the top. The\ntwelve feathers of the Omaha leader\u2019s fan represent the twelve apostles\nof Christ. The Winnebago fans differ for the John Rave and the Jesse Clay\nrites, but both sects use eagle feathers which represent the wings of\nthe birds mentioned in Revelations. John Rave\u2019s staff is symbolic of the\n\u201cshepherd\u2019s crook,\u201d and the mound of earth in the altar is \u201cMt. Sinai.\u201d\nWhite Buffalo said that gourd rattles among the Nebraska Winnebago\ncommonly bore drawings of Christ, his cross and crown, etc., and Radin\nsays they often bear drawings of scenes from the Bible as well as peyote\nvisions. A Cheyenne gourd seen at Apache and made by Spotted Crow had the\nfollowing \u201cJesus talk\u201d on it:\n\n Help me O Lord My God O save me According to thy Mercy O God my\n heart is fixed. I will sing And give praise Even with my Glory.\n\nThe Winnebago explain that the exchange of gourd and drum between the\nleader and his assistant when singing the set songs means that \u201cGod gives\npower to Christ, in Heaven and earth,\u201d just as the leader delegates his\nauthority. The blowing of the leader\u2019s \u201cflute\u201d at the four points of the\ncompass is to announce the birth of Christ to the world, and later it\nsymbolizes the trumpet of the Day of Judgment, when Christ will appear\nwearing the crown of glory (symbolized by the leader\u2019s otter skin hat,\nworn at this time).[10]\n\nThe Bible as an additional piece of peyote paraphernalia probably stems\nfrom the Christianism of the Oto, who used it in their meetings, being\nmentioned also for the Iowa, Omaha and Winnebago. The New Testament, and\nparticularly Revelations, is a favorite among the Rave cultists (Jesse\nClay\u2019s followers do not use the Bible)\u2014Crashing Thunder finding in it\nauthority for a hair-cut, and others discovering reasons after the fact\nfor holding their meetings at night. Three Old Testament texts are widely\nknown also:\n\n And they shall eat the flesh in that night, roast with fire,\n and unleavened bread; and with bitter herbs they shall eat it.\n (Exodus 12.8.)\n\n And this day shall be unto you for a memorial; and ye shall\n keep it as a feast by an ordinance forever. (Exodus 12.14.)\n\n For if the firstfruit be holy, the lump is also holy: and if\n the root be holy, so are the branches.... Boast not against the\n branches. But if thou boast, thou bearest not the root, but the\n root thee. (Romans 11.16 and 18.)\n\nVarious other Biblical references appear in the ceremony. Among the Iowa\nthe leader carries the water himself in the morning to show his humility,\nand because of Christ\u2019s washing of feet mentioned in the Gospels. The\nWinnebago equate the physiological action of peyote with Christ\u2019s casting\nout devils. A Comanche said suffering is caused by one\u2019s sins and lack\nof faith in peyote, and that point in the night when nausea is commonly\nseverest is called the \u201cDark Hour, the hour of the Crucifixion.\u201d A\nKickapoo leader often cast his prophecies in Biblical language. A Kiowa,\nagain, appeared to have a belief about the first peyote found which\nparallels the miraculous proliferation of the loaves and the fishes in\nthe Bible. Koshiway compared the Indians to the fishermen on the Sea of\nGalilee, when Christ said \u201cPeace, be still!\u201d to the angry waves, just as\npeyote says it to the storm-tossed Indians in this latter-day world. And\nfor the man who lives a good life, the ashes of the fire will open up\nlike the waters of the Red Sea, and he can pass through the fire to the\nfather peyote along the \u201cPeyote Road\u201d on the moon.[11]\n\nSome two dozen songs, previously reported in the text, show Christian\ninfluence. The closing song of the Negro Church of the First-born was\nthe Christian hymn, \u201cTill We Meet Again,\u201d but the majority of peyote\nsongs have native words. The Rave rite, derived from the Oto and the\nQuapaw (influenced by the Christianity of Jonathan Koshiway and John\nWilson, respectively), contained more Christian elements in symbolism\nand song than the Jesse Clay cult. This was the more aboriginal, yet\nhe back-handedly quoted the Scriptures to justify the plain staff\n(\u201clike Moses\u2019\u201d) of his ceremony as against the decorated staff of Rave.\nOccasional peyote visions show Christian influence: some of Crashing\nThunder\u2019s were of this sort, and a Kiowa had visions of a mitred priest\nwho nodded smilingly and approvingly at the father peyote on the altar,\nbut in the visions collected Christian elements are uncommon.[12]\n\nMexican peyotism and the Wilson rite were influenced by Catholicism,\nbut the Church of the First-born and the Native American Church by\nProtestantism (the Russellites, the Mormons, etc.). At the first Oto\nmeeting attended a vessel was passed around in the morning for a\n\u201cfree-will offering,\u201d as in Protestant churches, and the Pawnee, Kiowa\nand others have \u201cLadies\u2019 Auxiliaries\u201d to the local Native American\nChurch. These women have quilting parties, can fruit, make up box\nlunches to raise church money and visit the sick, much as their White\nsisters do. Other White elements appear in the meetings themselves. The\nIowa leader and fireman, for instance, shake hands with everyone in the\ntipi after the ritual feast, in token of friendship and good will. The\nOsage and Quapaw \u201cround-houses,\u201d too, are in obvious imitation of White\npeoples\u2019 churches, but the Osage are criticized for ostentation along\nWhite \u201cleisure class\u201d lines. More conservative groups make disparaging\nremarks about the \u201cbeds\u201d in their meetings, their electric lights in the\nround house, and their cigars\u2014some Osage churches are even provided with\nspittoons!\n\nYet when all these features have been summed up, it is still clear that\nthe layer of Christianity on peyotism is very thin and superficial\nindeed. Furthermore, the Christianized Wilson and Rave rites among\nthe Caddo and Winnebago are currently losing followers to the more\nconservative Hoag and Jesse Clay moons\u2014and there are frequent\nexpostulations against the mixing of the native religion with the\nWhite.[13] Some groups feel no inconsistency in belonging to both\nthe peyote church and some White Protestant sect as well, but the\nunfriendliness of the functionaries of the latter groups toward peyotism\nand their lack of reciprocal tolerance has driven many borderline cases\nopenly into the peyote church. The Indians feel, perhaps rightly, that\npeyotism is their last strong link with the aboriginal past, which others\nare trying to destroy. Hence it has contributed greatly to the sense of\ncommunity and morale of the Indian groups in Oklahoma.\n\nOf course apologists sometimes use Christian arguments to confound the\nenemies of the cult, as when peyote and the water are equated to the\nCatholic use of bread and wine in Communion,[14] or when Old Man Green\n(Oto) told a minister that he was condemning God\u2019s work in attacking\npeyote. But these do not proceed from any profound faith in Christianity.\nA Shawnee comment is most typical:\n\n Christ was born only several hundred years ago, not when the\n world was created, like peyote.\n\nPrayers are still addressed to the older tribal deities in peyote\nmeetings: the Winnebago to Earthmaker, the Oto to Wakan, the Cheyenne to\nMayan, etc. A Kickapoo summed up the religious history of his tribe as\nfollows:\n\n We had medicine bags before Jesus was born over in Bethlehem,\n in the old country. The old generation worshipped idols. When\n God\u2019s son was going to be born, they were trying to make the\n people believe God. And after Jesus was born, they commenced\n this [peyote].\n\nNevertheless, it should be reiterated that on the whole, despite the\napparent and superficial syncretism with Christianity, peyotism is\nan essentially aboriginal American religion, operating in terms of\nfundamental Indian concepts about powers, visions and native modes of\ndoctoring. The Christianity of many native Christians is precarious at\nbest\u2014as we have seen from various case histories\u2014when it comes into any\nvery serious conflict with native culture. Perhaps most peyote-users\nwould echo the words of the famous Comanche chief, Quanah Parker, with\nreference to the superiority of peyotism over Christianity:\n\n The white man [he said] goes into his church house and talks\n _about_ Jesus, but the Indian goes into his tipi and talks _to_\n Jesus.[15]\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] \u201c[De la Serna] adds that ... they delighted in caricaturing the\nEucharist, dividing among their congregation a narcotic yellow mushroom\nfor the bread, and the inebriating pulque for the wine. Sometimes they\nadroitly concealed in the pyx, alongside the holy water, some little\nidol of their own, so that they really followed their own superstitions\nwhile seemingly adoring the Host. They assigned a purely pagan sense to\nthe sacred formula, \u2018Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,\u2019 understanding it to\nbe, \u2018Fire, Earth, and Water,\u2019 or the like\u201d (Brinton, _Nagualism_, 28);\nBennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_, 369, 385. _Coix Lachryma Jobi_ was\nan early Spanish introduction, but may have replaced some native seed\n(e.g., mescal) used as beads. Serna\u2019s mushroom is probably teo-nanacatl.\n\n[2] Klineberg, _Notes on the Huichol_, 449; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_,\n1:314; 2:170, 189.\n\n[3] Lumholtz, _op. cit._, 2:171-72, 272; Bennett and Zingg, _The\nTarahumara_, 294.\n\n[4] Bennett and Zingg, _op. cit._, 290; Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_,\n1:360-61. On Tarahumari Christianity see _Handbook of the American\nIndians_, 2:692b; the ease of acceptance suggests congruence with\naboriginal forms.\n\n[5] Opler, _The Influence of Aboriginal Pattern_.\n\n[6] The Winnebago did not introduce the first Christian elements, as\nRadin believed. A Taos Indian (Plains-influenced?) once visioned Christ\n(Parsons, _Taos Pueblo_, 66).\n\n[7] Radin, _The Winnebago Tribe_, 418; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_.\n\n[8] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 101, 113; Brabant, in Seymour, _Peyote\nWorship_, 182. Cf. Gilmore\u2019s Omaha (_The Mescal Society_, 165-66) whose\nfireplace is the heart of Jesus.\n\n[9] But there seemed to be a certain quality of propaganda for the\nethnographer\u2019s benefit in one Kiowa doctoring meeting, when the name of\nJesus was mentioned in prayers with unwonted frequency.\n\n[10] Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 96, cf. 56-59, 67, 96, note\n9; Mooney, _A Kiowa Mescal Rattle_, 65; Harrington, _Religion and\nCeremonies_, 186-88; Gilmore, _The Mescal Society_, 165-66; _Uses of\nPlants_, 106; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote\nCult_, 4, 12; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 416-17; White Buffalo in Blair, _The\nIndian Tribes_, 282 (letter of April 15, 1909).\n\n[11] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 724, 727; Gilmore, _The Mescal\nSociety_, 165-66; _The Uses of Plants_; Densmore, _Winnebago Songs of\nthe Peyote Ceremony_; _The Peyote Cult_; Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote\nCult_, 5-6; _The Winnebago Tribe_, 394-95; _Crashing Thunder_, 186-87,\n200; Simmons, in Mooney, _Miscellaneous Notes_.\n\n[12] Skinner, _Societies of the Iowa_, 727-28; Murie, _Pawnee Indian\nSocieties_, 637; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_; _Winnebago Songs of the\nPeyote Ceremony_; Radin, _A Sketch of the Peyote Cult_, 5; _The Winnebago\nTribe_, 395; _Crashing Thunder_, 193-94; Smith [Mrs. M. G.], _A Negro\nPeyote Cult_.\n\n[13] The turmoil among the Caddo seems to grow out of the attempt to mix\nChristian with native motives and John Wilson is nowadays by no means\nuniversally revered. \u201cThere have been some Delawares living with the\nCaddo who have from time to time tried to introduce the Catholic faith\nin the Peyote meeting. Often they used the crucifix on the Peyote on\nthe moon. All these attempts have met with opposition from most of the\nDelawares\u201d (Petrullo, _The Diabolic Root_, 77).\n\n[14] Petition of 62 Osage to the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, in\n_Peyote, as Used in Religious Worship_, 64-67.\n\n[15] Simmons, _The Peyote Road_.\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX 9: THE NATIVE AMERICAN CHURCH AND OTHER PEYOTE CHURCHES\n\n\nThe many attempted anti-peyote legal measures, and the frank hostility\nof some persons[1] to peyotism early stimulated the cultists to seek\nsome sort of legally-guaranteed security for their worship. The first of\nseveral incorporated peyote churches, the Oto Church of the First-born,\nhas heretofore been little known. Peyote came to the Oto under the late\nWhite Horn\u2019s leadership from the Tonkawa some time before 1896. The\noriginal rite is said to have been \u201cjust like the Apache,\u201d which is to\nsay, the standard pre-John Wilson Plains type. But the Oto, like other\ntribes, began to have \u201cgovernment trouble\u201d about their worship shortly\nbefore the World War. A group of younger men, Frank Eagle, George\nPipestem, Charles MacDonald and Charles W. Dailey, who had been away to\nschool and were considerably influenced by White Protestantism, sought,\nat this juncture, to use the White man\u2019s weapons in their own defence.\nBut by far the most important figure in this movement was Jonathan\nKoshiway.\n\nAlthough enrolled as a Sauk-and-Fox, Koshiway\u2019s mother was an Oto. He had\nformerly lived in northeastern Kansas, and had been an Indian evangelist\nfor the Church of Latter-Day Saints.[2] As an individual Koshiway was\nconsiderably influenced by Middle Western Protestantism, and solved for\nhimself the adjustmental problem of double culture-bearers by discovering\nthat the old native religion of his childhood was the _same_ as the\nWhite Christianity of his maturity, with merely different phrasing and\nvocabulary. Did not God speak to Moses through a burning bush, like the\nIndians\u2019 peyote fire? When God viewed his creation, does not the Bible\nsay that \u201cGod saw that it was good,\u201d and was not the little peyote plant\none of the herbs of the field thus created? Did not Christians also make\nuse of wafers and sacramental wine just as the Indians used the flat\nbuttons of the sacred herb and peyote \u201ctea\u201d? Did not Christianity even\nembody the Plains ritual number in the \u201cFour Foundations\u201d of Love, Faith,\nHope, and Charity?\n\nJack was a \u201cBible student\u201d in Kansas City at one time, and is notably\nfluent in these syncretic interpretations, being called upon frequently\nto speak in peyote meetings, especially when visitors are present to whom\nexplanations are in order. Another important influence upon Koshiway\u2014as\nwell as upon George Deroin (Iowa) of Perkins, who may once have been his\nassociate\u2014was that of the Russellites, a somewhat desiccated Protestant\ncult of the Middle West, who did not believe in any \u201cearthly\u201d government.\nThis dogma naturally suited a group in difficulties with temporal\ngovernment. Koshiway explained to me that the name finally chosen for\nthe organization is a \u201cheavenly name\u201d and that the church proper is \u201cup\nthere\u201d; yet practical peace must be made with Caesar on earth, and this\nKoshiway set about with care to do.\n\nFirst of all he consulted White Horn, leader of the native peyote rite,\nand gained his support. Koshiway generously states that White Horn was\nthe co-founder of the Church of the First-born, but the fact appears\nto be that the latter\u2019s role consisted in giving the official approval\nof the older established peyote cult. Koshiway also visited many white\nministers to get their advice on organization. There appears to have been\nsome friction about this, and even Koshiway ended up by insisting that\nthe peyote church should not be \u201cunder\u201d any white Protestant church,\nbut independent. Then, despite the fact that the Russellites preach\nnon-cooperation with the Government and the ultimate break-up of all\ntemporal governments, Koshiway went to a lawyer in Perry, Oklahoma, H. F.\nJohnson, and sought legal advice. On December 8, 1914, the \u201cFirst-born\nChurch of Christ\u201d was incorporated under the laws of Oklahoma and\nreceived a charter for an organization located at Red Rock, Oklahoma,\nsigned by Benjamin F. Harrison, the Secretary of State.[3] The articles\nof incorporation were signed by Jonathan Koshiway and four hundred and\nten other names.\n\nKoshiway wanted an \u201cauthorized\u201d preacher to come and baptize the newly\nconstituted church\u2019s adherents, but this never became a regular practice,\nif, indeed, it ever actually occurred at all. A reluctance to come\nhalf-way was manifested by the Protestant groups concerned, and in time\nJack himself took up all the usual functions of a minister, marrying,\nconducting funerals and in addition doctoring in meetings and \u201chollering\u201d\nthe way his source of medicine power does. Secondary Shawnee influences\noccurred in this later period, but the chief ritual difference between\nthe usual peyote rite of the Plains and that of the Oto Church of the\nFirst-born is directly traceable to the influence of the Russellites.\n\nThis difference was over the question of smoking in meetings. As\nKoshiway reconstituted the Church, the preliminary smoking of corn shuck\ncigarettes was abolished\u2014a remarkable innovation when one recalls the\ndeeply entrenched ceremonial use of tobacco in the Plains, but when a\nnarcotic was sacrificed in the ritual, tobacco went, not peyote. Koshiway\ntook peyote to a group of Oto in Kansas under Charley Rubido, and by this\ntime the work of syncretism which had been accomplished became evident,\nfor,\n\n when we examined the literature [says Koshiway] we found\n that [the native Russellites under Rubido and the Koshiway\n peyotists] were just alike.\n\nIn both groups smoking was omitted, and cedar leaves were burned in place\nof this at intervals of prayer. When the leader called upon an individual\nto pray, he was given cedar to burn to produce smoke and bear away the\nprayer. The Bible was a conspicuous part of the meeting also.[4]\n\nThe later history of the Church of the First-born was influenced by the\ninteraction of Koshiway and the later-founded Native American Church. At\nCheyenne, a little town northwest of Calumet, Oklahoma, a group of Oto,\nKiowa and Arapaho had an intertribal conference to decide upon measures\nof defence for peyotism. Jack took the Oto charter to this conference\nand explained his solution of the problem. James Mooney at this, or a\nlater conference, was influential in persuading the assembly to adopt\nthis method of organization, but many of the group apparently objected\nto the element of White religion implied in the title \u201cFirst-born Church\nof Christ\u201d and rejected the name. The title ultimately chosen was the\n\u201cNative American Church,\u201d which emphasized the intertribal solidarity of\nthe cult, as well as its aboriginality.\n\nKoshiway\u2019s behavior at this point is interesting. He had not succeeded\nin making himself the head of the church of his naming as extended in a\nstate-wide organization. As he himself puts it he \u201cbegan to deny\u201d the\nFirst-born Church of Christ, and \u201cjoined\u201d the Native American Church,\nwhere, though he was less important as an individual, he nevertheless was\na member of a larger and more official in-group. He is much amused in his\nattitude toward the remnants of the Oto church; says he,\n\n They were so religious [about smoking]\u2014I converted them, and\n then they turned around and said I wasn\u2019t right; that\u2019s how\n peculiar us Indians are!\n\nAs a matter of fact, however, Koshiway seems to have believed that the\ntrue belief about peyote was _a fortiori_ what he, the founder of the\nchurch, successively believed. When later he re-introduced the smoking\nof tobacco into the ceremony, he actually was himself backsliding into\nthe older native custom and retreating from the Russellite-influenced\nno-smoking rule. The real Puritans, obviously, were the Kansas group who\nretained the rule. A curious and amusing compensation is evident in the\nmost modern reconstitution of the Oto smoking ceremony: the \u201cshucks\u201d in\nmeetings attended were fully twice as long as those normally used in the\nPlains rite!\n\nThe present Oto church in Oklahoma, under the presidency of James Pettit,\nconsiders itself a local branch of the Native American Church, but the\nKansas group still carries on the Russellite no-smoking rule. The return\nto the older standard pattern came about in this way.[5] The well-known\nKiowa leader, Belo Kozad, came to the Oto with Jack Sankadote (one of\nthe two original Kiowa users) and an Apache named Star. The meeting was\nheld fourteen miles east of Red Rock, and Koshiway\u2019s attendance at this\nwas a turning-point. Belo prayed to peyote\u2014a practice itself rejected by\nKoshiway\u2014that Jack take up his \u201croad.\u201d Jack maintained his disapproval\nof smoking, but for some time had apparently come to prefer being an\naccepted member of the larger group to being an important outsider.\nSomewhat later, he revisited the Kiowa and his friend Albert Cat,\nattending several meetings there. At one of these Belo offered Koshiway a\nprayer-smoke, and finally after some hesitation he took it\u2014a very small\nact objectively, to be sure, but symbolizing the healing of a schism in\nthe native peyote religion. On this trip south Koshiway had been given\nmoney gifts, and a sick woman the Oto had brought with them had been\ndoctored by Old Man Horse (Kiowa); these factors perhaps weighed somewhat\nin favor of his embracing the state-wide cult. In the ideology of Belo\n(and most Kiowa as well) there was no theoretical objection to Christian\nchurches, but the usual attitude was that peyotism and Christianity\nwere mutually exclusive _alternatives_.[6] Still later Belo Kozad again\nvisited the Oto and led a meeting, and this time Koshiway was his\nassistant or drummer, and Koshiway now had his place in the classic rite.\nHis adaptability and good humor have given him a position of considerable\nimportance in Oto peyotism, though he is by no means the oldest user\u2014more\nimportant perhaps even than that of Sam Bassett, the \u201ctribal priest.\u201d\n\nSeveral other fore-runners of the Native American Church should be\nmentioned. In 1897 the Oto brought the new religion to the Omaha and\nWinnebago of Nebraska and by 1909 there was an organization called the\nUnion Church of mescal-eaters at Winnebago, Nebraska, which made use of\nthe Bible.[7] The Omaha formed a similar organization called the American\nIndian Church Brother Association, whose elaborate symbolic crest is\nfigured in Wagner. The Kiowa United American Church mentioned by Mrs.\nVoegelin may also have been a forerunner of the Native American Church.\n\nThis organization was formed by an intertribal group which met at El\nReno and included Mack Haag (Cheyenne) of Calumet, Sidney White Crane of\nKingfisher, Charles W. Dailey (Oto), George Pipestem (Oto), and Charles\nE. Moore (Oto), all of Red Rock, Frank Eagle (Ponca) of Ponca City,\nWilbur Peawa (Comanche) of Fletcher, Mam Sookwat (Comanche) of Baird,\nand Apache Ben of Apache, Oklahoma.[8] A certificate of incorporation\nwas granted to \u201cThe Native American Church\u201d at Oklahoma City under the\nGreat Seal and the signature of the Secretary of State, dated October 10,\n1918, and signed by Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne), Louis McDonald (Ponca),\nDelos Lonewolf (Kiowa), Herman McCarthy (Osage) and Tennequah (Comanche).\nThe strongly intertribal nature[9] of the organization is indicated by\nthe various tribal affiliations of the men elected to the offices of the\nNative American Church. The constitution under which the charter was\nobtained was changed at Washington in the administration of Ned Brace,\nand several amendments were made in 1935. Frank Cayou (Omaha) of Hominy\nhas for some time been seeking a national charter from Congress, through\nSecretary Ickes and Commissioner Collier, so far with no success.\n\nFormerly there was an annual tax of two dollars for each individual\nmember of the state organization, one half kept by the local group\nand the other half sent to the state headquarters, but later this was\nchanged to a ten dollar tax per tribe. In Oklahoma there are now (1936)\ntwenty-four tribes organized in the church, and these send two delegates\nfrom each local church (if there are several locals there may be as many\nas six delegates from one tribe). The yearly convention is held the\nlast Friday in November, formerly always in El Reno, though in 1936 it\nwas held in Hominy. El Reno is the site of \u201cThe Wigwam,\u201d a young Indian\nmen\u2019s fraternal organization which once maintained a museum-meeting\nroom convenient for these conventions, hence the Native American\nChurch was incorporated as of this place. Because of the many native\nlanguages represented, English is the lingua Franca of negotiations at\nconventions. The chief function of the state organization so far has\nbeen the mobilizing of political power and application of pressure on\nlegislative groups, in the preservation of what the Indians regard as\ntheir constitutionally guaranteed right of religious freedom.\n\nThe Winnebago and Omaha of Nebraska, and also the Indians of South\nDakota, Wisconsin and Kansas have patterned their constitutions after\nthat of the original Oklahoma Native American Church. The Native American\nChurch is now also incorporated in Montana and Nebraska;[10] in the\nlatter state Jesse Clay was the first president[11] of an actively\nevangelistic group which sends \u201cmissionaries\u201d into new regions, ambitious\nof making peyote the universal Indian religion. In Oklahoma there are\nlocal tribal organizations within the Native American Church. For\nexample, among the Kickapoo there is a \u201cmen\u2019s club\u201d which meets after\nevery peyote meeting and a \u201cwomen\u2019s club\u201d which meets on the second\nThursday of every month. The Ponca also have a \u201cLadies\u2019 Auxiliary,\u201d as do\nalso the Pawnee. These data are of course incomplete, but it is believed\nthat they are representative.\n\nOf particular interest, however, is the Negro Church of the First-born,\nformerly existing near Tulsa, Oklahoma.[12] The founder was John Jamison\nwho was born in Lincoln Co., Oklahoma. His parents for some reason were\ngiven allotments, and he grew up among the Iowa, speaking Iowa, Pawnee\nand Comanche. When he sought to take up the peyote cult, the younger men\nwere less friendly than the older ones; they resented a Negro\u2019s taking\nthe \u201cold Indian religion.\u201d The rite which he conducted was the typical\nIndian one, but involved more use of the Bible than was general; the\nelements of the drum, gourd dishes for sacred food, medicine feathers,\ncane, sage, cedar, canvas tipi and chief peyote button were all present.\nJamison sometimes dressed in a chief\u2019s bonnet, blanket and moccasins. He\nconducted meetings as far back as 1920 which Indians sometimes attended,\nand occasionally he was sent for to conduct Indian meetings. In 1926\nJamison died of a brain concussion after he had been attacked by a\nhalf-crazed Negro. The cult did not survive his death; it had never been\npopular outside a small group, though some persons were attracted by the\nhealing he attempted to do. But even the devoted became suspicious when\nthey learned of Government hostility to their practices. As Mrs. Smith\nwrites,\n\n This attitude on the part of the negroes is doubly interesting\n in view of the rebellious attitude which the Indians displayed\n under the same circumstances.\n\nJamison\u2019s rite differed in a number of respects from the standard Plains\nceremony: the peyote on the moon was eaten by the leader at midnight;\nthe leader sat at the west with four \u201csisters\u201d to his right and four\n\u201cbrothers\u201d to his left (including his drum and cedar man); the fireman\nnorth of the door was usually the same man in every meeting. Participants\nsat \u201cgoat fashion,\u201d i.e., kneeled and sat on their heels, when singing\nor eating peyote. The leader sang Indian songs or hymns indifferently.\nAfter an opening prayer the leader, or a male assistant, read a passage\nfrom Scripture, and toward morning a member talked on the passage. During\nthe midnight song, the ashes of the ritual fire were made \u201cheart-shaped,\u201d\nthen this was deliberately destroyed by the leader[13] and the ashes\nswept to the side. This \u201cburning the heart of the fire\u201d signified the\n\u201cend of the day.\u201d There was a recess at midnight and the drummer beat to\nsignify the close of this period, after which the communicants reentered\nand ate peyote and sang until daylight.\n\nAs the sun rose, they threw open the door and, all standing, sang the\nclosing song, \u201cTill We Meet Again.\u201d The sun is supposed to hit the center\nof the fire \u201cheart.\u201d Then the \u201csisters\u201d leave and serve a sweetened\nmeal which must contain no salt. There is no ceremonial smoking[14] as\nin the Indian ceremony, and cedar smoking is used only once toward the\nbeginning. The food served is parched corn soaked and sweetened, beef\nprepared the \u201cIndian way\u201d (roasted, ground and sweetened; or dried,\nsoaked, stewed, ground and sweetened), fruit, cereal or mush and finally\nwater. The presence of parched corn is an interesting object lesson in\nthe stability of a culture trait; centuries later and hundreds of miles\naway from the Mexican corn-harvesting ritual we find members of another\nrace still practising the now meaningless pattern. The mere accident of\nhistorical association of parched corn and peyote has imposed a cultural\ncompulsion!\n\nJamison always took Epsom salts[15] Friday night before the meeting,\nusually held on Saturday nights, and a hot bath before going to the\nmeeting. If he ate salt or otherwise failed to follow these rules, he\nwould see \u201cspooks\u201d and \u201ccrazy things.\u201d Further syncretism with Christian\nelements is evidenced in the following confession of faith, a copy of\nwhich was possessed by all the faithful and framed:\n\n David Walker\n Director\n Our Motto: \u201cThe World for Christ\u201d\n Christ, the Good Shepherd\n [picture of group sitting goat fashion, paraphernalia]\n Church Covenant\n of the Church of the First-born\n \u201cHebrews 12th Chapter, 23rd verse\u201d\n\n We, the undersigned believers in Jesus Christ, do by virtue of\n Scriptural Faith submit ourselves to the cause of Christ and\n the Gospel; to live therein; to walk therein; to teach therein;\n to sing therein; to pray therein; to preach therein; to baptize\n therein; to observe all the ordinances of Him who has called us\n to peace, that God may have all the glory thereof. In testimony\n whereof we the undersigned hereunto set our hands, by virtue of\n our own free will.\n\n John C. Jamison\n Conductor in Charge\n\n Mrs. Lucinda Walker\n Mother of the Household of the Faith\n\n Katie Hoggins\n Secretary of the Household of the Faith\n\n Mrs. J. L. Ramsey\n Assistant\n\n Mrs. Polly Marshall\n Assistant.\n\nThe quotation from Hebrews 12.23 the source of the name of the church:\n\n [But ye are come] to the general assembly and church of the\n firstborn, which are written in heaven, and to God the Judge of\n all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect.\n\nUnlike the Oto group, Jamison never succeeded in getting his \u201cmoon\u201d\nincorporated, although there are suggestions[16] that Negro groups in\nSouth Dakota may have been influenced by peyotism.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] The cult use of peyote has been persecuted not alone by legislatures\nand religious groups. The following broadside, obtained from Alfred\nWilson (Cheyenne) through Enoch Smokey (Kiowa) was posted at Harry\nEhoda\u2019s home in Mountain View, Oklahoma: \u201cTo all Indians addicted to the\nuse of peyota and other forms of heathen or pagan forms of worship. You\nare hereby warned to sease form such degrading practices. Our Government\nhas spent and is spending thousands of dollars each month to educate and\nlife up the Indians and the Ku Kluck Klan of this state have determined\nthat no Indian who has been educated by the Government shall come back\nhome and debouch his people. Take Due Warning. The Clan in Your Community\nWill Look After You and Other Ku Kluck Klan of Okla.\u201d\n\n[2] Cf. Harry Rave (brother of John), quoting another Indian, in Seymour,\n_Peyote Worship_, 182: \u201c\u2018My friend we must organize a church and have\nit run like the Mormon Church\u2019.\u201d Could this have been Koshiway? Mormon\ninterest in peyotism is indicated in letters to C. Warden (Arapaho) of\nGary, Oklahoma, from the Latter Day Saints, which I have seen. See the\n_Book of Mormon_, I Nephig:2-28.\n\n[3] Data on this charter from a note in Mooney, _Peyote Notebook_, 38.\n\n[4] This element introduced by Albert Hensley into Winnebago peyotism,\nwas probably influenced by the Oto church, when Hensley made his visits\nin Oklahoma.\n\n[5] With this native \u201cOxford Movement\u201d cf. the parallel cases of the\nCaddo defection from the Wilson rite to the Enoch Hoag \u201cmoon\u201d and the\nHensley separatists to the Rave and Jesse Clay groups, the latter in each\ncase representing a more aboriginal phrasing of the ceremony.\n\n[6] Which is of course mere theory; actually there is considerable\nunconscious syncretism, and Belo himself frequently refers to Jesus in\nhis prayers.\n\n[7] _Report on the case_, in Safford, _Aztec Narcotic_, 306. \u201cTwelve\nyears ago the Otoes brought the new religion to the Winnebagoes and\nOmahas of Nebraska.... In talking with Albert Hensley, one of the\nprominent leaders, he said, \u2018The mescal was formerly used improperly, but\nsince it has been used in connection with the Bible it is proving a great\nbenefit to the Indians. Now we call our church the Union Church instead\nof Mescal-eaters\u2019\u201d (Letter, April 15, 1909 in Blair, _The Indian Tribes_,\n282.)\n\n[8] From articles of incorporation kindly lent me by James Waldo (Kiowa).\nThe original paper was lost by Mooney in Washington; Kiowa Charley\u2019s copy\ngives the date Oct. 29, 1919\u2014probably a duplicate reissue. Other data\nfrom Murdock and Wilson.\n\n[9] From 1918 to 1936 the officials have been (president, vice-president\nand treasurer, respectively): Frank Eagle (Ponca), Mack Haag (Cheyenne),\nCalumet, Louis MacDonald (Ponca), Ponca City; Mack Haag, Delos Lonewolf\n(Kiowa), Carnegie, James Waldo (Kiowa), Verden; Delos Lonewolf, Alfred\nWilson (Cheyenne), Thomas, James Waldo; Alfred Wilson, Ned Brace (Kiowa),\nMountain View, Oscar Whyel (Kickapoo); Alfred Wilson, Ned Brace, Louis\nToyebo (Kiowa); Ned Brace, Frank Cayou (Omaha), Edgar McCarthy (Osage);\nFrank Cayou, Alfred Wilson, Edgar McCarthy. George Pipestem (Oto) of Red\nRock was the secretary of the Native American Church from its founding\nuntil his death in 1936.\n\n[10] Letter of C. C. Guinn of Guinn & Maddox, Attorneys, to Mack Haag,\nPresident of the Native American Church, dated Hardin, Montana, Feb. 16,\n1916; Densmore, _The Peyote Cult_.\n\n[11] Elections of officials are held yearly in Nebraska instead of every\ntwo years as in Oklahoma.\n\n[12] Condensed from Mrs. M. G. Smith\u2019s article, _A Negro Peyote Cult_.\nMrs. Smith does not mention any possible Oto influence, which, in view of\nthe near-identity of the name appears probable.\n\n[13] This occurs in no Indian peyote ceremony known to the writer. This\ndeliberate destructive act suggests a symbolic aggression. The psychic\nmechanisms underlying this behavior have been shown with fine perception\nin John Dollard\u2019s penetrating book _Caste and Class in a Southern Town_.\n\n[14] This again suggests Oto influence.\n\n[15] Cf. the related emetic rites!\n\n[16] Reko, _Ein Kultus die Gespenster_, 431: \u201cDie Christian Peyotl Church\nin South Dakota benutzt diese Dinger an Stelle der Hostie und verabreicht\nsie bei der Kommunion and die Gla\u00fcbigen. 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W. _Drugs of North American Indians_ (American Journal of\nPharmacy, vol. 96:489, 1924).\n\nZADOR, JULIUS. _Meskalinwirkung auf das Phantomglied_ (Monatsschrift f\u00fcr\nPsychiatrie und Neurologie, vol. 77, 1930).\n\n _Meskalinwirkung bei St\u00f6rung des optischen System_ (Zeitschrift\n f\u00fcr die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, 127:30, 1930).\n\nZADOR, JULIUS, AND K. ZUCKER. _Meskalinwirkung am Halluzinanten_\n(Zeitschrift f\u00fcr die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, vol. 227:15-29,\n1930).\n\nZEMAN, H. _Verbreitung und Grad der Eidetischen Anlage_ (Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\nPsychologie, vol. 96:208, 1925).\n\nZUCKER, K. _Versuche mit Meskalin am Halluzinanten_ (Zeitschrift f\u00fcr die\ngesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, vol. 127:107, 1930).\n\nZUCKER, K., AND ZADOR, J. _Zur Analyse der Meskalinwirkung am Normallen_\n(Zeitschrift f\u00fcr die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, vol. 127:1-2,\n1930).\n\n\n\n\nEXPLANATION OF PLATES\n\n\nPlate 1. Peyote leaders. _Upper left_, Charley Apekaum (Kiowa) and\nJonathan Koshiway (Oto); _upper right_, Alfred Wilson (Cheyenne) twice\npresident of the Native American Church; _lower left and right_,\nPacking-Stone (Kiowa) a \u201cTen-Medicine\u201d keeper and peyote leader in\ntypical leaders\u2019 costume of blanket and buckskin clothes; the headdress\nis old Kiowa.\n\nPlate 2. Altar and ash-birds. _Upper left_, Quapaw permanent cement altar\nof the John Wilson Big Moon rite. The ash mounds are the \u201cgraves\u201d of\nJohn Wilson and Jesus Christ; the W\u2019s or M\u2019s on each side of the heart\nsignify \u201cMoon-Head\u201d or \u201cWilson.\u201d The nearest heart of the mound is the\nHeart of the World, that under the fire the Sacred Heart of Christ, that\non the moon the Heart of Goodness on which the father peyote rests. Seven\nlines around the apron represent week days, the twelve lines the months\nof the year. The ashes mean the parting of the Red Sea, or mean to some\nthe sheep and the goats. This altar was made by the authorised builder,\nVictor Griffin, and his assistant, Charley Tyner. _Upper right_, Symbolic\npeyote painting by Mopope (Kiowa) showing sacred staff, seven-marbled\ndrum, drumstick, gourd rattle, doctoring feathers, and altar or moon\nwith ash crescent. The water bird intermediary is carrying a prayer\nfrom the father peyote on the altar across the ritual fire to the great\nspirit indicated by the seven rays of feathers of the rising sun. The\nlightning lines from the god-head result from the artist\u2019s visits to\nthe Southwestern pueblos. _Center_, A fine example of the scissors-tail\nash bird made at an Oto meeting near Red Rock, Oklahoma. _Lower_, An\nunusually fine example of the water bird ash bird made at a Shawnee\nmeeting near McCloud. The burnt sticks finish out the scissors-tail\nof the bird. The smokestick in the foreground is carved with native\nand Christian symbols (now in Peabody Museum, Harvard University). (It\nis believed that the Yuchi altar of Petrullo, Plate 2, is erroneously\nfigured and is of the order of those shown here.)\n\n\nPLATES\n\n[Illustration: [LA BARRE] PLATE 1\n\nPEYOTE LEADERS]\n\n[Illustration: [LA BARRE] PLATE 2\n\nALTAR AND ASH BIRDS]","title":"The peyote cult","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":99323}