{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_78968/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_78968","id":"gutenberg_78968","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/78968","summary":null,"tags":["Bible -- Chronology","Egypt -- Antiquities","Egypt -- History -- Chronology","Ethiopia -- Antiquities","Sinai (Egypt) -- Antiquities"],"text":"Transcriber\u2019s Note\n\nThis book contains text in Greek (\u03bb\u03b5\u03cd\u03ba\u03b7), Coptic (\u2c99\u2c81\u2ca7) and Egyptian\nhieroglyphs (\ud80c\udd50\ud80d\udc34\ud80c\udfcf). You may need to install additional fonts to properly\nrender those languages. Noto Sans Egyptian Hieroglyphs is recommended.\n\nObvious typographical errors have been corrected. The Hebrew, Arabic,\nCoptic, and Greek text has been corrected by comparison with the German\nedition from which this work was translated.\n\nAccents and diacritical marks have been standardised throughout, where\nit was clear that the same word or name was intended; the original\ntypesetting appears not to have supported accented small capitals\nconsistently.\n\nInconsistencies between index entries and the main text have been silently\ncorrected where the intended reference was unmistakable.\n\n\n\n\nLetters from Egypt, Ethiopia, and the peninsula of Sinai\n\n\n\n\n[Illustration: MOUNT BARKAL.\n\n_Hinchliff._]\n\n\n\n\n                                  LETTERS\n                                   FROM\n                         EGYPT, ETHIOPIA, AND THE\n                            PENINSULA OF SINAI.\n\n                                    BY\n                           DR. RICHARD LEPSIUS.\n\n                          WITH EXTRACTS FROM HIS\n                       CHRONOLOGY OF THE EGYPTIANS,\n              WITH REFERENCE TO THE EXODUS OF THE ISRAELITES.\n\n                          REVISED BY THE AUTHOR.\n\n                               TRANSLATED BY\n                       LEONORA AND JOANNA B. HORNER.\n\n                              [Illustration]\n\n                                  LONDON:\n                HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN.\n                                MDCCCLIII.\n\n\n\n\nTRANSLATORS\u2019 PREFACE.\n\n\nThe first part of this volume consists of Letters from Egypt, Ethiopia,\nand the Peninsula of Sinai, published in 1852. In addition to the Map of\nthe Nile, published in the German edition, and the view of Mount Barkal,\nwe have been enabled, through the kindness of Dr. Lepsius, to give a\nMap of the Peninsula of Sinai, from an unpublished pamphlet, printed at\nBerlin in 1846 (_Reise des Prof. Lepsius von Theben nach der Halbinsel\ndes Sinai, vom 4 M\u00e4rz bis zum 14 April, 1845_), which will be found to\ncontribute much to the elucidation of the interesting Letter on Mount\nSinai.\n\nIn the Appendix we have inserted a geological paper, by Mr. Horner, from\nthe \u201cEdinburgh Philosophical Journal\u201d for July, 1850, in which some\ndoubts are thrown upon the theory of Dr. Lepsius concerning a supposed\nexcavation of the bed of the Nile within the historical period. We have\ndone this at the request of Dr. Lepsius, who is desirous to call more\nparticular attention to the subject.\n\nThe Letters are succeeded by extracts (chiefly relating to the Hebrew\nChronology) from Dr. Lepsius\u2019s larger work (of which only one volume has\nyet been published), _Die Chronologie der \u00c6gypter_, in which he states\nhis conclusions respecting the date of the Exodus. We have also obtained\npermission from Chevalier Bunsen to add a note (p. 475), pointing out how\nfar he differs from Dr. Lepsius respecting the period when the Israelites\nentered Egypt. It has been thought desirable to omit those sections\nwhich enter into the subject more minutely than would interest the\ngeneral reader.\n\nThe whole of this portion of the translation has been revised by the\nauthor, and throughout the volume, whatever alterations or additions have\nbeen suggested by him, are placed between brackets.\n\nA Table of the Egyptian Dynasties, drawn up by Mr. Horner, has been\nadded, and, at his request, revised by Dr. Lepsius, who has inserted\nthe results of his latest investigations concerning the dates of the\ndifferent Dynasties.\n\nWherever measurements by feet are mentioned, French feet are to be\nunderstood, unless it is otherwise specified.\n\n  August, 1853.\n\n\n\n\nAUTHOR\u2019S PREFACE TO THE LETTERS.\n\n\nThe object of the Scientific Expedition which the KING OF PRUSSIA sent\nto Egypt in the year 1842, was to investigate and collect, with an\nhistorical and antiquarian view, the ancient Egyptian monuments in the\nNile valley, and upon the Peninsula of Sinai. It was fitted out and\nmaintained for more than three years by the munificence of the King, and\nenjoyed uninterruptedly his gracious favour and sympathy, as well as the\nmost active and kind attention from ALEXANDER V. HUMBOLDT, and by a rare\nunion of fortunate circumstances, it attained the purposes they had in\nview, as completely as could be expected. A \u201cPreliminary Account of the\nExpedition, its Results, and their Publication\u201d (Berlin, 1849; 4to), was\nissued at the same time with the first portion of the great work upon\nthe Monuments, which will be published by desire of his Majesty, in a\nstyle corresponding with the magnificence of the treasures we brought\naway with us, and which will contain a concise survey of the principal\nresults of the Expedition.\n\nIn the work upon \u201cthe Monuments of Egypt and Ethiopia,\u201d here announced,\nwhich will comprise more than 800 folio plates, half of which are already\ncompleted, and 240 published, these results will be fully displayed, as\nfar as regards Sculpture, Topography, and Architecture, and they will be\nconsidered more accurately in the accompanying text.\n\nIndependently, however, of our strictly scientific labours, it appeared\nright to offer a picture to a larger circle of interested readers of\nthe external features of the Expedition, the personal co-operation of\nthe different members belonging to it, the obstacles, or the fortunate\ncircumstances of the journey, the condition of the countries that we\ntraversed, and the influence they exercised on the immediate objects\nof our undertaking; finally, a series of remarks on the individual\nsites of the monuments in that most historical of all countries,\nwith all the meaning and completeness in which they appear to those\ntravellers who, by their study of that most ancient history, are\npeculiarly prepared to understand them, but which may also excite an\nincreased sympathy in others who have acknowledged the great importance\nof this newly-established science. If it should directly further a\ncorrect criticism of the scientific labours which have resulted from\nthis journey, and which are being gradually published, to consult the\ncircumstances under which the materials were collected, I believe that no\nfarther justification is necessary for the publication of the following\nLetters, however little pretension they may have on the one side to the\ncompleteness and the literary charm of a regular account of travels, or,\non the other side, to the value of a strictly scientific work.\n\nThe Letters have remained almost throughout in their original form;\nsome are respectfully addressed to his Majesty the King, some to his\nExcellency Eichhorn, at that time Minister of Public Instruction, or to\nother distinguished patrons and honoured men, such as A. v. Humboldt,\nBunsen, v. Olfers, Ehrenberg, and lastly, some to my father, who\nconstantly preserved the liveliest interest in all that concerned me.\nSeveral letters, immediately upon their arrival in Europe, were printed\nin the newspapers, especially in the Prussian Gazette, and from that were\nreceived into other papers. The immaterial alterations in some of the\ndetails are, for the most part, only made for publication. All additions\nor expansions are put in the form of notes. To this class belong the\nmore detailed notes and the proofs given concerning the true position of\nSinai, which, I believe, is pointed out for the first time by me; this\nhas since been criticised from different quarters, and has been condemned\nby some, while it has met with approbation from others. The subject of\nthe 36th Letter on the decoration of the Egyptian Museum in Berlin is\ncertainly very different from the rest; but as an exception it may be\njustified, since the point there considered is not only of local interest\nin Berlin, but is valuable in all cases of observation, where there are\nsimilar requirements, and where the subject treated about is a method of\nadjustment between ancient Egyptian and modern Art.\n\n  Berlin, 2nd June, 1852.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n\n                                                                      PAGE\n\n  PRELIMINARY ACCOUNT OF THE EXPEDITION AND ITS RESULTS                 12\n\n  LETTER I.\u2014_On board the Oriental Steamer, 5th September, 1842_        35\n\n    Voyage to Alexandria.\n\n  LETTER II.\u2014_Alexandria, 23rd September, 1842_                         38\n\n    Malta\u2014Gobat\u2014Isenberg\u2014Krapf\u2014Alexandria\u2014Mohammed Ali.\n\n  LETTER III.\u2014_Cairo, 16th October, 1842_                               41\n\n    Alexandria\u2014Pompey\u2019s Pillar\u2014Cleopatra\u2019s Needle\u2014Werne\u2019s\n      Collection of Natural History\u2014Departure from\n      Alexandria\u2014Sais\u2014Naharieh\u2014Cairo\u2014Heliopolis\u2014The\n      Celebration of the King\u2019s Birthday at the\n      Pyramids\u2014Panoramic View from the Pyramid of Cheops.\n\n  LETTER IV.\u2014_At the foot of the largest Pyramid, 2nd January, 1843_    51\n\n    Pyramids of Gizeh\u2014Tombs of Private Individuals\u2014Sphinx\u2014A\n      Deluge of Rain\u2014Celebration of Christmas\u2014Life in the Camp.\n\n  LETTER V.\u2014_Pyramids of Gizeh, 17th January, 1843_                     56\n\n    The Hieroglyphic Memorial tablet on the Pyramid of Cheops\u2014What\n      we gained in a Historical point of View.\n\n  LETTER VI.\u2014_Pyramids of Gizeh, 28th January, 1843_                    59\n\n    The most ancient Royal Dynasties\u2014Tomb of Prince Merhet\u2014Tombs\n      of Private Individuals\u2014Ravages committed by the Arabs\u2014Most\n      ancient Obelisk.\n\n  LETTER VII.\u2014_Saq\u00e2ra, 18th March, 1843_                                64\n\n    Pyramids of Meid\u00fbm\u2014The Structure of Pyramids\u2014The Enigma of\n      the Sphinx\u2014Locusts\u2014Comet.\n\n  LETTER VIII.\u2014_Saq\u00e2ra, 13th April, 1843_                               69\n\n    Prince Albert of Prussia\u2014Festivities in Cairo\u2014Entrance of\n      Pilgrims\u2014Mulid e\u2019 Nebbi\u2014Doseh\u2014Visit of the Prince to the\n      Pyramids\u2014Most ancient Application of the Pointed Arch in\n      Cairo\u2014The most ancient Round Arch in Egypt\u2014Attack by Night\n      in Saq\u00e2ra\u2014Day of Trial.\n\n  LETTER IX.\u2014_Cairo, 22nd April, 1843_                                  79\n\n    Plan of the Site of the Pyramid Fields\u2014Cairo.\n\n  LETTER X.\u2014_Ruins of the Labyrinth, 31st May, 1843_                    81\n\n    Departure for the Fai\u00fbm\u2014Camels and Dromedaries\u2014Lischt\u2014\n      Meid\u00fbm\u2014Illah\u00fbn\u2014Labyrinth\u2014Arabic Song\u2014Bedouins\u2014Turkish\n      Kawass.\n\n  LETTER XI.\u2014_The Labyrinth, 25th June, 1843_                           89\n\n    The Ruins of the Labyrinth\u2014Its First Builder\u2014Its Pyramid\u2014Lake\n      M\u0153ris.\n\n  LETTER XII.\u2014_The Labyrinth, 18th July, 1843_                          94\n\n    Journey round the Fai\u00fbm\u2014The Dams of M\u0153ris\u2014Birket-el-Qorn\u2014\n      Dim\u00e9h\u2014Qasr Qer\u00fbn.\n\n  LETTER XIII.\u2014_Cairo, 14th August, 1843_                               98\n\n    Departure of Frey\u2014Ethiopian Manuscripts.\n\n  LETTER XIV.\u2014_Thebes, 13th October, 1843_                             100\n\n    Voyage on the Nile to Upper Egypt\u2014Rock-Grotto of Surarieh\u2014Tombs\n      of the Sixth Dynasty, in Central Egypt; of the Twelfth, in\n      Benihassan, Siut, Berscheh\u2014Arrival in Thebes\u2014Climate\u2014Journey\n      onwards.\n\n  LETTER XV.\u2014_Korusko, 20th November, 1843_                            105\n\n    Greek Inscriptions\u2014Benihassan\u2014Berscheh\u2014Tombs of the Sixth\n      Dynasty\u2014El Amarna\u2014Siut\u2014Alabaster Quarries of El\n      Bosra\u2014Echmim (Chemmis)\u2014Thebes\u2014El Kab (Eileithyia)\u2014Edfu\u2014\n      Ombos\u2014Egyptian Canon of Proportions\u2014Assuan\u2014Phil\u00e6\u2014\n      Hieroglyphic-Demotic Inscriptions\u2014Succession of the\n      Ptolemies\u2014Entrance into Lower Nubia\u2014Deb\u00f4t\u2014Gertassi\u2014\n      Kalabscheh (Talmis)\u2014Dend\u00fbr\u2014Dakkeh (Pselchis)\u2014Korte\u2014\n      Hierasykaminos\u2014Mehendi\u2014Seb\u00fba\u2014Korusko\u2014Nubian Language.\n\n  LETTER XVI.\u2014_Korusko, 5th January, 1844_                             130\n\n    Scarcity of Camels\u2014Excursion to Wadi Haifa\u2014Achmed Pascha\n      Menekle and the newly-named Pascha of the Sudan.\n\n  LETTER XVII.\u2014_E\u2019 D\u00e2mer, 24th January, 1844_                          133\n\n    Nubian Desert\u2014Roft Mountain Range\u2014Wadi E\u2019 Sufr\u2014Wadi\n      Murhad\u2014Ababde Arabs\u2014Abu Hammed\u2014The Province of Berber\u2014El\n      Mech\u00earef\u2014Mogr\u00e2n or Atbara (Astaboras)\u2014E\u2019 D\u00e2mer\u2014Mandera.\n\n  LETTER XVIII.\u2014_On the Blue River, Province of Senn\u00e2r, 13\u00b0 N. Lat.,\n      2nd March, 1844_                                                 148\n\n    The borders of a Tropical Climate\u2014Kawass\u2014Hagi Ibrahim\u2014Mer\u00f6e\u2014\n      Begerau\u00eeeh\u2014Pyramids\u2014Ferlini\u2014The Age of the Monuments\u2014\n      Schendi\u2014Ben Naga\u2014Naga in the Desert\u2014Mesaur\u00e2t e\u2019 Sofra\u2014\n      Tamani\u00e2t\u2014Chart\u00fbm\u2014Bahr el Abiat (the White River)\u2014Dinka\n      and Schilluk\u2014Soba\u2014Kaml\u00een\u2014Bauer\u2014Inscription on Marble\u2014\n      Baobab\u2014Abu Harras\u2014Rahad\u2014Character of the Country\u2014Dender\u2014\n      Dil\u00eab Palms\u2014Senn\u00e2r\u2014Abd\u00een\u2014Rom\u00e2li\u2014Sero\u2014Return towards the\n      North\u2014Wed M\u00e9dineh\u2014Sor\u00eeba\u2014Sult\u00e2na Nasr\u2014Gabre M\u00e1riam\u2014Reb\u00e2bi\u2014\n      Funeral Ceremony\u2014The Military\u2014Emin Pascha\u2014T\u00e2iba\u2014Messelem\u00eeeh\u2014\n      Kaml\u00een\u2014Soba\u2014Vase with an Inscription.\n\n  LETTER XIX.\u2014_Chart\u00fbm, 21st March, 1844_                              190\n\n    Military Revolt at Wed M\u00e9dineh\u2014Insurrection of the Slaves.\n\n  LETTER XX.\u2014_The Pyramids of Mer\u00f6e, 22nd April, 1844_                 193\n\n    Tamani\u00e2t\u2014Qirre Mountain Range\u2014Mer\u00f6e\u2014Return of the Turkish\n      Army from Taka\u2014Osman Bey\u2014Prisoners from Taka\u2014Language of\n      the Bisch\u00e2ri from Taka\u2014Customs in the South\u2014Pyramids of\n      Mer\u00f6e\u2014Ethiopian Inscriptions\u2014Name of Mer\u00f6e.\n\n  LETTER XXI.\u2014_Keli, 29th April, 1844_                                 210\n\n    Departure from Mer\u00f6e\u2014Groups of Tombs north of Mer\u00f6e.\n\n  LETTER XXII.\u2014_Barkal, 9th May, 1844_                                 213\n\n    The Desert of Gilif\u2014G\u00f4s Burri\u2014Wadi Gaqed\u00fbl\u2014M\u00e1geqa\u2014Trees of\n      the Desert\u2014Wadi Abu D\u00f4m\u2014Wadi Gaz\u00e2l\u2014Coptic Churches\u2014Greek\n      Inscriptions\u2014Pyramids of Nuri\u2014Arrival at Barkal.\n\n  LETTER XXIII.\u2014_Mount Barkal, 28th May, 1844_                         222\n\n    Ethiopian Kings\u2014Temple of Ramses II.\u2014Napata\u2014M\u00e9raui\u2014Climate.\n\n  LETTER XXIV.\u2014_Dongola, 15th June, 1844_                              225\n\n    Excursion into the Cataract Country\u2014B\u00e2n\u2014Departure from\n      Barkal\u2014Pyramids of Tangassi, Kurru, and Z\u00fbma\u2014Churches\n      and Fortifications of Bach\u00eet, Magal, Gebel D\u00eaqa\u2014Old\n      Dongola\u2014Nubian Language.\n\n  LETTER XXV.\u2014_Dongola, 23rd June, 1844_                               233\n\n    Island of Argo\u2014Kerm\u00e2n and Def\u00fbfa\u2014Tombos\u2014Inscriptions of\n      Tuthmosis I.\u2014Languages of Darfur.\n\n  LETTER XXVI.\u2014_Korusko, 17th August, 1844_                            235\n\n    Fakir Fenti\u2014S\u00ease\u2014Soleb\u2014Gebel Dosche\u2014Sede\u00efnga\u2014Amara\u2014Island\n      of Sai\u2014Sulphur Spring Of Okmeh\u2014Semneh\u2014Heights of the Nile\n      in the Reign of Amenemha-M\u0153ris\u2014Abu Simbel\u2014Greek Inscription\n      in the Reign of Psammeticus I.\u2014Ibr\u00eem (Primis) An\u00eebe\u2014Korusko.\n\n  LETTER XXVII.\u2014_Phil\u00e6, 1st September, 1844_                           241\n\n    Wadi Ken\u00fbs\u2014Bega Language of the Bisch\u00e2ri\u2014Talmis\u2014Phil\u00e6\u2014\n     Meroitic-Ethiopian Inscriptions.\n\n  LETTER XXVIII.\u2014_Thebes\u2014Qurna, 24th November, 1844_                   243\n\n    Excavations in the Temple and in the Rock-Tombs of Ramses\n      II.\u2014Languages of the Sudan\u2014History and Civilisation of\n      Ethiopia.\n\n  LETTER XXIX.\u2014_Thebes\u2014Qurna, 8th January, 1845_                       245\n\n    Monuments and Plaster Casts we took away with us.\n\n  LETTER XXX.\u2014_Thebes, 25th February, 1845_                            246\n\n    Description of Thebes\u2014The Temple of Karnac, and its\n      History\u2014Luqsor\u2014El Asasif\u2014Statue of Memnon\u2014The\n      Memnonium\u2014Temple of Ramses II.\u2014Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu\u2014The Royal\n      Tombs\u2014Tombs of Private Individuals from the Time of\n      Psammeticus\u2014Imperial Time\u2014Coptic Convents and\n      Churches\u2014Copts of the present Day\u2014Revenge for bloodshed\n      among the Arabs\u2014Our dwelling in Abd-el-Qurna\u2014Visit from\n      Travellers.\n\n  LETTER XXXI.\u2014_On the Red Sea, 21st March, 1845_                      274\n\n    Change of abode from Qurna to Karnac\u2014Departure to the\n      Peninsula of Sinai\u2014Qenneh\u2014Se\u00efd Huss\u00ean\u2014Stone-Quarries\n      and Inscriptions of Hamam\u00e2t\u2014Gebel Fatireh\u2014Losing our\n      Way\u2014Porphyry Quarries at Gebel Doch\u00e2n\u2014Gebel Ze\u00eft.\n\n  LETTER XXXII.\u2014_Convent of Sinai, 24th March, 1845_                   290\n\n    Landing at T\u00f4r\u2014Gebel Hamm\u00e2m\u2014Wadi Hebr\u00e2n\u2014Convent\u2014Gebel\n      M\u00fbsa\u2014Gebel Sefs\u00e2f.\n\n  LETTER XXXIII.\u2014_On the Red Sea, 6th April, 1845_                     293\n\n    Departure from the Convent\u2014Wadi e\u2019 Scheikh\u2014Ascent of\n      Serb\u00e2l\u2014Wadi Fir\u00e2n\u2014Wadi Mokatteb\u2014Copper Mines of Wadi\n      Magh\u00e2ra\u2014Rock-Inscriptions of the Fourth Dynasty\u2014Sarbut\n      el Ch\u00e2dem\u2014Mounds of Dross\u2014Wadi Nasb\u2014Harbour of Abu\n      Zel\u00eemeh\u2014The true Position of Sinai\u2014Tradition of the\n      Monks\u2014Local and Historical Conditions\u2014Elim at Abu\n      Zel\u00eemeh\u2014Mara in Wadi Gharandel\u2014The Desert of Sin\u2014Sinai,\n      the Mount of Sin\u2014The Mount of God\u2014Subsistence of the\n      Israelites\u2014Raphid\u00eem at Pharan\u2014Sinai-Choreb at\n      Raphid\u00eem\u2014Review of the Question upon Sinai.\n\n  LETTER XXXIV.\u2014_Thebes\u2014Karnac, 4th May, 1845_                         321\n\n    Return to Thebes\u2014Revenge for bloodshed.\n\n  LETTER XXXV.\u2014_Cairo, 10th July, 1845_                                322\n\n    Dendera\u2014El Amarna\u2014Dr. Bethmann\u2014Removal of the Sepulchral\n      Chambers at the Pyramids.\n\n  LETTER XXXVI.\u2014_Cairo, 11th July, 1845_                               323\n\n    The Egyptian Museum in Berlin\u2014Pictures on the Walls.\n\n  LETTER XXXVII.\u2014_Jaffa, 7th October, 1845_                            332\n\n    Journey across the Delta\u2014San (Tanis)\u2014Arrival in Jaffa.\n\n  LETTER XXXVIII.\u2014_Nazareth, 9th November, 1845_                       333\n\n    Jerusalem\u2014Nablus (Sichem)\u2014Tabor\u2014Nazareth\u2014Lake of Tiberias.\n\n  LETTER XXXIX.\u2014_Smyrna, 7th December, 1845_                           336\n\n    Carmel\u2014Libanon\u2014Berut\u2014Departure to Damascus\u2014Zachleh\u2014Tomb of\n      Noah\u2014B\u00e1rada\u2014Tomb of Abel\u2014Inscriptions at B\u00e1rada\u2014Tomb of\n      Seth\u2014B\u00e2lbeck\u2014Ibrahim\u2014Cedars of Libanon\u2014Egyptian and\n      Assyrian Rock-Inscriptions at Nahr el Kelb.\n\n\n\n\nPRELIMINARY ACCOUNT OF THE EXPEDITION AND ITS RESULTS.\n\n\nIn the year 1842, in accordance with the proposal of Eichhorn, at that\ntime Minister of Instruction, and at the recommendation of MM. Alexander\nv. Humboldt and Bunsen, his Majesty King Frederic William IV. of Prussia\ndetermined to send a scientific expedition to investigate the remains of\nancient Egyptian and Ethiopian civilisation still in preservation in the\nNile valley and the adjacent countries. The direction of the undertaking\nwas entrusted to me, after the detailed plans of the proposed expedition\nhad been minutely examined by the _Royal Academy of Sciences_, and in all\npoints graciously approved by the King.\n\nThe land-surveyor, G. Erbkam, from Berlin, and the draughtsmen and\npainters, Ernest and Max Weidenbach, from Naumburg, and J. Frey, from\nBasle, were appointed to make the drawings and coloured representations,\nas well as those architectonic plans, which had to be executed on the\nspot. When J. Frey was obliged to return to Europe from Lower Egypt,\non account of the injurious climate, he was replaced by the painter O.\nGeorgi, from Leipzig. Two English artists, also, J. Bonomi, who, from\nthe interest he took in the journey, became attached to our party while\nwe were in London, and the architect J. Wild, who joined us of his own\naccord, took an active part in the expedition as long as it remained\nin Lower Egypt. Lastly, during nearly the whole of the journey, we\nenjoyed the society of the present Counsellor of Legation, H. Abeken,\nwho accompanied us voluntarily and on an independent footing, and who\nin various ways promoted the antiquarian objects of the journey. We\nwere also provided with the means of obtaining plaster casts of those\nrepresentations that were best qualified for the purpose, by the addition\nof Franke the moulder.\n\nThe different members of the expedition arriving by various roads, met\nin _Alexandria_, on the 18th September, 1842. On the 9th November we\nencamped near the great Pyramids of _Gizeh_. What we obtained on that\nspot, as well as from the adjoining Pyramid fields of _Abusir_, _Saq\u00e2ra_,\nand _Dasch\u00fbr_, which are situated to the south, occupied us exclusively\nand uninterruptedly for more than six months. The inexhaustible number\nof important and instructive monuments and representations, which\nwe met with in these Necropoli, the most ancient that have existed\nin any country, surpassed every expectation we had been entitled to\nhold concerning them, and accounts for our long abode in this part\nof the country, which is the first approached and visited, but has,\nnotwithstanding, been very little investigated. If we except the\ncelebrated and well-known examination of the Pyramids in the year 1837,\nby Colonel Howard Vyse, assisted by the accomplished architect Perring,\nlittle had been done to promote a more minute investigation of this\nremarkable spot; the French-Tuscan expedition, in particular, did little\nmore than pass through it. Nevertheless, the innumerable tombs of private\nindividuals grouped about those royal Pyramids, partly constructed\nof massive square blocks, partly hewn into the living rock, contain,\nalmost exclusively, representations belonging to the old Egyptian\nMonarchy, which terminated between two and three thousand years before\nChrist; indeed, most of them belong to the fourth and fifth Manethonic\nDynasties, therefore between three and four thousand years before Christ.\nThe wonderful age of those Pyramids, and of the surrounding tombs, is\nno longer generally denied by intelligent inquirers, and in the first\nvolume of my \u201cEgyptian Chronology,\u201d[1] which has lately appeared, I have\nendeavoured to furnish a critical proof of the certain foundations we\npossess for a more special determination of time as far back as that\nperiod. But were any one only to believe in the lowest acceptation of\nmodern scholars concerning the age of the first Egyptian Dynasties, he\nwould still be compelled to yield priority to those monuments before\nany other Egyptian remains of art, and generally before all artistic\nremains belonging to the whole race of man, to which we can historically\nrefer. It is only to this that we can attribute the wonderful growth\nin the interest which we attach, partly to the monuments themselves,\nas proofs of the earliest activity shown in art, partly to the various\nrepresentations of the manner of living in those primitive times.\n\nOn the western border of the Desert, which stretches from the most\nnortherly groups of Pyramids at Abu Roasch, past the ruins of the old\ncapital of Memphis, to the Oasis-peninsula of the \u201cFai\u00fbm,\u201d we discovered\nthe remains of sixty-seven Pyramids, which, with a few exceptions, were\nonly destined for kings, and in the neighbourhood of the principal groups\nwe investigated, still more minutely, 130 tombs of private individuals,\nwhich deserved to be more particularly recorded. A great many of\nthese sepulchral chambers, richly adorned with representations and\ninscriptions, could only be reached by excavations. Most of them belonged\nto the highest functionaries of those flourishing Dynasties, among whom\nthere were also thirteen royal princes and seven princesses.\n\nAfter we had taken the most careful topographical plans of all the\nfields of Pyramids, and had noted down the architectonic ground plans,\nand sections of the most important tombs, and after we had, in the most\ncomplete manner, drawn or taken paper impressions of their pictures and\ninscriptions, as far as they were accessible to us, we had accomplished\nmore completely than we ever hoped to do, the first and most important\ntask of our journey, since we had acquired a basis for our knowledge\nconcerning the monuments of the oldest Egyptian monarchy.\n\nOn the 19th May, 1843, we proceeded still farther, and encamped on the\n23rd in the Fai\u00fbm, upon the ruins of the LABYRINTH. Its true position\nwas long ago conjectured; and our first view dissipated all our doubts\nconcerning it. The interesting discovery of the actual site of the\nancient Lake M\u0153ris was made about the same time, by the distinguished\nFrench architect Linant, which we had the opportunity of confirming\non the spot. This greatly facilitated the means of comprehending the\ntopographical and historical conditions of this province, so remarkable\nin all its features. The magnificent schemes which converted this\noriginally desolate Oasis into one of the most productive parts of Egypt,\nwere intimately connected with each other, and must have belonged, if\nnot to a single king, still to one epoch of time. The most important\nresult we obtained by our investigations of the Labyrinth and of the\nadjoining Pyramids, was the determination of the historical position of\nthe original founder; this we obtained by excavations, which occupied\na considerable time. We discovered that the king, who was erroneously\ncalled M\u0153ris by the Greeks, from Lake Mere\u2014_i. e._ from the Lake of\nthe Nile inundation\u2014lived at the end of the 12th Manethonic Dynasty,\nshortly before the invasion of the Hyksos, and was called _Amenemhe_ by\nManetho \u1f08\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03ad\u03bc\u03b7\u03c2, the third of his name. His predecessors in the same\nDynasty had already founded the town of Crocodilopolis, in the centre\nof the Fai\u00fbm, which is proved by some ruins that still exist belonging\nto that period; and they probably conducted the Nile Canal, Bahr-Jusef,\nwhich branches off from Derut-Scherif, into the basin of the Desert.\nThat part of the basin which is most advanced, and situated highest,\nterminated in a lake formed by means of gigantic dams, many of which\nstill exist; and the connection of the canal was regulated by sluices\nin such a manner, that in the dry season the reserved water could flow\nback again into the valley of the Nile, and irrigate the country round\nthe capital long after the Nile had retreated within its banks. Amenemhe\nbuilt his Pyramid on the shore of the lake, and a splendid temple in\nfront of it. It afterwards formed the centre of the Labyrinth, whose many\nhundred chambers, forming three regular masses of buildings, surrounded\nthe oldest portion, and, according to Herodotus, were destined by the\nDodecarchs for the general Diets. The ruins of the Labyrinth had never\nyet been correctly represented, not even in their general arrangement.\nAn Arabian canal, which was carried through it at a later period, had\ndrawn away the attention of passing travellers from that portion of\nthe chambers which was in best preservation. We have made the most\nexact ground plan, accompanied by sections and views. A journey round\nthe province, as far as Birqet-el-Qorn, and beyond it, to the ruins of\n_Dim\u00e9h_ and _Qasr Qer\u00fbn_, induced us to remain several months in this\nneighbourhood.\n\nOn the 23rd August we embarked at _Beni-suef_, visited a small\nrock-temple of King _Seth\u00f4s I._ at _Surarieh_, on the eastern shore,\nand farther on, the remains of later monuments in the neighbourhood of\n_Tehneh_. At _K\u00fbm-Ahmar_, a little to the south of Zauiet-el-meit\u00een, we\nexamined a series of nineteen rock-tombs belonging to the 6th Manethonic\nDynasty. The groups of tombs which are scattered about a few days\u2019\njourney to the south, at _Schech-Said_, _El-Harib_, _Wadi-Selin_, and\nstill farther on, at _Qasr-e\u2019-Sai\u00e2t_, also belonged to this period,\nwhich, in point of age, was immediately connected with the flourishing\ntime of the great builder of the Pyramids. If we judge by the remains\nnow extant, it appears that there were, at that early period especially,\nin this portion of Central Egypt, a number of flourishing cities. Royal\nkindred are frequently met with among the ancient possessors of the\ntombs, but no sons or daughters of the king, because there was no royal\nresidence in that neighbourhood. But we found the last flourishing period\nof the Old Monarchy\u2014the 12th Manethonic Dynasty\u2014represented in this\npart of Egypt by the most beautiful and most considerable remains. The\nrock-tombs of Beni Hassan, so remarkable for their architecture, as well\nas for the various paintings on their walls, peculiarly belong to this\nperiod. The town to which they appertained, the residence of a governor\nof the eastern province of the country, has entirely disappeared, all\nexcept the name, which is preserved in the inscriptions. It appears that\nit only flourished a short time during this dynasty, and again declined\nat the invasion of the Hyksos. In the neighbouring _Berscheh_ also, and\nfarther on, among the Lybian rocks, behind the town of _Siut_, which was\nas important 4000 years ago as it is at present, we again found the same\nplans of tombs on as magnificent a scale, whose period of erection might\nbe recognised even at a distance.\n\nIt is a singular fact, that in point of age the greater proportion of\nthe remains of the Egyptian monuments become more modern the higher we\nascend the Nile valley, the reverse of what might have been expected from\na large view of the subject; according to which the Egyptian civilisation\nof the Nile valley extended from south to north. While the Pyramids of\nLower Egypt, with the monuments around them, had displayed the oldest\ncivilisation of the 3rd, 4th, and 5th Dynasties in such wonderful\nabundance, we found the 6th Dynasty, and the most flourishing period of\nthe 12th, the last of the Old Monarchy, especially represented in Central\nEgypt. Thebes was the brilliant capital of the New Monarchy, especially\nof their first Dynasties, surpassing all other places in the number of\nits wonderful monuments; and even now it offers us a reflection of the\nsplendour of Egypt in her greatest times. Art, which still created\nmagnificent things even in its decline, under the Ptolemies and the\nRoman emperors, has left considerable monuments behind it, consisting\nof a series of stately temples in _Dendera_, _Erment_, _Esneh_, _Edfu_,\n_K\u00fbm-Ombo_, _Deb\u00f4d_, _Kalabscheh_, _Dend\u00fbr_, _Dakkeh_, which are all,\nwith the exception of Dendera, in the southern part of the Thebaid, or\nin Lower Nubia. Lastly, those monuments of the Nile valley which are\nsituated most to the south, especially those of the \u201cIsland\u201d of _Mer\u00f6e_,\nare the latest of all, and most of them belong to the centuries after the\nChristian era.\n\nWe hastened immediately from the monuments of the Old Monarchy in Central\nEgypt to Thebes, and deferred till our return the examination of the\nwell-preserved, but modern temple of Dendera, the ruins of Abydos, and\nseveral other places. But of Thebes, also, we took but a preliminary\nsurvey, for we only remained there twelve days, from the 6th to the 18th\nof October.\n\nWe were impatient to commence immediately our second fresh task, which\nconsisted in the investigation of the Ethiopian countries, situated\nhigher up the river. The French-Tuscan expedition did not go beyond\nWadi Halfa; Wilkinson\u2019s careful description of the Nile land and its\nmonuments, which contains so much information, only extends a little\nhigher up, as far as Semneh. The most various conjectures were still\nentertained concerning the monuments of Gebel Barkal and Mer\u00f6e, with\nreference to their age and their signification. It was necessary to\nobtain a general view of the true relation between the History and\nCivilisation of Egypt and Ethiopia, founded upon a complete examination\nof the remains which are still extant.\n\nTherefore, after a cursory visit to the temple ruins, as far up as Wadi\nHalfa, we returned to Korusko, from which place we started on the 8th\nof January, 1844, through the Great Desert to Abu-Hammed, and the Upper\nNile countries. On the 16th of January we arrived at Abu-Hammed, on the\nother side of the desert; on the 28th, at _Beg\u00b4erau\u00eeeh_, near to which\nthe Pyramids of Mer\u00f6e are situated. From _Schendi_, which lies more to\nthe south, we visited the temple ruins of _Naga_ and _Wadi e\u2019 Sofra_,\nfar on in the interior of the eastern desert. On the 5th of February we\nreached _Chart\u00fbm_, at the confluence of the White and the Blue Nile. From\nthis place, accompanied by Abeken, I descended the Blue River, passed the\nruins of _Soba_ and _Senn\u00e2r_, as far as the 13\u00b0 of N. lat.; whilst the\nother members of the expedition returned from Chart\u00fbm to the Pyramids of\nMer\u00f6e. The tropical countries of the Nile, when contrasted with those\nnorthern ones, devoid of rain, extending south as far as the 17\u00b0; and the\nplants and animals now almost exclusively confined to South Ethiopia,\nwhen compared with individual representations of the ancient Egyptian\nmonuments, were rendered still more interesting by the discovery of some\nmonuments, with inscriptions upon them, near Soba, by which we obtained\ntraces of the ancient vernacular language of those districts in a written\ncharacter resembling the Coptic.\n\nI also made use of our residence in these districts to be instructed by\nthe natives of the adjacent countries in the grammar and vocabulary of\ntheir languages.\n\nOn the 5th of April I returned with Abeken to the other members of the\nexpedition at _Beg\u00b4erau\u00eeeh_. After drawings had been made of all that\nstill existed which peculiarly represented the state of civilisation in\nEthiopia, and after we had taken the most exact plans of the localities,\nwe proceeded in six days, by the desert Gilif, to _Gebel Barkal_, where\nwe arrived on the 6th of May. Here was the more northern, the more\nancient, and, to judge by the remains, also the more important capital\nof the State of Mer\u00f6e. At the foot of this single mass of rock, which\nrises in an imposing manner, and is called there, in the hieroglyphical\ninscriptions, \u201cThe Sacred Mountains,\u201d is situated _Napata_. The history\nof this place, which we may still derive from its ruins, gives us at once\na key to the relations which subsisted in general between Ethiopia and\nEgypt, as regards the history of their civilisation. We find that the\nmost ancient epoch of art in Ethiopia was purely Egyptian. It is as early\nas the period of the great Ramses, who, of all the Pharaohs, extended his\npower farthest, not only towards the north, but also towards the south,\nand testified this by monuments. At an early period he built a great\ntemple here. The second epoch begins with King _Tahraka_, also known as\nthe ruler of Egypt, the _Thirhaka_ of the Bible. This spot was adorned\nwith several magnificent monuments by him and his immediate successors,\nand though they were built in a style now employed by native kings, it\nis, nevertheless, only a faithful copy of the Egyptian style. Lastly,\nthe third epoch is that of the kings of _Mer\u00f6e_, whose dominion extended\nas far as Phil\u00e6, and was manifested also at Gebel Barkal by numerous\nmonuments. On an intermediate journey into the Cataract country, situated\nfarther up the river, which we had cut off by the Desert journey, I found\nonly Middle-Age, but no ancient, Ethiopian remains of buildings.\n\nThe fertile and extensive province of _Dongola_, on the northern\nfrontier, which we traversed on the 4th of June, after our departure\nfrom Barkal, afforded us but few remarkable ancient remains; we may,\nhowever, mention among these the island of _Argo_, with its monuments,\nfrom the 13th Manethonic Dynasty. They became still more numerous in the\nnorthern borders of Dongola, from which a nearly continuous Cataract\ncountry extends as far as Wadi Halfa. Near _Tombos_ we found traces of\nthe Egyptian dominion under the Pharaohs of the 17th and 18th Dynasties,\nrock-tablets with the shields of the two first Thutmosis and of the third\nAmenophis. Farther on, at _Sesebi_, there were the remains of temples of\nthe first SETH\u00d4S of the 19th Dynasty. The great Temple of _Soleb_, built\nby Amenophis III. and IV., detained us five days. The ruins of the Temple\nof _Sede\u00efnga_, and those upon the island of _Sai_, belonged to the 18th\nand 19th Dynasties. Opposite this island stood the remarkable Temple of\n_Amara_, which was built by the Kings of Mer\u00f6e and Naga, and is still an\nimportant proof of the extent of their dominion.\n\n_Semneh_ was the next point we reached. The Nile is here compressed\nwithin a breadth of only about 1150 feet between high rocky shores.\nOn both sides there are ruins of old temples of the 18th Dynasty. But\nthese were not the earliest buildings which were erected here. We found\na considerable number of inscriptions from the 12th and 13th Manethonic\nDynasties, especially on the large foundations of the Temple of _Kummeh_,\nsituated lower down, opposite Semneh on the eastern bank, as well as on\nthe scattered rocks on both banks in the neighbourhood of that temple.\nMany of them were intended to indicate the highest risings of the Nile\nduring a series of years, especially in the reigns of the Kings Amenemhe\nIII. and Sebekhotep I., and by comparing them, we obtained the remarkable\nresult, that about 4000 years ago the Nile used to rise at that point,\non an average, twenty-two feet higher than it does at present. This,\ntherefore, which we saw before us was the most ancient Nilometer; and\nthe earliest statements of the heights, and their greatest number, were\nrecorded during the reign of the same king, the M\u0153ris of the Greeks,\nwith whom we had already become acquainted in the Fai\u00fbm, as the great\nhydraulic architect. The strong fortifications on both banks of that\nnarrow part of the river convinced us at once that, during the early\ntimes of the 12th Dynasty, this remarkable point served as the boundary\nof the Egyptian dominion, against the Ethiopian nations who dwelt more to\nthe south.\n\nAt _Wadi Halfa_, on the 30th of July, we again left the Cataract\ncountry, remained from the 2nd to the 11th of August in _Abu Simbel_,\nexamined until the end of the month the ruins of _Ibr\u00eem_, _An\u00eebe_,\n_Derr_, _Amada_, _Seb\u00fba_, _Dakkeh_, _Kub\u00e1n_, _Gerf-Huss\u00ean_, _Sabag\u00fbra_,\n_Dend\u00fbr_, _Kalabscheh_, _Deb\u00f4t_, and spent the whole of the following\nmonth in examining the monuments of the Island of _Phil\u00e6_, and the\nislands of _Bigeh_, _Konosso_, _Seh\u00eal_, and _Elephantine_, surrounding\nit, and of the stone quarries between _Phil\u00e6_ and _Assuan_. October was\nspent visiting _Ombos_, the two _Silsilis_, _Edfu_, the desert Temple of\n_Redes\u00edeh_, _El-K\u00e2b_, _Esneh_, _T\u00f4d_, and _Erment_.\n\nOn the 2nd of November we again arrived on Theban ground, and first\nvisited the rock-tombs of _Qurnah_, on the west side, where we remained\nnearly four months, till the 20th of February, 1845, when we encamped\nfor three more months at _Karnak_. The number of monuments of all\nkinds, both above and below ground, at Thebes, is so great that they\nmay be truly called inexhaustible, even for a combined power like ours,\nand for the limited portion of time which we were able to devote to\ntheir investigation. But the age of the monuments at Thebes is almost\nexclusively limited to the _New Monarchy_; and the most ancient we\ndiscovered, such as one might generally expect to find, are not earlier\nthan the 11th Manethonic Dynasty, the last but one of the Old Monarchy;\nfor this simple reason, because it was in this Dynasty that Thebes first\nbecame a royal residence, and hence the focus of Egyptian splendour. The\ngreat break in the succession at the end of the 12th Dynasty, caused\nby the invasion of the Hyksos, and their dominion, which lasted many\ncenturies, first drove the Egyptian power back into Ethiopia, and at\nlength entirely destroyed it, till the powerful Pharaohs of the 17th,\n18th, and 19th Dynasties again advanced from the south, drove back\nthe Semitic intruders, and raised the power of the Egyptian empire to\nits summit. The greater proportion of Theban monuments date also from\nthis period. As we may suppose they have been the principal object of\ninvestigation to all travellers, therefore our work here had been for the\nmost part anticipated.\n\nNevertheless it was necessary to re-examine the whole ground most\ncarefully, partly to complete the deficiencies left by our predecessors,\npartly to make a proper selection of those monuments which were of\nmost importance for our particular purpose, and which we were anxious\nto insert among our collections, either in the shape of a drawing, or\nan impression upon paper, or even in the original itself. We directed\nour principal attention during the whole journey, and especially here,\nto taking the most exact architectonic plans of all the buildings and\nother localities which appeared to us to be of any consequence; and for\nthis purpose we did not hesitate to make extensive excavations. By this\nmeans we succeeded, amongst other things, in discovering, and recording\nfor the first time, a perfect plan of the most beautiful of all the\ntemple buildings, namely, the Ammon Temple, built by Ramses II., which\nis described by Diodorus under the name of the sepulchre of Osymandyas.\nWe made several excavations also in the valleys of the royal tombs, and\nopened, for instance, the rock-tomb of the same Ramses II., one of the\nlargest of those which have hitherto been accessible. Unfortunately, the\ninterior chambers were so much destroyed by the dirt and rubbish that had\nfallen in, that we could make out little more from the representation\nupon the walls than the proprietor of the tomb.\n\nAccompanied by the artist Max Weidenbach, I made an intermediate journey\nfrom Karnak to the peninsula of Sinai. We went thither by the old road\nfrom _Koptos_ to _Aennum_ (_Philotera_), now leading from _Qeneh_ to\n_Koss\u00ear_, which conducted us first to the remarkable stone quarries of\n_Hammam\u00e2t_, already worked out during the Old Monarchy. The numerous\nrock-inscriptions, which date as far back as the 6th Dynasty, occupied\nus here for five whole days. From this place we passed through the\nArabian chain of mountains to the north, as far as _Gebel Ze\u00eft_, where\nwe embarked for _T\u00f4r_, situated opposite. We ascended through _Wadi\nHebr\u00e2n_ to the convent, and from thence through _Wadi e\u2019 Scheikh_, _Wadi\nFir\u00e2n_, _W. Mokatteb_, _W. Magh\u00e2ra_, by _Sarbut el Ch\u00e2dem_, down again to\n_Abu Zel\u00eemeh_, where we got into our vessel, to return to _Koss\u00ear_ and\n_Thebes._\n\nAs early as the 4th Manethonic Dynasty, between three and four thousand\nyears before Christ, this Desert Peninsula was subject to Egypt, and was\nprincipally colonised by the Egyptians on account of the Copper mines,\nwhich are there met with on the limits of the primitive mountain range,\nand the surrounding sandstone mountains. Upon several rock-tablets of\n_Wadi Magh\u00e2ra_, the kings of those oldest Dynasties were represented\nfighting with the Semitic aborigines, and the inscriptions of _Sarbut el\nCh\u00e2dem_ were at least as early as the 12th Dynasty. We did not, also,\nlose sight of the great interest which is attached to these localities\nof the peninsula in connection with the Old Testament. More especially,\nI believe, that I have succeeded for the first time (not excepting\nBurckhardt) in determining the correct position of _Sinai_, since,\ncontrary to the tradition of the convent, hitherto accepted, I did not\nrecognise it in one of the southern mountains, but in _Serb\u00e2l_, which is\nsituated several days\u2019 journey more to the north, at whose base lies the\nonly fertile oasis of the whole peninsula. This opinion which has been\nalready published in a preliminary account of the journey, addressed to\nthe King of Prussia, has met with frequent oppositions, but has also\nlatterly received much approbation, I believe, in a special treatise upon\nthe question, by W. Hogg, printed in the last half of the \u201cTransactions\nfor the Royal Society of Literature\u201d (1848). I have not hitherto been\nable to discover any material counter-arguments in the discussions which\nhave been held upon the subject, but, on the other hand, much stronger\nevidence that, contrary to the later Byzantine tradition, the more\nancient Christian, and probably the Egyptian tradition itself, considered\nSerb\u00e2l, at whose foot the oldest convent was situated, to be the true\nSinai.\n\nOn the 14th of April we returned to Thebes, and finally left it on the\n16th of May. On our way back to Lower Egypt, we re-examined more minutely\nthe monuments of _Schenhur_, _Dendera_, _Hou_, _Abydos_, _Echmim_, _El\nBosra_, _Tel el Amarna_, and _El Hibe_, and on the 27th of June, our\nparty, which had been increased at the last stage by the addition of Dr.\nBethmann, again entered Cairo.\n\nI was detained there myself some months longer than the other members\nof the expedition, in order to direct the transportation of several\nsepulchral chambers in the neighbourhood of the Great Pyramids, and to\nsuperintend the embarkation of the valuable blocks of stone, together\nwith the other monuments, which we brought with us from Upper Egypt and\nEthiopia, and which the Viceroy Mohammed Ali sent as a present to his\nMajesty the King of Prussia. In this troublesome as well as important\naffair, for the practical performance of which four experienced workmen\nhad been expressly sent from Berlin to Egypt, I had only the kind\nassistance of Dr. Bethmann, who accompanied me on an independent footing\nduring the remainder of the journey back.\n\nAfter a final visit to Alexandria, we embarked on the 25th of September\nat _Cairo_ for _Damietta_, but on the way visited the ruins of _Saman\u00fad_,\n_Behb\u00e9t_, and the Ramses-Temple of _San_ (Tanis), and left Egypt on\nthe 1st of October, in a vessel which took us to Jaffa. After we had\ntraversed the whole length of Palestine, and from Jerusalem had visited\nthe Dead Sea, and from Beyrout, Damascus, and Baalbec, at the mouth of\nthe _Nahr el Kelb_, the ancient _Lykos_, we came upon the last Egyptian\nmonuments in the north, namely, those celebrated memorial-tablets,\nwhich the great Ramses II. engraved beside the old military road, as\na recollection of his warlike and victorious Asiatic campaigns in the\nfourteenth century before Christ. After a period of more than 3000 years,\nneither the form, nor even the Name-Shield of the powerful Pharaoh, at\nwhose court Moses was educated, had been destroyed by the destructive\nsea-air. On one tablet, indeed, I was able to distinguish the date of\nthe fourth, on another that of the second year of his reign.\n\nAccording to the testimony of Herodotus, similar monuments of Sesostris\nare also found in Ionia, and some time ago, one which he describes as\nbeing there, was re-discovered. But an excursion from Smyrna to that spot\nsoon convinced us that the rock-picture of _Karabel_ was produced by an\nAsiatic and not by an Egyptian chisel.\n\nLastly, we saw in the Hippodrome, at Constantinople, the obelisk of the\nthird Tuthmosis, but, like others, sought in vain for the second, which\nearlier travellers would have us believe that they had seen. On the 24th\nDecember, I left Constantinople, and landed on the 5th January, 1846, in\nTrieste.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nThe whole journey, of which this is a very hasty sketch, was one of the\nmost fortunate expeditions which has ever been undertaken for a similar\npurpose. None who participated in it suffered from the climate or the\naccidental casualties of a journey. We travelled under the powerful and,\nin every way efficient protection of the Viceroy. We had an explicit\nand written permission to make excavations, wherever we should consider\nit desirable, and we employed it, to acquire a number of interesting\nmonuments for the Royal Museum at Berlin, which would either have\nremained in Egypt as rubbish under the sand-hills, or exposed, like so\nmany others, to be destroyed, for all kinds of material purposes.\n\nThe scientific results of the expedition have, in almost all respects,\nsurpassed our own expectations. In confirmation of this it will be\nsufficient briefly to survey these results, which I shall do in the\nfollowing pages, according to their principal objects, and by entering\ninto some of the details.\n\nThe plan of the journey, as a whole, and in its individual parts, was\nfounded principally with a Historical purpose in view. The French-Tuscan\nexpedition, compared with ours was a _Journey of Discovery_, with all\nthe advantages, but also with all the disadvantages, connected with\nsuch an undertaking. We were able from the commencement to aspire after\na certain completeness, within the wide limits that were assigned us,\nnot however failing in making new discoveries, which were as important\nas they were unexpected. The investigation of the most ancient Egyptian\ntimes, namely, the epoch of the first Pharaonic Monarchy, from about 3900\nto 1700 before Christ, extending the history of the world almost two\nthousand years farther back, was left entirely unfathomed by Champollion.\nHe only ascended the Nile valley as far as the second Cataract, beyond\nwhich there existed a great number of Egyptian monuments of all kinds,\nwholly unexamined, in which we must seek for an explanation of all those\nEthiopian antiquities which are inseparable from the Egyptian.\n\nThe most important results we obtained, therefore, were in Chronology\nand History. The Pyramid-fields of Memphis gave us a notion of the\nCivilisation of Egypt in those primitive times, which is pictorially\npresented to us in 400 large drawings, and will be considered in future\nas the first section in that portion of the history of man, capable of\ninvestigation, and must be regarded with the greatest interest. Those\nearliest Dynasties of Egyptian dominion, now afford us more than a barren\nseries of empty, lost, and doubtful names. They are not only free from\nevery real doubt and arranged in the Order and the Epochs of time, which\nhave been determined by a critical examination, but by showing us the\nflourishing condition of the people in those times, both in the affairs\nof the State, Civil affairs, and in the Arts, they have received an\nintellectual and frequently a very individual historical reality. We\nhave already mentioned the discovery of five different burial-places of\nthe 6th Dynasty in Central Egypt, and what we obtained from them. The\nprosperous times of the New Monarchy, namely, the period of splendour in\nthe Thebaid, as well as the Dynasties which followed, were necessarily\nmore or less completed and verified. Even the Ptolemies, with whom\nwe appeared to be perfectly acquainted in the clear narratives of\nGrecian history, have come forward in a new light through the Egyptian\nrepresentations and inscriptions, and their deficiencies have been filled\nup by persons who were hitherto considered doubtful, and were hardly\nmentioned by the Greeks. Lastly, on the Egyptian monuments we beheld the\nRoman emperors in still greater and almost unbroken series, in their\ncapacity of Egyptian governors, and they have been carried down since\nCaracalla, who had hitherto been considered as the last name written in\nhieroglyphics, through two additional later emperors, as far as Decius,\nby which means the whole Egyptian monumental history has been extended\nfor a series of years in the other direction.\n\nEgyptian Philology has also made considerable progress by this journey.\nThe lexicon has been increased by our becoming acquainted with several\nhundred signs, or groups, and the grammar has received a great many\ncorrections. Such copious materials have also been acquired for these\npurposes, especially by the numerous paper impressions of the most\nimportant inscriptions, that Egyptian Philology must be essentially\nfurthered by their being gradually adopted. For owing to the strict\naccuracy of these impressions, they are almost as valuable, in many\ninvestigations, as an equally large collection of original monuments.\nIn addition to this, the history of the Egyptian language, which by the\ngreat age attributed to the earliest written monuments, embraces a period\nof time between five or six thousand years, becomes now of much greater\nimportance in the universal history of the human language and writing.\nAmong the individual discoveries we made, the one which attracted most\nattention, was that of the two decrees on the Island of Phil\u00e6, which\nwere bilingual, namely, written in hieroglyphics, and in the demotic\ncharacter,\u2014one of which contains the decree belonging to the Rosetta\ninscription, referring to the wife of Epiphanes.\n\nIn spite of numerous writings upon Egyptian Mythology, it has\nnevertheless been hitherto deficient in a fixed monumental basis.\nIn the Temple at Thebes we beheld a series of representations whose\nmeaning had not hitherto been recognised, and which seem to me to afford\nentirely new conclusions for the correct comprehension and development\nof Egyptian mythology. The series of the first arrangement of the gods\nmentioned by Herodotus and Manetho, which in modern investigations has\nbeen differently arranged in its details by all scholars, is at length\nplaced beyond all doubt, and certainly differs in all essential points\nfrom what has been hitherto everywhere adopted. I will briefly allude\nhere to another fact, important both in the history of mythology as\nwell as in a purely historical point of view, and which was elicited by\nan attentive investigation of the monuments. The direct succession of\nthe reigning royal family was interrupted, towards the end of the 18th\nDynasty. Through the monuments we became acquainted with several kings of\nthis period, who were not afterwards admitted in the legitimate lists,\nbut were regarded as unauthorised cotemporary or intermediate kings.\nAmong these Amenophis IV. is to be particularly noted, who, during a\nvery active reign of twelve years, endeavoured to accomplish a complete\nreformation of all secular and spiritual institutions. He built a royal\ncapital for himself in Central Egypt, near the present Tel-el-Amarna,\nintroduced new offices and usages, and aimed at no less a thing than to\nabolish the whole religious system of the Egyptians, which had hitherto\nsubsisted, and to place in its stead the single worship of the _Sun_. In\nall the inscriptions composed during his reign, there is not one Egyptian\ngod mentioned except the Sun; even in other words the sacred symbols\nwere avoided, _e. g._ the word _mut_, mother, Coptic \u2c99\u2c81\u2ca7, was no longer\nwritten as usual with the hawk \ud80c\udd50\ud80d\udc34\ud80c\udfcf, the symbol of the goddess _Mut_, but\n\ud80d\udc1d\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udfcf, MT, with the universal phonetic signs. Indeed, the former gods and\ntheir worship were persecuted to such an extent by this king, that he\nerased all the gods\u2019 names, with the single exception of the Sun-god\n_Ra_, from every monument that was accessible throughout the country,\nand because his own name, Amenophis, contained the name of Ammon, he\nchanged it into Bech-en-aten, \u201cWorshipper of the Sun\u2019s disk.\u201d Therefore\nthe fact, which has often been previously remarked, that at one particular\nperiod the name of Ammon was intentionally destroyed, forms only part of\nan event which had a much wider influence, and which unexpectedly reveals\nto us the religious movements of those times.\n\nThe History of Art has never yet been considered in the point of view\nfrom which Egypt, and all that concerns it, is now regarded. This\nnecessarily formed a particular object of our expedition, and most\ndirectly gained by the increased chronological knowledge we obtained\nconcerning the monuments. For the first time we were able to pursue all\nits branches during the old Egyptian Monarchy, previous to the invasion\nof the Hyksos, and accordingly to extend both it and the history of Egypt\nabout sixteen centuries farther back, and some tens of years lower down\nin time. The different epochs of Egyptian art now first appeared clear\nand distinct, each marked by its peculiar character, intimately connected\nwith the general development of the people. They had so frequently been\nmisunderstood, that no one believed in their existence; they were lost\nin the general uniformity. I must mention, as one of the most important\nfacts connected with this, that we found innumerable instances on\nunfinished monuments of three different canons of proportions of the\nhuman body; one belonging to the most ancient Pharaonic Monarchy, another\nlater than the 12th Dynasty, when Thebes first began to flourish; a\nthird, which appears at first in the time of the Psammetichi, with an\nentire alteration in the Principle of the division, and which remained\nunaltered till the time of the Roman emperors. The last is the same\nwhich Diodorus expressly mentions in his first book. Among the separate\nbranches of Egyptian art, Architecture, which was almost unnoticed by\nthe French-Tuscan expedition, was with us peculiarly attended to, by\nthe extremely careful and circumspect labours of our architect Erbkam.\nThis was befitting the important position occupied by this particular\nbranch, in which grandeur, that element of art, peculiarly belonging to\nthe Egyptian beyond all other nations, was capable of being developed,\nand has developed itself to the utmost. The study of the sculpture\nand paintings devolved upon the other artists who accompanied us, and\nthe ability and fidelity with which they fulfilled their task must be\nrecognised by every one. The Egyptian style associated with the limited\nviews characteristic of the infancy of art, nevertheless possesses a\nhighly-cultivated ideal element, which must be acknowledged by every\none. The genius of Greece could never have bestowed on art such a marked\ncharacter, indicative of a period of prosperous liberty, if it had not\nreceived it as a severe, chaste, and carefully nurtured child from the\nEgyptians. The principal task of the history of Egyptian art is to point\nout wherein consisted this cultivation of art, peculiar to the Egyptians,\nabove all the primitive nations of Asia.\n\nIn the next place, Egyptian arch\u00e6ology, in the widest sense of the word,\nclaimed a large portion of our time and attention: an extensive field,\nalready examined, both successfully and diligently, by Wilkinson and\nRosellini, which they were enabled to do by means of the inexhaustible\nnumber of separate objects belonging to every-day life, still in\npreservation, and by the representations of them, which are found in all\ndirections, far surpassing any other ancient remains.\n\nOn that account it was still more necessary to make a stricter\ninvestigation, and to regard it from a higher point of view, rather than\naccumulate a greater number of individual things, that notwithstanding\nobtruded themselves on all sides, and which, besides, we collected in\nlarge quantities, as material to work upon.\n\nLastly, Geography and Chorography, which travellers are especially\nexpected to promote, required to be more peculiarly prosecuted. We must\nparticularly mention here, that besides the peculiar investigation of\nthe Pyramid fields at Memphis, and in the Fai\u00fbm, which have been already\nalluded to, our records of the ruins of towns, and ancient monuments\nin the Nile country, as far up as Senn\u00e2r, are more perfect and exact\nthan any hitherto made. With regard to the modern geographical names,\nwhich must always be viewed in comparison with the ancient, I have been\nmost particular in obtaining the Arabic names\u2014at least, throughout the\ndistrict we traversed\u2014in order to counteract, as far as lay in my power,\nthe insufferable confusion in the names which are marked down. During\nthe journey, I made special maps for the individual portions of the\neastern mountains of Egypt and the peninsula of Sinai, and I collected\ngeographical accounts from travellers concerning some remote districts,\nwhich we did not enter, and which are but little known; and I had\ngeographical drawings made of them. Our investigations of the historical\nplaces in the peninsula of Sinai have been already alluded to. The\ndiscovery, mentioned above, of the most ancient Nilometer at _Semneh_,\nhas added, in a remarkable degree, also to the history of the physical\ncondition of the Nile valley; since it is quite evident, from the water\njust above the second Cataract, standing at that time twenty-two feet\nhigher than at present, and the height of the water in the Thebaid being\ncontemporaneously twelve to fifteen feet lower, that the fall of the Nile\nin the intermediate country was thirty-five feet greater in those times\nthan it is now. But this gradual levelling of the bed of the river must\nhave had the most decided influence on the history of the cultivation\nof the valley, and of the whole population; because the soil on the\nbanks of the river in the district of Nubia, more especially owing to\nthe considerable sinking of the water, being inaccessible to the natural\noverflowings, was laid dry, and could only be irrigated with great\ndifficulty, and imperfectly, by means of artificial water-wheels.\n\nConsiderable progress was made in the knowledge of the African languages,\nby the investigation which I was principally enabled to make in the\nsouthern part of our journey. I inquired into and noted down as much\nof the grammar and vocabulary of three languages, as would enable me\nto give a distinct idea of them. First, Kong\u00e1ra, spoken at Dar-F\u00fbr and\nthe adjacent countries, a Central African-Negro language. Secondly,\nthe Nuba language, which is spoken in two chief dialects, in one part\nof the Nubian-Nile valley and in the neighbouring countries situated\nto the south-west, and also appears to be derived from the interior of\nAfrica. It had hitherto never been a written language, and I collected\ntogether for the first time a piece of written Nubian literature, for\nI made a Nubian Sheikh, who was perfectly familiar with the Arabic\nlanguage and writing, translate the Fables of Locman, a portion of the\nThousand and One Nights, and the Gospel of St. Mark, from the Arabian\ninto the Nubian tongue, and write down besides nineteen Nubian songs,\nsome of them in rhyme, some only rhythmical, and translate them into\nArabic. Unfortunately, these precious packets, all but the Nubian gospel,\nwere lost in Europe, with little hope of recovery. The third language\ninvestigated by me was the Beg\u00b4a, which is spoken by the Bisch\u00e2ri\nnation, who dwell between the Red Sea and the Nubian Nile. This language\noccupies an important position with reference to philology, since it\nseems to be a branch of the original Asiatic stock, of which the African\noffsets may be comprehended under the name of the HAMITIC languages; and\nis, besides, particularly interesting in our study of the monuments,\nbecause, most probably, it was once the key to decipher the ancient\nEthiopian inscriptions, numbers of which were discovered by us upon the\nIsland of Mer\u00f6e, and from that place, in the Nile valley, as far down as\nPhil\u00e6. These inscriptions are written in simple characters, from right to\nleft, and derive their origin from the powerful nation of the Mer\u00f6itic\nEthiopians, whose direct descendants we behold in the present Beg\u00b4a\nnations. By comparing those languages with the other languages of Africa,\nwhich are already better known, I think I shall be able to separate,\naccording to fixed principles, these \u201cHamitic languages\u201d of north and\nnorth-east Africa (which may still be referred to their native home in\nAsia) from the numerous other languages of this enigmatical continent;\nand I am now engaged in preparing these philological investigations for\nspecial publication.\n\nI must finally mention, among the results of our journey, two collections\nof inscriptions. In the first place, all the Greek inscriptions in the\ncountries we travelled through were carefully sought out, and impressions\nof them were taken upon paper; by which Gr\u00e6co-Egyptian arch\u00e6ology,\nand more particularly the learned collections of inscriptions which\nhave lately excited such lively interest, will probably be completed,\nconfirmed, or justified in a satisfactory manner. Secondly, in the\npeninsula of Sinai we made as perfect a collection as was possible of\nthe so-called _Sinaitic Inscriptions_, which are found engraved on the\nrocks in different districts of the peninsula, but principally in the\nneighbourhood of the old town of Faran, at the foot of the mountain range\nof Serb\u00e2l, and at a resting-place of the caravans in Wadi Mokatteb,\nsituated farther north, which is named after them.\n\nWe were only able casually to turn our attention to objects of Natural\nScience; nevertheless, I did not however neglect, especially during\nremote mountainous journeys, to collect specimens of stone and earth\nfrom the more remarkable localities. We not only visited the celebrated\nstone quarries in the chalk mountains of Tura, in the sandstone range of\nSelseleh, in the granite rocks of Assuan, and others situated in the Nile\nvalley, but also those alabaster quarries of El Bosra, opposite Siut,\nwhich were discovered a few years ago by the Bedouins, in which last we\nfound a rock-inscription from the commencement of the 17th Dynasty. They\nresemble those quarries of granite and brecciaverde at HAMMAM\u00c2T, upon\nthe road leading from Qeneh to the Red Sea, which have been worked from\nthe earliest times, and also the porphyry and granite quarries at Gebel\nFatireh (Mons Claudianus), and at Gebel Doch\u00e2n (Mons Porphyrites), in the\nArabian chain of mountains, celebrated in the Roman period. I also had\nan opportunity of purchasing an interesting Ethnographical and Natural\nHistory collection in Alexandria, obtained by H. Werne during Mohammed\nAli\u2019s second expedition up the Nile, which penetrated as far as the 4\u00b0\nN. lat., of which an account was published; and I received a valuable\ncollection of Egyptian fishes for the Anatomical Museum in Berlin, from\nthe celebrated French physician Clot Bey.\n\n\n\n\nLETTERS FROM EGYPT AND ETHIOPIA.\n\nDEDICATED, WITH THE PROFOUNDEST VENERATION AND GRATITUDE, TO ALEXANDER\nVON HUMBOLDT.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER I.\n\n\n              _On board the Oriental Steamer, the 5th of September, 1842._\n\nAll our efforts were taxed to enable us to depart on the 1st September;\nthe delay of one day would have cost us a whole month, so it was\nnecessary to be doubly active. A visit to Paris was indispensable, and I\nreached it in thirty-one hours from London; but two days were all that\ncould be spared to procure what was requisite in the way of purchases,\nletters, and notes. I returned richly laden from this city, ever rich\nto me in interest, information, and various proofs of kindness. In\nLondon, I acquired two additional excellent travelling companions\u2014Bonomi\nand Wild, who had lately determined to share in the expedition on an\nindependent footing. The former, already well known as a traveller in\nEgypt and Ethiopia, not only has a thorough practical acquaintance with\nthe mode of life in those parts, but also possesses a critical knowledge\nof Egyptian art, and is a master in Egyptian drawing; the latter, a young\narchitect, full of genius, seeks with enthusiasm in the East a new field\nfor the exercise of the rich and various gifts with which he is endowed.\nAt length, everything was purchased, provided, and packed, and we had\nbid farewell to our friends. Bunsen alone, with his usual kindness, and\nunwearied friendship, accompanied us as far as Southampton, the place of\nour embarkation, where we spent the evening together.\n\nAs at other times, when landing from a stormy sea after days of rough\ntossing, we suddenly enjoy an almost inconceivable degree of repose in\nthe quiet harbour, although for a long time we still feel the ground\ntottering beneath us, and fancy we hear the sound of the breakers, so\non this occasion I experienced the same, though the case was reversed;\nwhen, after the whirl of the last days and weeks, and coming from the\nimmense metropolis of the world, I reached the harbour, and entered the\nnarrow, quickly traversed and surveyed, wooden house of the monotonous\nwilderness of the ocean. All at once there was nothing more to provide\nand to hasten; the long row of more than thirty chests of our baggage\nhad vanished piece by piece into the dark hold of the ship; our cabins\nrequired no arrangement, for they could scarcely contain more than our\nown persons. The absence of disturbance for some time caused a new and\nundefined kind of disturbance: anxiety, without anything to be anxious\nabout.\n\nAmong the passengers, I will only mention the missionary Lieder, a German\nby birth, returning with his English wife to Cairo. Commissioned by the\nEnglish Missionary Society, he has founded and conducted a boys\u2019 and\ngirls\u2019 school there, which is now to be restricted exclusively to the\nchildren of the Coptic Christians. Lieder has introduced instruction\nin the Coptic language into this school, and has thus restored to an\nhonourable position that remarkable and most ancient language of the\ncountry, which, for many centuries past, has been entirely supplanted\namong the people by the Arabic tongue. It is true that the Holy\nScriptures still exist in the country in the Coptic tongue, and are even\nused in public worship, but they are only chanted as psalms, and are no\nlonger understood.\n\nWe started from Southampton on the 1st September, about ten o\u2019clock in\nthe morning. The wind was against us, and therefore we did not reach\nFalmouth till twenty-four hours afterwards, where our ship waited for the\nLondon mail, to take in the letters. We remained several hours at anchor\nthere, in a charming bay; an old castle is situated at the entrance\non either side, while in the background the town forms an extremely\npicturesque group. About three o\u2019clock we again put to sea, and as there\nwas a side-wind, it caused much sea-sickness among our party. I consider\nmyself fortunate, that even on the most stormy voyages I have never been\nin this disagreeable condition, which nevertheless has something comic\nin it for those who are not suffering. It is a curious circumstance that\nthe same motion which rocks the child into a sweet slumber, or which\ninvites us to a pleasure-sail in the tossing boat, on shipboard owing\nto the slower time of the wide-swinging pendulum, becomes intolerable\nsuffering, and prostrates the strongest heroes, without, however, being\naccompanied by any serious danger.\n\nThe following day we reached the Bay of Biscay, and with difficulty\ncut through the long and deep waves, which rolled out from the distant\ncoast. On the morning of the 4th instant, Sunday, very few appeared at\nbreakfast. About eleven o\u2019clock, in spite of the violent motion, we\nassembled for divine service. The English flag, as the most sacred cloth\nin the ship, was spread over the pulpit desk; Herr Lieder preached,\nsimply and well. About four o\u2019clock we saw the Spanish coast for the\nfirst time, in faint, misty outline. The nearer we approached it, the\nwaves gradually fell, for the wind blew off shore. Air, sky, and sea were\nincomparably beautiful. Cape Finisterre, and the adjoining head-lands,\nbecame more clear. We descried several small sailing-vessels along the\ncoast; and all kinds of sea-fowl swarmed round the ship. By degrees, the\nwhole company, even the ladies, collected on deck. The sea became as\nsmooth as the clearest mirror, and we kept the Spanish coast in sight\nthe whole afternoon. The sun descended magnificently into the sea; the\nevening star was soon followed by the whole host of the heavenly stars,\nand a glorious night wrapt around us.\n\nBut now the most splendid spectacle presented itself that I have ever\nseen at sea. The ocean began to lighten up, all the crests of the\nbreaking waves glowed with an emerald-green fire, and a brilliant\ngreenish-white waterfall fell from the paddle-wheels of the vessel, which\nleft in its long wake a broad, light streak in the dark sea. The sides of\nthe vessel, and our downward gazing faces, were lighted up as bright as\nmoonlight, and I was able to read print without any difficulty by this\nwater-fire. When the illuminating matter, which, according to Ehrenberg\u2019s\nresearches, proceeds from infusorial animalcul\u00e6, was most intense, we saw\nflames dancing over the sea, as far as the coast, so that it seemed as\nif we were sailing through a more richly-starred sky than that which was\nabove us. I have frequently observed this illumination of the sea on the\nMediterranean also, but never with such extraordinary brilliancy as on\nthis occasion. The spectacle was quite like enchantment.\n\nSuddenly I observed between the waves new living streaks of fire, which\nradiated from the vessel like two gigantic serpents, and, judging by the\nproportions of the ship, were at least from sixty to eighty feet long;\nthey moved in a deceptive manner, in large windings beside the vessel,\ncrossed the waves, dipped into the foam of the paddle-wheels, reappeared,\nretreated, hurried forward, and finally vanished in the distance. For\na long time I could not explain this phenomenon. I thought of the old\ntales, so frequently repeated, of the huge sea-serpents which have been\nseen from time to time. Nothing could more closely resemble what was\nhere before us. At length it occurred to me that it might however only\nbe fishes running a race with the vessel, and, by their rapid movements,\nbrushing the surface of the luminous sea, they might produce the long\nstreaks of light behind them. Nevertheless, the ocular demonstration\nremained as deceptive as before; I could discover nothing of the dark\nfishes, nor determine their size; but I at length consoled myself by my\nown conjecture.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER II.\n\n\n                                _Alexandria, the 23rd of September, 1842._\n\nI put my last letter into the post in Gibraltar, on the 7th September,\nwhere we employed the few hours which were granted us in viewing the\ncitadel. The African continent lay before us, a light streak on the\nhorizon. Beneath me, apes were clambering on the rocks, the only ones\nin Europe which live in a wild state, and on that account they are\nleft unmolested. In Malta, which we reached on the 11th September, we\nfound the painter Frey, from Basle, whom I had known at Rome. He told\nme first, by word of mouth, that he desired to join in the expedition,\nand had arrived some days before from Naples. We were compelled to wait\nnearly three days for the post from Marseilles. This gave us at least\nan opportunity to visit the wonders of the island; namely, the gigantic\nbuildings discovered, a few years back, near La Valetta, and to make\nsome purchases. Through Lieder, I became acquainted with Gobat, who has\nhitherto managed the Maltese station of the English Missionary Society,\nbut is now waiting for a new destination, as pecuniary circumstances\ncompel the society to give up this station entirely. It gave me great\npleasure to make the acquaintance of this distinguished person.[2]\n\nFrom Malta we were accompanied by the missionary Isenberg, who, like\nGobat, had lived for a long time in Abyssinia, and is also well known to\nlinguists by his grammar of the Amharic language. A young girl from Basle\nwas under his protection\u2014Rosina Dietrich, the bride of the missionary\nKrapf, who has married her here, and is now going to return with her\nand his colleagues, Isenberg and M\u00fchleisen, to the English missionary\nstation in Schoa, by the next Indian steamer. He was married in the\nEnglish chapel, and I was present as a witness at the ceremony, which was\nperformed with simplicity and feeling.\n\nOn our arrival, on the 18th September, we found Erbkam, Ernest\nWeidenbach, and Franke, already here. They had been waiting for us\nseveral days.\n\nMohammed Ali had put to sea with the fleet, as he was impatiently\nexpecting the arrival of Sami Bey, who was to bring him intelligence of\nthe desired reduction of tribute; in place of which, he had received the\nappointment of Grand Vizier.\n\nThe Swedish Consul-General, d\u2019Anastasi, who as the representative of our\nConsul-General Von Wagner, still absent, manages the affairs of Prussia,\nand who enters with zeal into all our interests, presented us to-day to\nthe Viceroy, and we have just returned from the audience. He expressed\nhimself much pleased with the vases, which I delivered to the Pascha in\nthe name of our Sovereign, and he felt himself still more honoured by the\nKing\u2019s letter, of which he immediately ordered a written translation to\nbe made, and perused it with great attention in our presence, and desired\nthat I should be informed that he would give me the answer when we should\nagain leave the country. We were received, and dismissed standing; coffee\nwas handed to us, and he showed us other attentions, some of which were\nafterwards carefully explained to me by d\u2019Anastasi. Boghos Bey, his\nconfidential minister, was the only one present, and remained standing\nall the time. Mohammed Ali appeared to be cheerful, and youthful in his\nactions and conversation; no debility was visible in the features and\nflashing eye of the old man of seventy-three. He spoke with interest of\nhis expeditions up the Nile, and assured us he intended to repeat them,\ntill he should have found the sources of the White River. On my inquiring\nabout his Museum in Cairo, he replied, that it certainly had not hitherto\nbeen very successful, but that frequently, when rapid progress was\nexpected in his enterprises, unjust claims were made on him relative to\nthese matters in Europe; since he was compelled first to obtain a basis\nand foundation, which, with us, had long been prepared. I only cursorily\nalluded to our excavations; and in the course of conversation assumed\nthat he had granted us permission to make them; this I am soon to receive\nin due form.[3]\n\n[Illustration: EGYPT, NUBIA AND THE UPPER NILE\n\nto illustrate the\n\n_LETTERS OF DR. LEPSIUS_.]\n\n\n\n\nLETTER III.\n\n\n                                          _Cairo, the 16th October, 1842._\n\nWe were detained almost fourteen days in Alexandria. The whole time\nwas spent in preparations for our farther journey. I saw the Pascha\nseveral times again, and found him always favourably inclined towards\nour expedition. But we had gained little in a scientific point of view.\nWe visited Pompey\u2019s Pillar, which has nevertheless no connection with\nPompey, but, as we learn by the Greek inscription on the base, was placed\nthere by the Prefect Publius, in honour of the Emperor Diocletian. The\nblocks of the foundation are partly fragments of older buildings; the\nRoyal Ring of the second Psammeticus could still be recognised upon one\nof them.\n\nThe two obelisks, of which the one still standing is called Cleopatra\u2019s\nNeedle, are very much destroyed on the sides which are exposed to the\nweather, and in part have become totally illegible. They were erected\nby THUTMOSIS III., in the sixteenth century before Christ; at a later\nperiod RAMSES MIAMUN has inscribed his name, and still later, on the\noutermost borders of the four sides, another king, who proved to be\nhitherto wholly unknown, and was therefore gladly greeted by me. I must\nalso mention an interesting collection of objects of every sort connected\nwith ethnography and natural history, which was made by Werne, a native\nof Prussia, during the second expedition of the Pascha up the Nile, as\nfar as the White River, in lands till then unknown, and which a few\nmonths previously had been conveyed to Alexandria.[4] It appeared to me\nof such value, and to be so unique in its kind, that I have purchased it\nfor our Museums. While we were still there, it was packed up, ready to be\ndespatched. I think it will be welcome in Berlin.\n\nAt length the Bujurldis (Firman) of the Pascha was ready, and we hastened\nto quit Alexandria. We embarked the same day that I received it (the\n30th September), on the Mahmudieh canal. Darkness surprised us before\nwe had accomplished this first difficult departure. It was nine o\u2019clock\nbefore we drove off from our hotel, on the extensive and beautiful\nFrank-square, in two carriages belonging to M. d\u2019Anastasi, preceded by\nthe customary runners with torches. The gate was opened at the watchword\nthat had been given to us; our baggage had already been conveyed to the\nboat some hours previously on camels, so that we were able to depart very\nsoon after our entrance into the roomy vessel, which I had hired in the\nmorning. The Nile, which we entered at Atfeh, had tolerably high waves,\nas the wind was strong and unfavourable. The usual mode of navigation\nhere, is with two pointed sails, which rise upwards like the wings of a\nbee; these are easily beaten down, by every violent gust of wind, not\nwithout danger, especially in the dark. I therefore granted the sailors\npermission to stop every stormy night.\n\nThe following day, the 2nd of October, we landed at SA EL HAGER to\nvisit the ruins of ancient SAIS, the city of the Psammetici, famous by\nits temple to Minerva. The circular walls of the town, built of bricks\nof Nile earth, and the deserted ruins of the houses, are alone extant;\nthere are no remains of stone buildings with inscriptions. We paced the\ncircumference of the city, and made a simple plan of the locality. The\nAcropolis was situated to the north-west of the town, which is even now\nmarked by tolerably high mounds of rubbish. We spent the night at NEKLEH.\nI have got the great maps of the \u201cDescription de l\u2019Egypte\u201d beside me, on\nwhich we were able to trace almost every step of our excursions. We have\nhitherto found it almost everywhere to be depended upon.\n\nThe 3rd of October we landed on the western bank, to inspect the remains\nof the old Rosetta canal, and spent almost the whole afternoon till\nsunset in examining the ruins of an old town near NAHARIEH. No walls\nare now visible, only mounds of rubbish, yet we found in the houses of\nthe modern town several stones with inscriptions, chiefly built into\ndoor-sills, which had originally belonged to a temple of King Psammeticus\nI. and APRIES (Hophre). The next night we stopped on the western bank at\nTEIRIEH, and landed there the following morning to search for some ruins,\nan hour distant from the bank, but from which we obtained nothing. The\nLibyan desert here for the first time advances quite close to the Nile,\nand presented us with a new and deeply impressive sight.\n\nOn the following morning, we first saw the Great Pyramids of Memphis,\nrising above the horizon; I could not for a long time take my eyes off\nthem. We still continued to sail on the Rosetta arm; about mid-day we\nreached the so-called Cowsbelly, where the Nile divides into its two\nprincipal arms. Now for the first time we were able to survey the noble,\nwonderful river in its whole magnitude, which with its fertilising and\nsweet-tasting water, influences the life and manners of the inhabitants\non its banks like no other river in the world. It usually attains\nits greatest height about the beginning of October. But this year an\ninundation has occurred, such as has not been remembered for generations\npast. A breach in the dams is dreaded, which after the great murrain,\nthat is said to have carried off up to the last week forty thousand head\nof cattle, would cause Egypt to be afflicted a second time this year.\n\nAbout five o\u2019clock in the evening we arrived at BULAQ, the harbour\nof Cairo. We rode at once from the harbour to the town, and made\narrangements for a considerable stay. By-the-by, when we say CAIRO, and\nthe French LA CAIRE, it proceeds from a pure error in language. The town\nis never called anything by the Arabs now, but MASR, and the country the\nsame; that is the old Semetic name, which is more easily pronounced by\nus in the dual termination Mis\u2019raim. It was only in the tenth century,\nwhen the present city was founded, that the modern Masr, by the addition\nEL QAHIREH, that is \u201cthe victorious,\u201d was distinguished from the earlier\nMASR EL ATIQEH, the present Old Cairo. The Italians then omitted the _h_,\nwhich they could not pronounce, mistook the Arabic article EL for their\nmasculine IL, and thus by its termination also, stamped the whole word as\nmasculine.\n\nIt was just the commencement of the Musulmans\u2019 holy fasting month, the\nRamadan, during which they neither take food, nor \u201cdrink smoke or water\u201d\nthe whole day, and receive no visits, but only begin the whole business\nof life after sunset; thus completely changing day and night, which, on\naccount of our Arabian servants, causes us much inconvenience. Our Kawass\n(the Pascha\u2019s guard of honour that had been given us), which had missed\nthe time of our departure from Alexandria, established itself here. As\nour Prussian vice-consul is out of health, I applied to the Austrian\nconsul, M. Champion, to whom I had been warmly recommended by Ehrenberg,\nwith respect to our being presented to the representatives of the Pascha\nat this place. He received us with the greatest politeness and anxiety\nto serve us, and has obtained for us everywhere a good reception. On\nmy official visits, which, on account of the Ramadan, were necessarily\nmade about eight o\u2019clock in the evening, I was usually accompanied by\nErbkam and Bonomi. Our torch-bearers ran before us, then followed on\nasses, first the Dragoman of the consul, and our Pascha\u2019s Kawass, then we\nourselves, in stately procession. We rode almost across the whole town to\nthe Citadel, through the narrow streets, which were filled with Arabs,\nand picturesquely illuminated by our torches, there we first paid a visit\nto Abbas Pascha,[5] a grandson of Mehemet Ali. He is governor of Cairo,\nbut rarely there. From him we went to Scherif Pascha, his representative,\nand then to the minister of war, Ahmet Pascha. We were everywhere\nreceived with great courtesy.\n\nOn the day after our arrival, I received a diploma as honorary member of\nthe older Egyptian Society, from which the younger one, which had already\nforwarded to London the same invitation to me, has separated. Both held\nmeetings during the first days after our arrival, but I was only able\nto attend one of them, in which an interesting paper was read by Krapf,\non certain nations in Central Africa. The accounts were given him by a\nnative of the country of Enarea, who had travelled into the country of\nthe Doko on mercantile business, and describes the people there very much\nas Herodotus describes the Libyan dwarf nation, according to the account\nof the Nasamonians, namely, as composed entirely of little people, about\nthe size of children from ten to twelve years old. We might almost\nimagine that they were speaking of apes. As the geographical notices of\nthe hitherto wholly unknown land of the Doko are also interesting, I had\nthe whole paper copied, in order to send it along with the small map\nwhich belongs to it, to our venerated Ritter.[6]\n\nOn the 13th of October we made our first excursion from this place to\nthe ruins of HELIOPOLIS, the biblical _On_, whence Joseph took his wife\nAsnath, the daughter of a priest. Nothing remains of this highly-praised\ncity, which prided itself in possessing, next to Thebes, the most learned\nbody of priests, but the walls, which now resemble great ramparts of\nearth, and an obelisk still erect, and perhaps in its original site.\nThe peculiar interest of this obelisk is, that it was erected by King\nSESURTESEN I. in the Old Monarchy, about B.C. 2300, and is by far the\nmost ancient of all known obelisks; for the broken one in the Fayoum\nat Crocodilopolis, which bears the name of the same king, is rather a\nlengthened _stele_, or tablet, in the form of an obelisk. Boghos Bey has\nreceived a present of the ground on which the obelisk stands, and has\nlaid out a garden round it. The flowers of the garden have attracted a\nmultitude of bees, and they have been unable to find a more commodious\nhabitation than in the deep and sharply-cut hieroglyphics of the obelisk.\nWithin the space of a twelvemonth, they have covered the inscriptions of\nthe four sides to such a degree, that a great portion of them have now\nbecome quite illegible. They had been, however, previously published,\nand we had little difficulty in our examination, because three sides bear\nthe same inscription, and that on the fourth, also, differs but little.\n\nYesterday, the 15th October, was our king\u2019s birthday, and I had selected\nthis day for the first visit to the Great Pyramids. We would there,\nwith a few friends, commemorate our King and our Fatherland in a joyous\nfestival. We invited the Austrian consul, Champion; the Prussian consul,\nBokty; our learned countryman, Dr. Pruner, and Messrs. Lieder, Isenberg,\nM\u00fchleisen, and Krapf to join our party, some of whom however, were to our\nregret, prevented from attending.\n\nThe morning was beautiful beyond description, fresh and festive. We rode\nin a long procession through the yet quiet city, and through the green\navenues and gardens which are now laid out before it. Wherever, almost,\nthat we met with new and well carried out works, Ibrahim Pascha was named\nto us as their originator. He seems to be doing much in all parts of\nEgypt for the embellishment and improvement of the country.\n\nIt is impossible to describe the scene that met our view when we emerged\nfrom the avenues of date-trees and acacias; the sun rose on the left\nbehind the Moqattam hills, and illuminated the summits of the Pyramids\nin front, which lay before us in the plain like gigantic rock crystals.\nAll were overpowered, and felt the solemn influence of the splendour and\ngrandeur of this morning scene. At Old Cairo we were transported across\nthe Nile to the village of Gizeh, from which the largest Pyramids are\ncalled HARAM EL GIZEH. From this spot, in the dry season, one may ride\nover to the Pyramids, by a straight road, in an hour, or little more. But\nas the inundation now stands at its highest point, we were compelled to\nmake a great circuit on long dams; we came nearly as far up as Saq\u00e2ra,\nand only reached the foot of the greatest Pyramid at the end of five\nhours and a half.\n\nThe unexpected length of the ride gave us an appetite for the simple\nbreakfast which, in order to strengthen us for the ascent of the\ngreatest Pyramid, we partook forthwith in one of the old sepulchral\nchambers; these had been here hewn in the rock, somewhere about five\nthousand years ago, and are now inhabited by some Bedouins. Meantime,\na spacious tent, with decorations of various colours, which I hired in\nCairo, had arrived. I had it pitched on the northern side of the Pyramid,\nand the great Prussian royal standard, the black eagle with the golden\nsceptre, the crown and the blue sword on a white ground, which our\nartists had themselves, during the last few days, sketched, stitched, and\nfastened to a high pole, was planted before the door of the tent.\n\nAbout thirty Bedouins had, in the meanwhile, gathered around us, and\nwaited for the moment when we should ascend the Pyramids, in order to\nraise us, with their strong brown arms, up the steps, which are between\nthree and four feet high. Scarcely had the signal for departure been\ngiven, than immediately each of us was surrounded by several Bedouins,\nwho dragged us up the rough, steep path to the summit, as in a whirlwind.\nA few minutes later, and our flag was unfurled on the summit of the\noldest and highest of human works that is known, and we greeted the\nPrussian eagle with three joyous cheers to our king. Flying towards the\nsouth, the eagle turned his crowned head towards our home in the north,\nfrom which a refreshing wind blew, and diverted the hot rays of the\nmid-day sun from off us. We also looked homewards, and each one thought\naloud, or silently in his heart, of those who loving, and beloved, he had\nleft behind.\n\nThe panoramic view of the landscape spread out at our feet next riveted\nour attention. On the one side the Nile valley, a wide sea of overflowed\nwaters, intersected by long serpentine dams; here and there broken\nby villages rising above its surface like islands, and by cultivated\npromontories filling the whole plain of the valley that extended to the\nopposite Moqattam hills, on whose most northerly point the citadel of\nCairo rises above the town stretched out at their base. On the other\nside, the Libyan desert, a still more wonderful sea of sandy plains and\nbarren rocky hills, boundless, colourless, noiseless, enlivened by no\ncreature, no plants, no trace of the presence of man, not even by tombs;\nand between both, the ruined _Necropolis_, whose general position and\nsimple outline lay spread out clearly and distinctly as on a map.\n\nWhat a spectacle, and what recollections did it call forth! When Abraham\ncame to Egypt for the first time, he saw these very Pyramids, which had\nbeen already built many centuries before his coming. In the plain before\nus lay ancient Memphis, the residence of the kings on whose tombs we\nwere then standing; there dwelt Joseph, and ruled the land under one of\nthe most powerful and wisest Pharaohs of the newly restored Monarchy.\nFarther away, to the left of the Moqattam hills, where the fruitful\nlow ground extends on the eastern arm of the Nile, beyond Heliopolis,\ndistinguished by its Obelisk, begins the blest region of Goshen, out of\nwhich Moses led his people to the Syrian desert. It would not, indeed,\nbe difficult from our position to recognise that ancient fig-tree on the\nroad to Heliopolis, at Matar\u00eeeh, under whose shade, according to the\ntradition of the country, Mary rested with the infant Christ. How many\nthousand pilgrims of all nations have since visited these wonders of\nthe world down to ourselves, who, the youngest in time, are yet but the\npredecessors of many other thousands who will succeed us, ascend these\nPyramids, and contemplate them with astonishment. I will not describe\nany further the thoughts and feelings which agitated me during these\nmoments. There, at the goal of the wishes of many years, and at the\nsame time at the commencement of our expedition; there, at the summit\nof the Cheops-Pyramid, to which the first link of our whole monumental\nhistorical inquiry\u2014not merely for the history of Egypt, but for that of\nthe world\u2014is immoveably attached; there, where I looked down upon the\nwonderful field of tombs, from which the Moses\u2019-wand of science now calls\nforth the shadows of the ancient dead, and causes them to pass before the\nmirror of history, in the order of their time and rank, with their names\nand titles, and with all their peculiarities, customs, and surrounding\naccompaniments.\n\nAfter I had taken an exact survey of the neighbouring tombs, with a view\nto select some points for future excavations, we once more descended\nto the entrance of the Pyramid, and, providing ourselves with lights,\nentered, like miners, the steeply sloping shaft with some guides, and\nreached the gallery, and so-called King\u2019s Chamber, by paths already\nfamiliar to me by drawings. We admired the infinitely fine seams of the\nenormous blocks, and examined the quality of the stones of the passages\nand chambers. In the spacious hall, whose floor, walls, and ceiling, are\nentirely built of granite, and, therefore, return a metallic-sounding\necho, we sang our Prussian hymn, which sounded so powerful and so solemn\nthat our guides afterwards told the remaining Bedouins that we had\nselected the innermost part of the Pyramid to perform divine service and\nutter a loud general prayer. We now visited also the so-called Chamber\nof the Queen, and then quitted the Pyramid, reserving the view of the\nchambers which were more difficult of access for a future and longer\nvisit.\n\nMeantime, our orientally-ornamented tent had been arranged, and a dinner\nwas prepared within it, seasoned by the importance of the festival, of\nwhich only Prussians partook, with the exception of our two English\ncompanions. It need hardly be told that our first toast on this occasion,\nalso, was to the king and his household, and it required no great\neloquence to inspire all hearts.\n\nThe remainder of the day passed in cheerful, festive, and tender\nreminiscences and conversation, till the time for our departure had\narrived. We were still obliged to wait a quarter of an hour after sunset\nto give our servants, our mule-drivers, and other Arabian attendants,\ntime to eat their frugal meal, as, on account of the Ramadan, in spite\nof the heat and labours of the day, they had not yet tasted anything.\nThen the clear, full moon guided us in the cool and silent night across\nthe sea of sand and waters, through villages and palm-groves back to the\ncity, which we did not reach before midnight.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER IV.\n\n\n                 _At the foot of the largest Pyramid, the 2nd Jan., 1843._\n\nStill always here! in full activity since the 9th November, and perhaps\nfor several weeks longer in the new year. But yet, how could I suspect\nfrom the accounts that have hitherto been given by travellers what a\nharvest we had to gather on this spot; here, on the oldest scene of\nall determinable chronological human history. It is strange how little\nthis spot has been examined, though it has been the most frequently\nvisited in Egypt. I will not, however, quarrel with our predecessors,\nas we reap the fruits of their neglect. I have rather been compelled to\nrestrain our desire to see more of this land of wonders, as we shall\nperhaps have to discharge half of our whole task on this spot. Two\ntombs, besides the Pyramids, are conspicuously marked on the best of\nthe earlier maps. Rosellini has only accurately examined one tomb; and\nChampollion says, in his letters: \u201cIl y a peu \u00e0 faire ici, et lorsqu\u2019on\naura copi\u00e9 des sc\u00e8nes de la vie domestique, sculpt\u00e9es dans un tombeau,\nje regagnerai nos embarcations.\u201d We have given forty-five tombs on our\naccurate topographical plan of the whole necropolis, whose occupants\nhave become known to me by their inscriptions, and altogether I have\nrecorded eighty-two, which seemed worthy of notice, by their inscriptions\nor by other peculiarities.[7] Few of them belong to later times; almost\nall of them were built during, or shortly after, the erection of the\ngreat Pyramids, and therefore afford us an invaluable series of dates\nfor the knowledge of the oldest determinable civilisation of the human\nrace. The architecture of that period, about which I formerly could\nonly offer conjectures,[8] is now clearly developed before me. We have\nthus early presented to us almost all the different component parts of\narchitecture; sculptures of entire figures, of all sizes, in alto-relievo\nand basso-relievo, are presented in astonishing numbers. The style\nis very marked, and beautifully executed, but it is evident that the\nEgyptians of that time did not yet possess that canon of proportions\nwhich we find prevailing at a later period.[9]\n\nThe painting on a very fine coating of lime is often beautiful beyond\nconception, and is sometimes preserved as fresh and perfect as if it had\nbeen done yesterday. The representations on the walls chiefly contain\nscenes from the life of the deceased, and appear especially intended\nto place before the eyes of the spectator his wealth in cattle, fish,\ngame, boats, domestics, &c. We thus become familiar with all the details\nof his private life. The numerous inscriptions describe or designate\nthese scenes, or they exhibit the often widely-branching family of the\ndeceased, and all his titles and offices, so that I could almost compose\na court and state calendar of King Cheops, or Chephren. The most splendid\ntombs or rock-sepulchres belonged principally to the princes, their\nrelatives, or the highest official persons under the kings beside whose\nPyramids they are laid; and not unfrequently, I have found the tombs of\nfather, son, and grandson, even great grandson, so that whole pedigrees\nof those distinguished families, who, above 5000 years ago, formed the\nnobility of the land, are brought to light. The most beautiful of the\ntombs, which, with many others, I myself discovered beneath the sand,\nwhich here buries all things, belongs to a prince of the family of King\nCheops.\n\nI am now employing daily from forty to sixty people in excavations and\nsimilar works. I have also made them dig in front of the great Sphinx,\nto disclose the small temple which is situated between its paws, and to\nexpose the colossal stele of a single block of granite, eleven feet high\nand seven feet broad, which forms the back wall of the little temple,\nand which is still covered up with sand to nearly its entire height. It\nis one of the few monuments here from the times of the great Pharaohs of\nthe New Monarchy, after the expulsion of the Hyksos; I have had a plaster\ncast taken of it.\n\nThe Egyptian winter is not always so spring-like as is sometimes imagined\nin Europe. About sunrise, when all hasten to their work, we have already\nhad it +5\u00b0 R. (43\u00bc Fahr.), so that the sketchers could hardly use their\nfingers.\n\nThe winter season began here with a scene which will always be vividly\nremembered by me. I had ridden out to the excavations, when seeing a\nlarge black cloud approaching, I sent a servant to the tents, to take\ncare of them, but as it began to rain slightly, I soon rode after him\nmyself. Shortly after my arrival a storm of wind began; I therefore\nordered the cords of the tents to be secured, but soon a violent shower\nof rain came in addition, which alarmed all our Arabs, and drove them\ninto the rock-tomb, in which is our kitchen. Erbkam and Franke were the\nonly ones of our own party here. Suddenly the storm became a regular\nhurricane, such as I had never witnessed in Europe, and a hailstorm came\ndown on us, which almost turned the day into night. I had the greatest\ntrouble to drive our Arabs out of the grotto, that they might bring our\nthings to the rock-tombs, where it was dry, as every moment we might\nexpect the overthrow of the tents. And it was not long before first our\ncommon tent fell down, and when I had hastened from that into my own, in\norder to hold it from the inside, this also broke down above me. After I\nhad crawled out, I found that my things were tolerably well covered by\nthe tent, so that for the present I might leave them alone, to prevent\na still greater danger. Our tents, protected from the worst winds, the\nnorth and west, lay in a depression of the valley, towards which the\nplateau of the Pyramids inclines. From that place I suddenly saw a rapid\nmountain torrent precipitating, like a gigantic serpent on its certain\nprey, upon our encampment, already half destroyed and beaten into the\nsand. The principal stream first dashed towards the great tent; another\narm threatened mine, but did not however quite reach it. Everything,\nhowever, which had been floated out of our tents by the heavy rain was\ncarried off by both streams, which united below the tents, and was borne\na hundred steps farther into a deep hollow behind the Sphinx, where a\ngreat lake, which fortunately had no outlet, formed itself in a moment.\n\nNow picture to yourself this scene! Our tents shattered to the ground by\nthe storms of rain and hail, between two mountain torrents, which at once\ndug out a channel for themselves in the sandy ground, in several places\nsix feet deep, and carried down with them into the muddy, foam-covered,\nslimy lake, our books, drawings, sketches, linen, instruments of all\nkinds, even our levers and iron crows, in short everything they laid hold\non. In addition to this, we ourselves, with dripping clothes, without\nhats, securing the heavier articles, pursuing the lighter ones, wading\nup to the waist in the stream or lake, to fish out what the sand had not\nyet swallowed, and all this the work of a quarter of an hour, at whose\nexpiration the sun forthwith shone again, and proclaimed the end of this\ndeluge scene by a splendid and brilliant rainbow.\n\nIt was difficult to see at once what we had lost, and where we had to\nbegin, to bring things again into some order. Both the Weidenbachs and\nFrey had gazed, from the tombs where they were working, upon the whole\nscene, as a magnificent natural spectacle, not suspecting what we had\nexperienced here, till I sent for them to assist us immediately in\npreparing for the approaching night. For several days we continued to\nfish and dig for our things. Many were lost, much had become useless;\nthe greater part of what was not enclosed in chests and trunks bore more\nor less traces of this flood. After all, however, nothing essential\nwas destroyed. I had first placed in safety the great portfolios, with\nmy manuscripts and books; in short, a few days afterwards, the whole\naffair only seemed to me a remarkable picture, which I should be sorry to\nforget, without leaving any disagreeable consequences behind it.\n\nSince then, we have often had to suffer from violent winds, which\nsometimes fill the air for several days together with sand, to such a\ndegree, as to be annoying to the lungs; it entirely prevents painting\nwith colours, and covers the drawing and writing-paper incessantly with\na most disagreeable and constantly renewed coat of dust. This fine sand\npenetrates all our clothes, enters every box, even those which close most\nperfectly, fills nose, ears, and hair, and is the unavoidable ingredient\nof all food, solid and liquid.\n\n_5th January._\u2014On the evening of the first Christmas holiday, I surprised\nmy companions by a great fire, which I had caused to be lighted on the\nsummit of the highest Pyramid. The flame illuminated both the other\nPyramids splendidly, as well as the whole field of tombs, and shone quite\nacross the valley as far as Cairo. That was indeed a Christmas Pyramid!\nI only let Abeken into the secret, who, with his constantly cheerful\ntemper, and his intellectual and instructive conversation, had happily\njoined us on the 10th December. With his assistance I then prepared a\nspecial Christmas-tree for the following day, in the King\u2019s Chamber of\nthe Great Pyramid. We planted a young palm-tree in the sarcophagus of\nthe ancient king, and adorned it with lights, and small presents, which\nI had ordered from the town for us children of the desert. St. Sylvester\nmust have his share of honours also. At twelve o\u2019clock on New-year\u2019s\nEve immense flames rose simultaneously at midnight from the three great\nPyramids, and proclaimed the changes of the Christian year, far and wide,\nto the Islamite provinces at their base.\n\nI consider it to be a useful mental regimen to our party that their\ntedious and monotonous labours, more especially those of our artists,\nshould be relieved not by the weekly holiday of Sunday only, but also as\noften as there are opportunities, by cheerful festivities and agreeable\ndiversions. Nor has the slightest discord hitherto disturbed the happy\ndisposition and the good-humour of our confederation, which daily\nacquires fresh elasticity, both from the abundance of new impressions\nthat we receive, and from the mutual reciprocation of the different\nnatures and talents, as by overcoming the manifold difficulties and\nhardships of this Bedouin life itself.\n\nYou may judge of the variety of the elements of which our assembled\nparty is composed, by the Babel of languages in which we continually\nmove; the English language is competently represented by our companions,\nWild and Bonomi; French and Italian serve for our intercourse with\nthe authorities, with strangers and Levantine interpreters. We give\norders, eat, and travel, in Arabic, and we reflect, talk, sing, and\nlive, in good German. But during the day we usually all live separate,\nand uninterruptedly each at his own work. We take our coffee before\nsunrise, and our dinner after sunset; and breakfast during work. Thus our\ndraughtsmen have already been enabled to supply our swelling portfolios\nwith a hundred great folio sheets, cleanly executed, partly in pencil,\npartly in colours.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER V.\n\n\n                              _The Pyramids of Gizeh, 17th January, 1843._\n\nThe inscription which was composed in celebration of the king\u2019s birthday\nhas now become a stone monumental tablet, in the fashion of the old\nsteles and Proskynemata,[10] and its contents are as follows; the nearer,\nindeed, it approaches the manner of the Egyptians, the less appropriate\nis it in German:\n\n\u201cThus speak the servants of the King, whose name is the SUN AND ROCK\nOF PRUSSIA, Lepsius the scribe, Erbkam the architect, the Brothers\nWeidenbach the painters, Frey the painter, Franke the moulder, Bonomi\nthe sculptor, Wild the architect: All hail to the Eagle, THE PROTECTOR\nOF THE CROSS, to the KING THE SUN AND ROCK OF PRUSSIA, to the Son of the\nSun,[11] who freed his Fatherland, Frederick William the Fourth, the\nPhilopator, the Father of his Country, the Gracious One, the Favourite\nof Wisdom and History, the Guardian of the Rhine, whom Germany has\nchosen, the Dispenser of Life. May the Most high God grant the King, and\nhis Consort, the Queen Elizabeth, the Rich in Life, the Philometor, the\nMother of her Country, the Gracious One, an ever new and long life on\nEarth, and a blessed habitation in Heaven through all Eternity. In the\nyear of our Saviour, 1842, in the tenth month, on the fifteenth day, on\nthe forty-seventh Birthday of his Majesty, on the Pyramid of King Cheops;\nin the third year, in the fifth month, on the ninth day of the reign of\nhis Majesty; in the year 3164 from the commencement of the Sothis period\nunder the King Menepthes.\u201d\n\nWe left behind us the hieroglyphic inscription engraved on stone and\npainted with oil colour, occupying a space five feet broad and four feet\nhigh. The stone, specially polished and prepared for the purpose, is\nplaced at a considerable height near the entrance into the Pyramid of\nCheops.\n\nIt seemed to me fitting, that while the members of the Prussian\nexpedition dedicated this tablet to the much-honoured Prince by whom they\nwere sent hither, they should at the same time, for the sake of future\ntravellers, leave behind them some traces of their activity on this field\nof Pyramids, where it was reserved for them to gather together the rich\nmaterials for the first chapter of the Scientific History of Nations.\n\nDo not, however, believe that these are the important works which detain\nus here so long. Our journey has this advantage over previous ones\u2014that\nspots like this are entitled to occupy us until they have been thoroughly\nransacked. We already know that even the gigantic and magnificent ruins\nof the Theban plain can reveal nothing which can equal in interest the\nMemphitic times of the Old Monarchy.\n\nWe must, indeed, one day depart; but it will even then be with the\nconviction that we leave an infinite amount of interesting materials\nbehind, which might still be obtained. I had already resolved on our\ndeparture several days ago, when suddenly a series of tombs, different\nin architecture, and in the style of the figures and hieroglyphics, with\nother titles, and besides, as was to be expected, with other _kings\u2019\nnames_, again disclosed a new epoch.\n\nIt is still by no means conclusive how much has been gained in an\nhistorical point of view, or, at any rate, it is but dimly discerned,\nI was, however, in the right when, even in Europe, I proposed to\nreconstruct the 3rd Dynasty from the monuments. I have not yet found\na single Shield which could be safely placed before the 4th Dynasty.\nIt appears that the builders of the great Pyramids desired to assert\ntheir rights, to having formed the commencement of monumental history,\nalthough it is as clear as day that they were not the first to build and\nto inscribe their monuments. We have even now found many kings\u2019 names\nhitherto unknown, and variations of other names; thus:\n\n  \ud80c\udf79\ud80d\udc3c\ud80c\udc93\ud80c\udc93\ud80c\uddcb\ud80d\udc3d\ud80c\udf7a KEKA.\n\n  \ud80c\udf79\ud80d\udc3c\ud80c\udd43\ud80c\uddcb\ud80d\udc31\ud80c\udc93\ud80c\udd71\ud80d\udc3d\ud80c\udf7a HERAKU.\n\n  \ud80c\udf79\ud80d\udc3c\ud80c\udd71\ud80c\udd0a\ud80d\udc31\ud80c\udef4\ud80c\udc93\ud80c\udd91\ud80d\udc3d\ud80c\udf7a USESKEF.\n\n  \ud80c\udf79\ud80d\udc3c\ud80c\udd9b\ud80c\ude16\ud80c\uddcb\ud80d\udc3d\ud80c\udf7a ANA.\n\nThe name which I had hitherto read AMCHURA, in the detailed and painted\ninscriptions, which throw no inconsiderable light on the figurative\nmeaning of the hieroglyphical images, exhibits a decidedly different sign\nfrom the well-known group \ud80c\uddcb\ud80c\udf33\ud80c\udd2a\ud80d\udc30\ud80d\udc0d\ud80c\udd71 AMCHU, namely [Illustration] about the\npronunciation of which I am still in the dark.\n\nThere is nothing to alter with respect to the assignment of the great\nPyramids. It cannot be doubted, after our researches, that the second\nPyramid really belongs to Schafra (more correctly Chafra, the Chephyren\nof Herodotus), as the first does to Chufu (Cheops), and the third to\nMenkera (Mykerinos, Mencherinos). I think I have now discovered the\npathway up from the valley to the second Pyramid; it led directly to\nits temple, past the Sphinx, but it was probably destroyed at an early\nperiod. The number also of the Pyramids continues to increase. I have\nfound three, in ABU ROASCH, in place of one hitherto known, and two\nfields of tombs. Two Pyramids once stood also at ZAUIET EL ARRIAN, a\nvillage which has now almost disappeared, and there is a great field of\nruins adjoining to it. The careful researches, measurements, and notes\nof Perring, in his beautiful work on the Pyramids, save us much time and\ntrouble. We are thus the more able to direct our attention to the private\ntombs, and their hieroglyphical representations, such as are wholly\nwanting in the Pyramids. But nothing is yet determined, nothing is ripe\nfor definitive arrangement, though wide prospects open before us. Our\nportfolios swell; many things have been cast in plaster, and among them\nthe great stele between the paws of the colossal Sphinx from the first\nyear of Tuthmosis IV.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER VI.\n\n\n                              _The Pyramids of Gizeh, 17th January, 1843._\n\nI have ordered ten camels to be here to-morrow evening, that we may start\nfor Cairo the day after to-morrow, before sunrise, with the original\nmonuments and plaster casts, of which we have already collected a\nconsiderable number, and we shall deposit them there, till our return\nfrom the South. This will be the commencement of our departure for\nSaq\u00e2ra. A series of tombs, only recently discovered, belonging to the\nDynasties which immediately succeed that of Cheops, has already delayed\nour departure once. The 5th Dynasty, which in Africanus appears as the\nElephantine Collateral Dynasty, and as such was not to be expected here,\nnow lies complete before us, and in substance such as I already had\nconstructed it in Europe. The gaps have been filled up with three kings,\nwhose names were hitherto unknown. At the same time, several kings,\nwho had hitherto been merely visionary, were added to the 7th and 8th\nDynasties, from which we had hitherto obtained no monumental names. The\nreference to the 5th Dynasty as the immediate successor of the 4th, is\nof invaluable importance, and would in itself alone richly repay us for\nour residence of many months in this place. We are still always occupied\nwith buildings, sculptures, and inscriptions, which by the Royal Rings\nbeing more exactly defined, will be placed in a flourishing epoch of\ncivilisation, between _three_ and _four thousand_ years before Christ.\nThese numbers, hitherto so incredible, cannot be too frequently called to\nthe remembrance of ourselves and others; the more criticism is thereby\nchallenged, and compelled to make earnest researches on the subject, so\nmuch the better for the cause. Conviction will immediately follow in\nthe steps of stimulated criticism, and we shall then at length approach\nthe results which are connected with it in all branches of antiquarian\nresearch.\n\nA roll of papers will be sent to you along with this letter, which\ncontains several drawings, that we have taken from the sepulchral\nchambers in this place. They are excellent samples of the oldest\nArchitecture, Sculpture, and Painting which the history of art can\nproduce, and the most beautiful and best preserved that we have found\non the whole field of tombs. I hope that we shall one day see these\nsepulchral chambers arranged in perfect order in the New Museum in\nBerlin. That indeed would be the fairest trophy that we could carry\nout of Egypt. Their transport will certainly be attended with some\ndifficulties, for you will easily see by their dimensions that ordinary\nmeans would not in this case be sufficient. I have, therefore, as a\npreliminary step, written a letter direct to his Majesty the King,\nand inquired whether it would not be possible to send a vessel here\nexpressly for this purpose, either next year, or at the conclusion of\nour expedition, with workmen and implements, to take these monuments to\npieces in a more skilful manner than we are capable of doing, and to\nbring them, with the other collections, to Berlin.\n\nSix of the subjoined sheets contain drawings of a sepulchral chamber,\nwhich I myself discovered beneath the sand, and whose colours are\npreserved almost as fresh and perfect as you see them in the drawing.[12]\nIt belongs to a Prince Merhet, and as he was a priest of CHUFU (CHEOPS),\nand as he had called one of his sons CHUFU-MER-NUTERU, and possessed\neight villages, the names of which are combined with that of Chufu, and\nas the situation of the tomb is on the western side of the Pyramid of\nChufu, and the style of the representations are in perfect keeping with\nit, it is more than probable that Merhet was a son of Chufu, from which\ncircumstance all the representations become still more interesting. This\nprince was at the same time superintendent of all the royal buildings,\ntherefore he filled the office of \u201cChief of the Board of Works\u201d\n(Oberhofbaurath), a high and important position at that period of most\nmagnificent buildings, which we have frequently seen occupied by princes\nand royal relatives. We may therefore conjecture, that he also himself\nsuperintended the building of the largest Pyramid. Is not this alone\nsufficient to justify the attempt to transfer the beautifully-constructed\nsepulchral chamber of this princely architect to Berlin, which otherwise\nwill, sooner or later, be destroyed by the Arabs, and be used to build\ntheir ovens, or be burnt in their lime-kilns? There, it would at least\nbe preserved, and be accessible to the admiration or the study of those\nwho are eager after knowledge, so long as European art and science teach\nus to value such monuments. To reconstruct it, a space must be left\nperfectly free of 6 m. 30, (19 feet 8 inches) in breadth, 4 m. 60, (15\nfeet) in height, and 3 m. 80, (12 feet 5\u00bd inches) in depth, and this\nmight surely be reserved for it in the New Museum.[13]\n\nI observe, that such chambers form only a small portion of the entire\nstructure of the tomb, and were not intended for the reception of the\nmummy. The tomb of Prince Merhet is above 70 feet long, 45 broad, and 15\nhigh. It is solidly constructed of great square stones, with slanting\nouter surfaces. The chamber is alone left vacant, and one, or, as in\nthis instance, two square shafts, leads from the flat roof through the\nbuilding down to the living rock; at the bottom of which, about 60 feet\ndeep, rock-chambers open at the side, in which the sarcophagi were\ndeposited. I have carefully preserved the venerable remains of the skull\nof the ancient prince of the house of Cheops, which I found in his mummy\nchamber. We found, alas! little more, as this tomb also, like most of the\nothers, had been long ago broken open. The entrance originally was closed\nby a slab of stone. The chamber above ground alone remained accessible\nat all times, and was therefore ornamented with representations and\ninscriptions. Here the sacrifices offered to the dead were brought to the\noccupant of the tomb. It was generally dedicated to the worship of the\ndeceased, and so far corresponded to the temple that was erected before\nevery pyramid belonging to a king, for his worship. Like those temples,\nthese chambers have also their entrance always from the east. The shafts,\nlike the Pyramids, lie behind, to the west, because the deceased was\nbelieved to be in the west, whither he had gone with the setting sun, to\nthe Osiris of Amente.\n\nThe seventh sheet finally, contains two pillars, and their architrave,\nfrom the tomb of a royal relative, who was at the same time the prophet\nof four kings, and whose name was Ptah-nefru-be-u. The tomb was\nconstructed later than that of Prince Merhet, in the fifth Manethonic\nDynasty. It belongs to an entire group of tombs, whose architectonic\nplan and connection with one another is very remarkable, and which I\nhave, therefore, completely divested of sand, and brought to the light of\nday, while previously neither the entrance, nor anything but the extreme\nsummit of the outermost encircling walls, were visible.\n\nI also send you the whole plan of this tomb, besides one of those\ncontiguous to it, but I think I shall only bring away with me the\narchitrave, and the beautifully painted pillars of the most southern\nchamber, which can be easily removed. On the architrave appears the name\nand titles of the deceased, who is also represented at full length on\nthe four lateral faces of the pillars. AMI, the father of the deceased,\nappears on the front sides of the northern pillars; ASESKEF-ANCH, his\ngrandfather, on that of the southern. The pillars are twelve feet high,\nslender, and as usual, without capitals, but with the abacus.\n\nI have entirely isolated the whole chamber at the tomb of Prince Merhet;\nbut for the present I have relinquished the idea of taking it to pieces,\nas this is not the most favourable season for its removal. I have\ntherefore caused this tomb, as well as the other, to be refilled with\nsand; and when I arrive at Cairo to-morrow, I shall obtain an order, to\nprevent any of the tombs that have been opened by us, from being robbed\nof their stones. It is really revolting to see how long lines of camels\nfrom the neighbouring villages come here daily, and march off again,\nloaded with building stones. Fortunately\u2014for is not everything for the\nbest\u2014the accommodating Fellahs are more attracted by the Psammetic tombs,\nthan by those belonging to the most ancient Dynasties, in which the great\nblocks are not sufficiently manageable. I begin, however, to have more\nserious fears for the tombs of the 5th and 7th Dynasties, which have been\nbuilt with stones of a more moderate size. Yesterday a beautiful standing\npillar, covered with inscriptions, which was just going to be sketched,\nwas overturned by the robbers behind our backs. They do not seem to have\nsucceeded in breaking it to pieces. The people here are so degenerate\nthat their strength is quite insufficient, with all their assiduity, to\ndestroy what their great predecessors have erected.\n\nA few days ago, we found a small obelisk erect, in its original position,\nin a tomb from the commencement of the 7th Dynasty. It is only a few feet\nhigh, but in good preservation, and with the name of the occupant of the\ntomb inscribed upon it. This form of monument, which is first conspicuous\nin the New Monarchy, is thus removed several Dynasties farther back in\nthe Old Monarchy, even than the Obelisk of Heliopolis.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER VII.\n\n\n                                           _Saq\u00e2ra, the 18th March, 1843._\n\nA short time ago, I made an excursion with Abeken and Bonomi to the more\ndistant Pyramids of Lischt and Meid\u00fbm. The last especially interested\nme extremely, as it has solved in a general manner some enigmas in the\nstructure of the Pyramids, which had long occupied my mind.[14] As an\nexception to the general rule, it lies almost in the lower plain, in the\nimmediate neighbourhood of Bahr Jussuf, and is only just removed out of\nreach of the inundation; but it rises up so high and stately from the\nflat surface of the surrounding country, that it attracts notice even\nfrom a great distance. Its square, sharp-angled tower-like centre, which\ndiminishes slightly at the summit, namely, at an angle of 74\u00b0, rises\nfrom an envelopment of rubbish, which surrounds it almost half-way up,\nto the height of 120 feet. Another hundred feet higher, there succeeds a\nplatform, from which rises a more slender tower of moderate height, in\nthe same angle, which again, in the centre of its flat upper surface,\nbears the remains of a third elevation. The walls of the principal tower\nare for the most part smoothly polished, but have stripes at intervals\nthat have been left rough, the cause of which are first appeared almost\ninexplicable; but on more minute examination, I also found in the\ninterior of the half-destroyed building which surrounds the base, some\nrising walls that were smooth, and having the same angle as the tower; in\nfront of these, again lay other walls, which followed one upon another\nlike scales. At length it occurred to me that the whole building had\nproceeded from a small Pyramid, which had been erected in stages of about\nforty feet high, and then first increased and heightened simultaneously\non all sides, by superimposed coverings of stone, from fifteen to twenty\nfeet in breadth, till at length the great steps were filled up so as to\nform one common flat side, giving the usual pyramidal form to the whole.\n\nThis gradual growth explains the enormous magnitude of particular\nPyramids, beside so many other smaller ones. Each king began the building\nof his Pyramid as soon as he ascended the throne; he only designed a\nsmall one, to ensure himself a complete tomb, even were he destined to\nbe but a few years upon the throne. But with the advancing years of his\nreign, he increased it by successive layers, till he thought that he was\nnear the termination of his life. If he died during the erection, then\nthe external covering was alone completed, and the monument of death\nfinally remained proportionate to the duration of the life of the king.\nIf, in the course of centuries, all the other conditions which determine\nour calculations had equally remained, then, as by the rings of a tree,\nwe might even now have been able to calculate the years in the reigns of\nparticular kings, by the coatings of the Pyramids.\n\nOn the other hand, the great enigma of the bearded giant Sphinx still\nremains unsolved! When, and by whom, was the colossal statue erected, and\nwhat was its signification? We must leave the reply to more fortunate\nsuccessors. It is almost half-covered up with sand, and the granite\nstele, above eleven feet high, which stands between the paws, and which\nin itself forms the back wall of a small temple, which is here inserted,\nwas totally invisible. Even the immense excavations made by Caviglia, in\nthe year 1818, had long disappeared, so as not to leave a trace behind.\nBy means of between sixty to eighty persons labouring for whole days\ntogether, we almost reached the base of the stele, a drawing of which I\ncaused immediately to be made, as well as an impression on paper, and\nalso a plaster cast, in order to set it up one day in Berlin. This stele,\non which the Sphinx is itself represented, was erected by TUTHMOSIS IV.,\nand dates from the first year of his reign. Thus, he must have found\nthe Colossus already there. We are accustomed to regard the Sphinx, in\nEgypt, as a portrait of the king, and generally indeed, for that of a\nparticular king, whose features it is said to represent; therefore, with\nthe single exception, as far as I am aware, of one female sphinx, which\nrepresents the wife of King Horus, they are always andro-sphinxes. In the\nhieroglyphic written character, the Sphinx is called NEB (the Lord), and\nforms _e. g._ the middle syllable in the name of the King NECTANEBUS.\n\nBut what king does our Colossus represent? He stands in front of the\nsecond Pyramid, that of Schafra (Chephren), not exactly in the axis, yet\nparallel with the sides of the temple, which stands before it, and in\nsuch a manner, as if the rock beside the Sphinx on the northern side was\nintended as its counterpart. Sphinxes, rams, statues, and obelisks, used\nbesides always to stand in former times in pairs before the entrances\nof the temples. But what a powerful impression would have been made on\nthe approaching worshipper by two such giant watchmen, between which the\nancient pathway led up to the Temple of Chephren. They would have been\nworthy of that period of vast colossal monuments, and in due proportion\nwith the Pyramid which rises up behind. I cannot deny that this connexion\nwould be most satisfactory to me. What other motive would have induced\nthe Theban kings of the 18th Dynasty, who are alone to be thought of\nin the New Monarchy, to adorn the Memphitic Field of Death with such a\nwonder of the world, if entirely unconnected with what surrounds it. In\naddition to this, upon the steles of Tuthmosis, the name of King CHEPHREN\nis inscribed in a line, which farther on is almost entirely broken away;\na portion of his Name-Shield, unfortunately quite isolated, has been\nstill preserved, therefore undoubtedly it had some sort of reference to\nthe builder of the Pyramid which is situated behind it.\n\nOn the other hand, indeed, the question arises: If King Chephren was\nrepresented here, why does not the image bear his name? It is rather\ndesignated as HAREM-CHU (Horus in the Horizon), that is, as the image of\nthe Sun-god, the emblem of all kings, and also HARMACHIS in one of the\nGreek inscriptions which have been found in front of the Sphinx. It does\nnot appear to me altogether improbable that Pliny\u2019s fable is founded on\nthis, who makes a King Amasis (Armasis) be buried in the Sphinx;[15] for\nwe surely cannot suppose it was a real sepulchre. Another consideration\nto be borne in mind is that I have not in general met with the image of\nthe Sphinx in that oldest period of the builders of the Pyramids; yet too\nmuch stress need not be laid on this; the form of the Sphinx is not often\nfound, even in inscriptions or representations, in the New Monarchy. In\nshort, the true \u0152dipus is still wanting for this king of all sphinxes.\nHe who can clear away the inexhaustible sand-flood which is again burying\nthat very field of tombs, and who can expose to view the base of the\nSphinx, the ancient pathway to the temple, and the surrounding hills,\nmight soon venture to decide this question.\n\nThe enigmas of history are in this land associated with many enigmas and\nwonders in nature, which I must not leave wholly unnoticed. I must at\nleast describe to you the most recent.\n\nI had descended into a mummy-pit with Abeken, that we might open some\nsarcophagi we had discovered, and I was not a little astonished, on\nstepping out, to find myself in an actual snow-storm of locusts, which\nalmost darkening the sky, moved above our heads in hundreds of thousands\nfrom the desert in the south-west towards the valley. I fancied it was\na single flight, and in haste called the others out of the tombs, that\nthey might witness the Egyptian wonder before it had passed away. But\nthe flight continued, indeed the workmen said, it had even begun an hour\npreviously. We now observed for the first time, that the whole country,\nfar and wide, was covered with locusts. I sent a servant into the desert\nto find out the breadth of the flight. He ran for about a quarter of an\nhour, then returned, and said that still as far as he had been able to\nsee, he could discover no termination. I rode home, still in the midst\nof the storm of locusts. They fell down in heaps on the border of the\nfruitful plain; and so it lasted the whole day through, till evening,\nand so on the next, from morning till night, to the third, indeed to\nthe sixth day, and even longer, but in less numerous flights. The day\nbefore yesterday, a storm of rain seems for the first time to have beaten\ndown the rear-guard, and destroyed them in the desert. The Arabs make\ngreat smoking fires in their fields, they rattle and scream all day\nlong to protect their crops from the unexpected invasion. But it will\navail them little. These millions of graminivorous winged insects cover\neven the adjacent sandy plain like a new living vegetation, to such a\ndegree, that scarcely anything is to be seen of the ground; and when\nthey swarm up from any point, they fall down again on whatever is in\nthe immediate neighbourhood; exhausted by their long journey, in their\neagerness they fill their hollow stomachs, and, as if conscious of their\nenormous numbers, they appear to have lost even all fear of their natural\nenemies, man, animals, smoke, and noise. But what is most wonderful to\nme, is their origin from the naked desert, and the instinct which has\nled them from some oasis across the inhospitable sandy sea, to the rich\npastures of the Nile valley. The last time that this land-plague of\nEgypt exhibited itself to a similar extent was above fourteen years ago.\nThe people say that it is sent by the comet which we have observed in\nthe south-west for the last twelve days, and which now, in the hours of\nevening, since it is no longer outshone by the moon, again stretches its\nmagnificent tail of fire across the heavens. The zodiacal light, which is\nso rarely seen in the north, has also been visible of late almost every\nevening.\n\nI have only now been enabled completely to conclude my account with\nGizeh, and to combine the historical results. I have every reason to\nrejoice over it; the 4th and 5th Dynasties are completed, with the\nexception of one king. I have just received the somewhat illegible\ndrawing of a stone which has been built into a wall in the village of\nAbusir, representing a series of kings of the 4th and 5th Dynasties upon\ntheir thrones, and, as it appears, in chronological order. I intend to\nride there myself to see the original.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER VIII.\n\n\n                                           _Saq\u00e2ra, the 13th April, 1843._\n\nI hasten to communicate to you an event which I should not like you to\nhear for the first time from other quarters, perhaps with alterations\nand exaggerations. Our camp, a few days ago, was attacked and plundered\nduring the night by an armed band; yet none of our party were seriously\ninjured, and nothing that is irreparable was lost. The affair therefore,\nis over, and the consequences may only prove a useful lesson to us. But I\nmust first go back several days in my journal.\n\nOn the 3rd of April, his R.H. Prince Albert (of Prussia) returned to\nCairo from Upper Egypt. The following day I visited the city, and laid\nbefore the prince a portion of our labours, in which he especially took\na lively interest as he had already seen more of this land of wonders\nthan we ourselves, and the field of Pyramids alone he had still left\nunvisited. On his first arrival in Cairo, I was absent on an excursion of\nseveral days to the Fai\u00fbm, with Abeken and Bonomi. The prince returned\nat the very time of the celebration of some of the chief festivals of\nthe Mahometans, which, had he not been there, I should probably have\nneglected to attend. On the 6th, the entrance of the returning caravan\nof pilgrims from Mecca was welcomed by a solemn festival, and, some days\nlater, the birthday of the Prophet, \u201cMULID E\u2019 NEBBI,\u201d was celebrated,\none of the most original feasts of the entire East. The principal actors\nin it are dervishes, who spend the day in processions, and perform\ntheir horribly extatic dances, called _sikrs_, in the evening, in tents\nilluminated by coloured lamps, which are erected in the avenues of\nthe Ezbek\u00eeeh. Between thirty and forty of this religious sect place\nthemselves in a circle, and, keeping time, begin first slowly, then\ngradually more vehemently, to throw the upper part of their bodies, which\nare naked, backwards and forwards into the most violent distortions, like\npeople who are possessed. At the same time, they ejaculate in a rhythm,\nwith a loud screaming voice, their Prophet\u2019s saying, LA ILAHA ILL\u2019 ALLAH\n(\u201cThere is no God but Allah\u201d), which, gradually stammered out lower and\nmore feebly, is finally almost rattled in the throat, till at length,\ntheir strength being entirely exhausted, some fall down, others withdraw\nreeling, and the broken circle is, after a short pause, replaced by\nanother.\n\nWhat a fearful, barbarous worship, which the astonished multitude,\ngreat and small, people of condition and those of inferior rank,\ncontemplate with seriousness or in stupid veneration, and in which they\nthemselves not unfrequently take an active part. The god who is appealed\nto is evidently much less the object of adoration than the appealing,\nraptured saints themselves; for the crazy and the simple, or men and\nwomen who are physically disordered in other ways, are very generally\nheld sacred by the Mahometans, and are treated with great reverence. It\nis the demoniacal force in nature, acting without being comprehended,\nand therefore regarded with fear, which is worshipped by the natural\nman wherever he perceives it, because he feels that it is connected\nwith, yet not under the control of his mental faculties; first, in the\nmighty elements, then in the wonderful instincts of animals\u2014to us dark,\nyet subject to a law; finally, in the still more exciting, extatic, or\ngenerally abnormal psychological conditions of his own race. We must\nindeed, regard the Egyptian worship of animals\u2014in as far as it was not\nmerely a symbolic embodiment of deeper and more refined ideas\u2014as resting\non the same basis of a universal worship of nature; and the adoration\npaid to men with disordered intellects, which appears occasionally in\nother nations also, may be considered as a remarkable offset from that\ntendency. Whether such conditions really exist at the present time, or\nwhether, as among the dervishes, it is produced artificially, and is\nintentionally cherished, will not be detected by the multitude; and\nbesides, for the individual case, it is indifferent. An uncomfortable\nfeeling of fear creeps over us in such a neighbourhood, and we feel it\nnecessary to avoid uttering any expressions, or even to give a sign of\ndisgust, or to betray that we see through it, lest we should direct the\nbrutal outbursts on ourselves.\n\nThe festival, which lasts nine days, closes with a peculiar ceremony\ncalled DOSEH, the Trampling, but which I could not bear to look at. The\nsheikh of the Saad\u00eeeh dervishes rides to the chief sheikh of all the\ndervishes in Egypt, El Bekri. On the way thither, a great number of these\nholy people, and others who do not consider themselves inferior to\nthem in piety, throw themselves flat on the ground, face downwards, and\nin such a manner that the feet of one always lies close to the head of\nanother. The sheikh then rides over this living carpet of human bodies,\nand his horse is obliged to be led on each side by a servant, to compel\nit to make this march, unnatural even to the animal. Each body receives\ntwo treads from the horse; the greater number spring up again unhurt, but\nwhoever comes away seriously, or, as sometimes occurs, mortally injured,\nhas, besides, this disgrace, that it is believed that on the previous day\nhe had either misunderstood or neglected to say the proper prayers and\ncharm-formularies, which were alone able to protect him.\n\nOn the 7th April, Erbkam and I accompanied the prince to the Pyramids,\nfirst of all to those of Gizeh. The Pyramid of Cheops was ascended, and\nthe interior was visited. In order to exhibit the beautiful tomb of\nPrince Merhet, I caused it to be re-opened. We next proceeded to our camp\nat Saq\u00e2ra.\n\nHere we heard that during the previous night a daring robbery had been\ncommitted in Abeken\u2019s tent. He was sleeping in it, on his return from\nCairo, beside a burning light, when his full portmanteau, pistols, and\nother objects lying near, were purloined. It was only while the thief\nwas making his retreat that a noise was heard by the slumbering guards,\ncomposing the night-watch, immediately behind the tent; the darkness,\nhowever, hindered all pursuit.\n\nAfter the prince had also seen the most beautiful tomb of Saq\u00e2ra, we\nrode across the plain to Mitrahinneh, to visit the mounds of ruins at\nMemphis, and the half-buried colossal granite statue of Ramses Miamun\n(Sesostris)[16], the face of which is still preserved almost without a\nblemish. It was late in the evening before we again reached Cairo, after\na day\u2019s journey of sixteen hours, hardly interrupted even by short\npauses for repose; but the unusual exertion seemed rather to heighten\nthan to depress the prince\u2019s cheerful enjoyment in travelling.\n\nThe following day we visited the mosques of the city, which are\nremarkable, partly by their splendour, and in part, also, are peculiarly\ninteresting for the history of architecture in the middle ages, as\nthe earliest general application of the pointed arch is here visible.\nThe questions which relate to this most characteristic department of\narchitecture, the so-called gothic style, interested me so deeply a few\nyears ago, that even here I could not forbear following my old pursuit.\nThe pointed arch is found in the oldest mosques, even as far back as the\nninth century. Upon the conquest of Sicily by the Arabs, the new form\nof arch was transported to that island, where, in the eleventh century,\nit was found by the Normans, the next conquerors, and was still more\ngenerally adopted. Without entering into further details, it seems to\nme scarcely possible to indicate any historical connexion of the Norman\npointed arch of Palermo with our style of pointed arch of the twelfth\nand thirteenth centuries. The acceptance of such a connexion would be\nstill more difficult for the explanation of the rows of pointed arches\nto be found already much earlier in Germany, which are sporadic, but\nstill according to rule; those, for example, in the cathedral of Naumburg\nas early as the eleventh century, and in Memleben even in the tenth.\nTheorists do not indeed admit this yet, but I am still waiting for a\nrefutation of the argument I have brought forward.[17]\n\nThe Nilometer on the island of Roda, which we visited after the mosques,\nalso contains a series of pointed arches, belonging to the original\nbuilding, which dates as far back as the ninth century, proved by the\nCufic inscriptions, which have been carefully examined by those who are\nlearned in these matters.\n\nEgypt, however, does not only lay claim to the oldest application,\ntherefore, perhaps to the invention, of the _pointed arch_, but also to\nthat of the _round arch_. Near the Pyramids there are a number of tombs\nhaving stone vaulted roofs, whose single blocks exhibit the correct\nconcentric cut. These belong to the 26th Manethonic Dynasty of the\nPsammetici, that is, to the seventh and sixth centuries before Christ,\nand are therefore coeval with the _Cloaca Maxima_ and the _Carcer\nMamertinus_ in Rome. But we have also found tombs with vaulted roofs made\nof Nile mud bricks, which go back as far as the time of the Pyramids.\nNow, contrary to the opinion of others, I deny that the brick arch, whose\nsingle bricks with their parallel surfaces, are only made concentric by\nthe wedge of cement, presupposes a more intimate acquaintance with the\nactual principle of the arch, and more especially with its qualities of\nsupport; and, as a proof of this, we never meet with a concentric joined\narch before the time of the Psammetici, but frequently an apparently real\narch, in like manner cut out of horizontal layers of stone. But wherever\nthe brick arch was very ancient, we may there most naturally place the\ndevelopment of the concentric stone arch, which is met with at a later\nperiod at that very place, contemporaneous at least with its appearance\nin other countries.\n\nOn the following morning I was intending to accompany the prince into the\ninteresting institute of M. Lieder, when Erbkam arrived unexpectedly from\nour camp. He reported that during the previous night, between two and\nthree in the morning, a number of shots had been suddenly fired in the\nimmediate neighbourhood of our tents, and that at the same time a body of\nmore than twenty people had broken into the camp. Our encampment is on a\nnarrow flat space in front of the rock-tombs, which are excavated about\nhalf-way up the precipitous sides of the Libyan valley, and the great\naccumulation of rubbish has formed a broad terrace before them. It was\nonly accessible on one side, by a cleft, which passes our terrace from\nabove, downwards. It was from this point that the attack was made. They\nfirst fell upon the tent in which we all take our meals, and which also\nserves the purpose of a drawing-room, which soon fell down. Then followed\nthe other great tent, in which Erbkam, Frey, Ernest Weidenbach, and\nFranke, were sleeping. This was also torn down, and covered its inmates,\nwho, in the general confusion, extricated themselves with difficulty\nfrom the ropes and canvas. Besides all this, the arms had been taken the\nday before into one tent, for the reception of the prince, and had been\narranged and secured to the central pole, so that no one had them at\nhand. The watchmen\u2014cowardly fellows\u2014who knew that by the orders of the\npolice here, they would incur punishment, were anything of the sort to\nbefal us, even should they not be to blame, had immediately run off on\nall sides, uttering loud cries, and have not yet returned. The robbers\nnow laid hold of the chests and boxes which stood nearest to them, rolled\nwhatever they could seize down the hill, and soon disappeared across the\nplain. Their muskets were evidently not loaded with ball, for no one had\nbeen wounded by them; they had, however, attained their object, which was\nto increase the confusion. E. Weidenbach, and some of our servants, had\nalone been wounded in the head and shoulders, though not dangerously, by\nthe butt-ends of their muskets, or by bludgeons. The purloined articles\nmust, however, have bitterly disappointed the expectation of the robbers,\nfor the great trunks scarcely contained anything but European clothes,\nand other things, which no Arab can use. A number of coloured sketches\nare most to be regretted\u2014the Sunday studies, up to the present time, of\nthe very able artist Frey.\n\nWe know besides, very well, from whence this attack has proceeded. We\ndwell on the frontier of the territory of Abusir, an Arab village which\nhas been long under evil report, situated between Kafr el Batran, at the\nfoot of the Pyramids of Gizeh, and Saq\u00e2ra. By ARABS (Arab. pl. \u02beUrb\u00e2n)\nI mean, according to the custom of this country, those inhabitants who,\nas we are informed, only settled at a later period in the Nile valley,\nand having obtained certain privileges, founded some villages here. They\nare distinguished by their free origin, and their more manly character,\nfrom the FELLAHS (Fellah\u02bf, pl. Fellah\u02bf\u00een), the original peasants of\nthe land, who, enervated by their centuries of bondage, have reached a\nlow point of degradation, and who were not, besides, able to withstand\nthe encroachment of Islam. The name of BEDOUIN (Bedaui, pl. Bedau\u00een)\nbelongs alone to the ever free son of the Desert, who only roves about\nthe borders of the inhabited country. In the vicinity of the Pyramids\nthere are now a number of Arab villages. To these, also, belong the three\nplaces I have mentioned. Since our place of encampment was within the\nterritory of the Sheikh of Abusir, a young, handsome, and enterprising\nman, he had a certain claim to supply us with the necessary number of\nwell-paid watchmen. I, however, preferred to place ourselves under the\nprotection of the more trustworthy, and more powerful Sheikh of Saq\u00e2ra,\nwhom I had known before, and within whose district the principal field\nof our labours is situated. This determination deprived the people of\nAbusir of a reward, and us of their friendship, as I had already observed\nfor some time past, without vexing myself any further about it. They had\nmanifestly taken the opportunity at the present time, when I was absent\nin Cairo with several servants, to execute this prank. The footmarks were\ntraced through the plain to Abusir, and a little clever boy probably\nserved as a spy, the grandson of an old Turk from the Mameluke times, the\nonly friend in Abusir, with whom we sometimes exchanged visits. It must\nhave been also by means of this boy, who often came to our camp, that\nthe first theft was committed in Abeken\u2019s tent, with which he was well\nacquainted.\n\nThe attack was a serious affair, and its consequences might be important,\nif it remained unpunished. I went immediately with M. von Wagner to\nScherif Pascha, the minister, whose business it was to find out the\noffenders.\n\nA few days afterwards the plain beneath our camp became an animated\nscene. The mudhir (governor) of the province arrived with a splendid\ncavalcade, and a great troop of under officials, and servants, and\npitched his gay camp at the foot of the hill. We exchanged visits of\nceremony, and discussed what had happened. The mudhir told us beforehand\nthat the individual offenders would not be found out, at any rate they\nwould not be brought to confess, because each knew that his throat stood\na poor chance. However, on the second day, the Sheikhs of Saq\u00e2ra and\nof Abusir, and a number of suspected persons were brought forward, in\norder to be put upon their trial. As was to be expected, no decision\nwas come to, neither by personal interviews, nor examinations. The\npunishment was therefore summarily executed. One after the other they\nwere tied to a post, their faces towards the ground, and the soles of\ntheir feet upwards. They were then unmercifully bastinadoed with a\nlong whip of hippopotamus hide, called _kurbatsch_, often till they\nfainted. It was in vain that I urged that I saw no reason to punish\nthese particular persons, and I was still more astonished when our old\nvenerable friend, the Sheikh of Saq\u00e2ra, for whose innocence I would have\naccepted any surety, was also led up, and, like the others, was laid in\nthe dust. I expressed my surprise to the mudhir, and protested earnestly\nagainst it, but received for answer that he could not be exempted from\nthe punishment, as though, indeed, we had not been on his ground and\nterritory, we had however received the watchmen from him, who had run\noff, and had not then returned. With some difficulty I obtained, at\nleast, a mitigation of the punishment; but he had already become almost\ninsensible, and it was necessary to have him carried to the tent, where\nhis feet were bound up. The whole affair ended with a compensation in\nmoney for the value of the stolen articles, which I purposely did not\nestimate at too low a price, as every loss of money remains for years\nin the remembrance of the Arab, while he forgets the bastinado, indeed\nboasts of it, as soon as he no longer feels it. _Nezel min e\u2019 semma e\u2019\nneb\u00fat, b\u00e1rakak min Allah_, say the Arabs, _i. e._ \u201cThe rod came from\nHeaven, a blessing from God.\u201d But also in the matter of the fine, the\nsum that we demanded was so distributed, that the rich Sheikh of Saq\u00e2ra\nwas compelled to pay a far greater share than the Sheikh of Abusir, a\npartiality which was probably in some measure owing to the intercession\nof the old distinguished Turk of Abusir with the Turkish mudhir.\n\nAs soon as the money was paid down I went to our Sheikh of Saq\u00e2ra,\nwhose unmerited adverse fate had seriously vexed me, and I publicly\ngave him the half of his money back again, promising in confidence that\nafterwards, when the mudhir should have departed, I would restore to him\nalso the other half. This was such an unexpected thing to the old sheikh,\nthat he looked at me for a long time incredulously, then kissed my hands\nand feet, and called me his best friend on earth; I, who had just been,\nat all events, the indirect occasion of his beautiful beard being soiled\nwith dust, and of his feet being so lacerated as to cause him weeks of\npain. His wondering joy, however, was not directed so much at me as at\nthe unhoped-for sight of the money, which never loses its charm with the\nArab.\n\nThere is a curious mixture of noble pride and vulgar avarice to be found\nin the Arab, which is at first quite incomprehensible to the European.\nTheir free noble bearing, and imperturbable repose, appear to express\nnothing but a proud sense of honour; balanced, however, against the\nsmallest gain of money, it melts away like wax before the sun, and the\nmost contemptuous treatment is not taken into consideration, but is borne\nwith crouching servility where money is in question. We might at first\nimagine one of these two natures to be hypocrisy, or dissimulation; but\nthe contradiction returns too often in all forms, both great and small,\nnot to lead to the conviction that it is characteristic of the Arab, if\nnot of the entire East. Even as early as in the days of the Romans, the\nEgyptians had so far degenerated, that Ammianus Marcellinus could say of\nthem: _Erubescit apud eos, si quis non infitiando tributa plurimas in\ncorpore vibices ostendat_,[18] and in the same manner the fellah to-day\npoints with a contented smile to his scars as soon as the tax-gatherer\nhas withdrawn, who, in spite of his instruments of torture, has been\ncurtailed of a few piastres.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER IX.\n\n\n                                            _Cairo, the 22nd April, 1843._\n\nA violent cold, which for some time checked my usual activity, has led me\nhither from our camp at Saq\u00e2ra. The worst is, that we are still obliged\nto postpone our further journey. Certainly all which such a spot affords\nis of the utmost interest, but the abundance of material this time almost\ncauses us embarrassment. The most important, but most difficult works,\nand those which occupy the longest time, are those of our architect\nErbkam. To him belongs the great task of making the most detailed plans\nof the border of the desert, in nearly the central point of which we\nlie encamped. This ground comprises the almost uninterrupted field of\ntombs from the Pyramid of Rigah as far as that of Dasch\u00fbr. The separate\nplans of the northern fields of Abu Roasch, Gizeh, Zauiet el Arrian are\nalready completed. However meritorious the sketches of Perring, they\ncannot be compared in exactitude with ours. Entire Necropoli, with the\nPyramids belonging to them, have been newly discovered, partly by myself,\npartly by Erbkam. Some of the Pyramids, hitherto unknown, are even now\nfrom eighty to a hundred feet high; others are indeed almost wholly\ndemolished, but were originally of considerable extent, as is manifested\nby their base. My return to Saq\u00e2ra will, it is to be hoped, give the\nsignal for our departure.\n\nWe shall go by land to the Fai\u00fbm, the province which branches off\ninto the desert. The season is still incomparably beautiful, and the\ndesert-journey will undoubtedly be far more conducive to our health than\nthe voyage on the Nile, which we before contemplated.\n\nIt is to be hoped that my state of health will not detain me long here,\nfor my impatience daily increases to return from the living city of\nthe Mamelukes into the solemn Death-city of the old Pharaohs. And yet\nit would perhaps afford you more pleasure if I were able to paint in\ncolours, or in words, what I here see before my windows.\n\nI live in the extensive square of the Ezbek\u00eeeh, in the most beautiful and\nmost frequented part of the city. Formerly, there was a great lake in the\ncentre, which is now, however, converted into gardens. Broad streets run\nround it, separated for riders, and foot passengers, and shaded by lofty\ntrees. There all the East pass by, with their gaily-coloured, various,\nyet always picturesque costumes; the poorer classes with blue and white\ntucked up blouses, and the richer with long garments of different\nmaterials, with silk kaftans,[19] or fine cloth dresses of delicately\ncontrasted colours, with white, red, green, and black turbans, or with\nthe more refined, but less becoming, Turkish tarbusch;[20] amidst these\nsome Greeks, with their dandy tunics, or Arab Sheikhs, wrapped up in\ntheir wide antique mantles, thrown around them; the children wholly or\nhalf naked, also with shaven heads, on which now and then a single tuft\nstands up from the crown, as if ready to be laid hold of; the women\nwith veiled faces, but whose eyes painted round with black, peer forth\nghost-like hither and thither through peep-holes in the veil. All these,\nand a hundred other indescribable figures, walk, glide, and rush past,\non foot, on asses, mules, dromedaries, camels, horses, only not in\ncarriages; for these were more used even in the time of the Pharaohs than\nthey are at present. If I look up from the street, my view is bounded\non one side by splendid mosques, with cupolas, and slender-springing\nminarets, together with long rows of houses, most of them built\ncarelessly, yet some of a more distinguished class, richly ornamented\nwith artistically carved grated windows, and elegant balconies; on the\nother side, by the green domes of palm-trees, or by leafy sycamores and\nacacias. Finally, in the distant background, beyond the flat roofs, and\ngreen intervening masses, the far-shining sister-pair of the two largest\nPyramids stand out distinctly on the Libyan horizon in sharp lines\nthrough the thin vapour. What a contrast from that mongrel Alexandria,\nwhere innate Eastern habits and feelings still struggle for mastery with\nthe overpowering high-pressure civilisation of Europe. It seems to me as\nif we had already here penetrated into the innermost heart of the East of\nthe present day.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER X.\n\n\n                      _On the Ruins of the Labyrinth, the 31st May, 1843._\n\nAfter my return to the camp of Saq\u00e2ra, I only required three more\ndays to finish our work there. I paid a last visit to the ruins of\nancient Memphis, the plan of which Erbkam had meanwhile completed; some\ninteresting discoveries terminated our researches.\n\nOn the 19th of May we at length set out on our journey, with twenty\ncamels, two dromedaries, thirteen asses, and one horse. When I speak of\n_camels_ and _dromedaries_, it is perhaps not superfluous to observe\nwhat is here understood by these names, for in Europe an incorrect or\nrather arbitrary distinction is made between them, which is unknown\nhere. We Germans call _camel_ what the French call _dromadaire_, and\n_dromedary_ (_Trampelthier_, _Germ._ a corruption of dromedary), what\nthey call _chameau_. The first is said to have _one_ hump, the other\n_two_. According to that, there can be no question of dromedaries or\n_chameaux_ in Egypt, for here there are no two-humped creatures, although\nnow and then they appear in one-humped families. In Syria again, and the\ncentral parts of Asia, there would be no camels or _dromadaires_; at\nleast the one-humped animals are very rare. In truth, however, it is a\nvery immaterial difference, and whether the one hump of fat on the back\nbe divided in two or not, in itself alone would perhaps scarcely justify\nthe distinction of a different species. The people of the East, at the\npresent day at least, make no distinction between them; neither did the\nancients also, for the one-humped creatures do not carry easier, nor\nmove quicker, than the others. Nor does the rider sit more conveniently\nbetween two humps, for the saddle is equally raised over the two as\nover the one hump. On the other hand a great distinction, although not\nfounded on natural history grounds, has been generally established\nbetween the strong, dull _camel_, used as a beast of _burden_, commonly\ncalled _g\u00e9mel_, and the younger, more tractable, broken-in, riding camel,\nwhich is called _hegg\u00een_, because the pilgrims to Mecca (_h\u00e1gg_, _pl._\n_hegg\u00e2g_) set a great value on good riding animals. An Arab takes it as\nmuch amiss if his slim favourite camel is called a _g\u00e9mel_, as if with\nus, a well-broken horse was to be described as a plough or draught-horse.\n_Dromedarius_, or _camelus dromas_, \u03ba\u03ac\u03bc\u03b7\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b4\u03c1\u03bf\u03bc\u03ac\u03c2, does not appear to\nhave meant more among the ancients, as the name proves, than a courser of\na slight breed, suited for riding.\n\nAs these last are far more expensive, it is often difficult to procure,\neven a few of the better animals from the Arabs who furnish them; most of\nus are obliged to be contented with ordinary beasts of burden. Mine was\nthis time endurable, and received, at least, the title of _hegg\u00een_, from\nthe Arabs.\n\nI did not wait for the decampment of the general party, in which the\nSheikhs of Saq\u00e2ra and Mitrahinneh were included, but rode on in front\nwith Erbkam, always beside the desert. On our way, the latter made\none more plan of a Pyramid, with the surrounding ground, which I had\nobserved on a former trip. We have now a list of, altogether, sixty-seven\nPyramids, almost twice as many as are to be found in Perring. The\ntopographical plans of Erbkam are most invaluable.\n\nSoon after sunset we arrived at the first Pyramid of _Lischt_, where we\nfound our tents already pitched. The following morning I made the caravan\ndepart early, and I remained behind with Erbkam, that we might employ\nourselves in examining and noting down the two Pyramids, which stand\nrather widely apart in this isolated field of death. We did not follow\ntill two o\u2019clock, and arrived about seven in the evening at our tents,\nwhich were pitched on the south side of the stately Pyramid of Meid\u00fbm.\nIt was again a short day\u2019s journey to the Pyramid of Illah\u00fbn, and thence\nthrough the embouchure of the Fai\u00fbm to this spot, three hours more.[21]\nIt was late before we started. I left Erbkam and E. Weidenbach behind, to\nput on paper the examination of the ground; and I rode off with only two\nservants, half an hour in advance of the caravan, in order to reach the\nLabyrinth by a more interesting route, along the Bahr Jussuf, and to fix\nupon the place of encampment.\n\nHere we have been, on the southern side of the Pyramid of M\u0153ris, since\nthe 23rd May, and are settled among the ruins of the _Labyrinth_; for I\nwas certain from the first, after we had made but a hasty survey of the\nwhole, that we are perfectly entitled to designate them under this name:\nI did not, however, imagine that it would have been so easy for us to\nbecome convinced of this.\n\nAs soon as Erbkam had measured and noted down a small plan of what\nis extant, I caused some excavators to be levied from the surrounding\nvillages, through the Mudhir of Med\u00eenet el Fai\u00fbm, the governor of the\nprovince, and ordered them to make trenches through the ruins, and to\ndig at four or five places at once. A hundred and eight people were thus\noccupied to-day. With the exception of those belonging to the nearest\nplace, Howara, who return home every evening, I allow these people to\nencamp on the northern side of the Pyramid, and to spend their nights\nthere. They have their overseers, and bread is brought to them; every\nmorning they are counted, and they are paid every evening; each man\nreceives a piastre\u2014about two silver groschens;[22] each child, half a\npiastre, sometimes, when they have been particularly diligent, as much\nas thirty paras (there are forty of them in a piastre). Each of the men\nbrings with him a pickaxe, and a shallow, woven basket (_maktaf_). The\nchildren, who form the greatest numbers, are only required to bring\nbaskets. The maktafs are filled by the men, and carried away by the\nchildren on their heads. This is done in long processions, which are kept\nin order and at work by special overseers.\n\nTheir chief pleasure, and a material assistance in their daily work, is\nsinging. They have some simple melodies, which at a distance, owing to\ntheir great monotony, make almost a melancholy impression. When near\nthem, however, the unmerciful persistence of the shrill voices, as they\noften amuse themselves many hours together in the same manner, is hardly\nto be borne. It is only the consideration that I am helping so many to\nbear half their burden for the day, and that I materially further the\nwork, which has constantly prevented me interfering when it reaches this\npoint, till I sometimes at length leave my tent in despair, in order,\nby employing myself at a greater distance, to obtain some repose for my\nears. The only variety in the execution of the stanza of two lines, is\nthat the first line is sung by one voice, the second by the whole chorus,\nwhile the hands are clapped at every bar of common time. For example:\n\n[Music:\n\n  1. Om mi be-t\u00e1-kul m\u00e1-ku-li U a-n\u00e1 bagh-b\u00e1gh-t\u00e9t a\u02be-l\u00e9\u00ef (Dill)\n  2. Dill as-sa\u2014ri m\u00e1l u mal Bun y\u00e1l dill eb\u00e1nne \u00fa a\u02be-l\u00e9\u00ef (Y\u00e2)\n     Y\u00e2-min sa-b\u00e1h\u02be u le-b\u00e9n U s\u00e1mneh s\u00e2ih \u02be\u00e1-le-\u02be\u00ef &c.\n\n  _i. e._ 1. My mother eats my dates,\n        And I\u2014anger overcomes me.\n  2. The shade of Asser (vesper-time) lowers itself and lowers itself.\n        The wall (buny\u00e2n).\n  3. (Oh) Happiness (when) the morning milk\n        And butter pour over me.]\n\n_Mak\u00fbl_, in the first line, is really only \u201c_food_,\u201d but it has become a\ngeneral expression for _dates_, because, in the huts of the Fellah, this\nis the chief, and, for many people, the only food. Another rather more\nanimated melody is this one:\n\n[Music]\n\nin which the chorus, in exception to the general rule, separates into\ntwo parts. I hardly think, however, that these thirds are intentional,\nthey slip in of themselves; for it sometimes happens that single\nvoices join in singing the same cadence in a totally different strain\nwithout paying any regard to whole hours of discord. The Arab\u2014I might\nalmost say, the people of the East generally\u2014are devoid of the sense\nof making the simplest complications of several voices into a harmony.\nThe most artistic music of the best singers and performers, which often\ninexpressibly delights the most civilised Musulman in Cairo, and collects\nlarge masses of people as an audience, consists only in a melody a\nhundred times repeated, flourishing, restless, and whirling, whose theme\ncannot be retained, and can scarcely be detected by a European ear. Nor\nare the different instruments, when played together, employed for any\nharmonious united variety, beyond what is suggested by the rhythm.\n\nWe have eight watchmen during the night, who really do watch, as I often\nconvince myself by making a nightly round. One of them walks constantly\nup and down with his gun on the ramparts surrounding our camp, for if\nany where, we have to fear another attack here, not from the Arabs, but\nfrom the still more dangerous Bedouins, who inhabit the borders of the\ndesert in many single hordes, and are not under the control of great\nsheikhs, who we might secure in our interests. From Illah\u00fbn to this\nplace, we passed through a Bedouin camp, whose sheikh must have known\nof our arrival, as he rode out to meet me on horseback, and offered\nhis services, if we should require anything here. Farther on, we met\nan old man and a girl in a distracted state, uttering loud cries of\ndespair. They threw dust into the air, and heaped it on their heads. As\nwe approached nearer to them, they complained to us with inconsolable\nexpressions that two Bedouins had just robbed them of their only buffalo.\nWe actually saw the robbers still in the distance, on horseback, driving\nthe buffalo before them into the desert. I was alone with my dragoman and\nmy little donkey-boy, Auad, a lively, dark-skinned Berber, and I could\nbe of no assistance to these poor people. Such thefts are not unfrequent\nhere. A short time ago, one tribe drove a hundred and twenty camels away\nfrom another tribe, and none of them have yet come back.\n\nNevertheless, we shall probably remain here unmolested; for the sentence\nwe passed at Saq\u00e2ra is well known, and they are aware that we are\nspecially recommended to the authorities. They have also now become\nconvinced that we carry no gold or silver with us in our heavy chests,\nwhich was formerly very generally believed among the Arabs. Added\nto this, we are ourselves well armed against any new attack. I have\ncollected the most valuable chests in my own tent, and every night an\nEnglish double-barrelled gun and two pistols lie ready beside my bed.\nBesides, I clear out my tent every evening, that we may be prepared for\nanything, especially for storms, from which we have had to suffer much\nlatterly, and of a degree of violence unknown in Europe. Abeken\u2019s tent\nfell three times over his head in one day, and the last time roused him\nin a very disagreeable manner out of his sleep. Thus we are often whole\ndays and nights in constant expectation that during the next gust of wind\nour airy house may fall down upon our heads; under this apprehension, it\nrequires some habit to continue to work or to sleep quietly.\n\nIt appears that we are to have a taste of all the plagues of Egypt. Our\nexperience began with the inundation at the Great Pyramids; then came the\nlocusts, whose young fry has now increased like sand upon the sea-shore,\nand is again devouring the green fields and trees, which, combined with\nthe previous cattle disease, is indeed sufficient to cause a famine; then\noccurred the hostile attack which was preceded by a daring robbery. Nor\nhas even a conflagration been wholly wanting. By an incautious salute,\nWild\u2019s tent was set on fire and partly burnt in Saq\u00e2ra, while we stood\naround in bright sunshine, which prevented the fire being seen by us.\nNow comes, in addition to this, the annoyance of mice, which we had not\nhitherto experienced; they gnaw, play, and squeak away in my tent, as if\nthey had always been at home there, quite unconcerned whether I am within\nit or not. During the night they run over my bed, and over my face; and\nyesterday I started up frightened, out of my sleep, because I suddenly\nfelt the sharp little tooth of one of these audacious guests upon my\nfoot. I sprang up in a rage, struck a light, and knocked against all the\nchests and pegs; but on lying down once more, I was soon driven out of\nbed again. In spite of all these annoyances, however, we continue to keep\nup a good and cheerful spirit, and God be thanked, they have hitherto\nonly threatened us, and made us heedful, not materially injured us.\n\nThe superintendence over the servants, and the management of much extra\nbusiness, has now been considerably alleviated, by my having brought\na well-qualified Kawass with me from Cairo. These Kawass, who form a\npeculiar band of sub-officers of the Pascha, are considered here, in\nthe country, a peculiar and important class of persons. Only Turks are\nappointed, and they possess, through their nationality alone, an innate\nsuperiority over every Arab. There are probably few nations who have\nso much natural ability to rule as the Turks, who, nevertheless, we\nare often accustomed to regard as rude, uncouth, and half barbarians.\nOn the contrary, as a nation, they have some degree of distinction.\nImperturbable repose, calmness, reserve, and energy of will, appear\nto belong to every Turk, down to the common soldier, and do not fail\nto make a certain impression upon the European on first acquaintance.\nThis external bearing with the appearance of deliberate firmness, this\nreserved proud politeness easily passing into nice shades of ceremonial,\nis met with in a still higher degree among the upper rank of Turks,\nwho have all, from childhood upwards, passed through a school of the\nstrictest etiquette in their own families. They have an innate contempt\nfor everything which does not belong to their own nation, and appear to\nhave no feeling for the natural superiority of higher mental culture and\ncivilisation which the ordinary European usually inspires among other\nnations.\n\nNothing is to be gained from the Turk by kindness, considerate attention,\ndemonstration, or even by anger; these he considers as proofs of\nweakness. The greatest reserve alone, and the most careful distant\npoliteness towards the great, or the bearing of a person of some\nconsequence, and absolute commands to inferiors, answers the purpose\nhere. A Turkish Kawass drives a whole village of Fellahs, or Arabs,\nbefore him, and makes a decided impression even on the still prouder\nBedouins. The Pascha employs the Kawass-corps as special messengers,\nand on commissions, throughout the whole country. They are the chief\nexecutive servants of the Pascha, and of the governors of the provinces.\nEvery foreign consul has also a similar Kawass, without whom he hardly\ntakes a single step, since he is his guard of honour, the sign, and the\nright hand of his indisputable authority. When he rides out, the Kawass\nrides before him with a great silver stick, and drives the people and\nanimals with words or blows out of his path; and woe to him who should\nmake a movement, or even a gesture of disobedience. The Pascha sometimes\nalso gives such a guard of honour, with similar authority, as an escort\nto strangers who are specially recommended to him, and thus we also\nreceived a Kawass at the commencement of our journey, who however, during\nour long period of repose in Gizeh was only a burden, and at length,\non account of his making extravagant demands, was not very graciously\ndismissed by me. On the occasion of the attack in Saq\u00e2ra, I caused\nanother to be given me by Scherif Pascha; but he still is not the sort\nof man that we want, so I have now brought a third with me from Cairo,\nwho hitherto has proved an excellent one. He relieves me from the entire\nsuperintendence over the servants, and manages admirably all that I\nhave to transact with the people and authorities of the country. If I\nwere in Europe I should have supposed that I had more than sufficient\nstrength for the whole external guidance of the expedition, as well as\nfor its more immediate object, but in this climate one must measure by a\ndifferent scale. Patience and repose are here, just as necessary elements\nof life, as meat and drink.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XI.\n\n\n                                     _The Labyrinth, the 25th June, 1843._\n\nThese lines are written to you from the distinctly recognised Labyrinth\nof M\u0153ris and the Dodecarchs, not from the doubtful spot whose identity\nis still contested, of which I myself was unable to form any conception\nfrom the hitherto more than deficient descriptions even of those who\nhave removed the Labyrinth hither. An immense cluster of chambers still\nremains, and in the centre lies the great square, where the courts once\nstood, covered with the remains of large monolithic granite columns, and\nof others of white hard limestone, shining almost like marble.\n\nI approached the spot, fearing that we must only endeavour, as others\nhad done before us, to confirm the information of the ancients on the\ngeographical position of the place; that all form of the edifice itself\nhad disappeared, and that an unshapely heap of ruins might deter us from\nmaking any examinations. Instead of this, at the first superficial survey\nof the ground, a number of complicated spaces, of true labyrinthine\nforms, immediately presented themselves, both above and below ground, and\nthe eye could easily detect the principal buildings, more than a stadium\n(Strabo) in extent. Where the French expedition had vainly sought for\nchambers, we literally at once find hundreds of them, both next to, and\nabove one another, small, often diminutive ones, beside greater ones, and\nlarge ones, supported by small columns, with thresholds, and niches in\nthe walls, with remains of columns, and single casing-stones, connected\nby corridors, without any regularity in the entrances and exits, so\nthat the descriptions of Herodotus and Strabo, in this respect, are\nfully justified. But at the same time also, the opinion, which was never\nadopted by me, and is irreconcileable with any architectonic view, that\nthere are _serpentine_, case-like windings, in place of square rooms, is\ndecidedly refuted.\n\nThe whole is so arranged, that three immense masses of buildings, 300\nfeet broad, enclose a square place, which is 600 feet long and 500 feet\nwide. The fourth side, one of the narrow ones, is bounded by the Pyramid,\nwhich lies behind it; it is 300 feet square, and therefore does not quite\nreach the side wings of the above-mentioned masses of buildings. A canal\nof rather modern date, passing obliquely through the ruins, and which one\ncan almost leap over, at least at the present season, cuts off exactly\nthe best preserved portion of the labyrinthian chambers, together with\npart of the great central square, which at one time was divided into\ncourts. The travellers preferred not wetting their feet, and remained\non this side, where the continuation of the wings of the buildings is\ncertainly more concealed beneath the rubbish. But the chambers lying on\nthe farther side, especially their southern point, where the walls rise\nnearly ten feet above the rubbish, and about twenty feet above the base\nof the ruins, are to be seen very well even from this, the eastern side;\nand viewed from the summit of the Pyramid, the regular plan of the\nwhole design lies before one as on a map. Erbkam has been occupied ever\nsince our arrival, in making the special plan, on which every chamber\nor wall, however small, will be noted down. The farther portion of the\nruins is, therefore, by far the most difficult to record. On this side\nit is an easier task, but so much the more difficult to understand. Here\nthe labyrinth of chambers passes on southwards. The courts were situated\nbetween this and the Pyramid lying opposite on the northern side. But\nalmost all of these have disappeared. We have, therefore, nothing to\nguide us but the dimensions of the square, which lead us to suppose that\nit was divided into two halves, by a long wall, against which the twelve\ncourts (for we cannot, indeed, with any certainty, make out that there\nwere more) abutted on both sides, so that their entrances turned towards\nopposite sides, and had immediately facing them the extensive mass of\ninnumerable chambers.\n\nBut who was the Maros, Mendes, Imandes, who, by the account of the\nGreeks, erected the Labyrinth, or rather the Pyramid belonging to it, for\nhis tomb? In the Manethonic list of Kings, we find the builder of the\nLabyrinth introduced towards the end of the 12th Dynasty, the last of the\nOld Monarchy, shortly before the invasion of the Hyksos. The fragments of\nthe mighty columns and architraves which we have dug up from the great\nsquare of the halls, exhibit the name-shields of the sixth king of this\nsame 12th Dynasty, Amenemha III. Thus the important question of its place\nin history is answered.[23] We have also made excavations on the north\nside of the Pyramid, because it is here that we conjecture the entrance\nmust have been. But it has not been hitherto discovered. We have only\nas yet penetrated into a chamber which lay in front of the Pyramid, and\nwhich was covered by a great quantity of rubbish, and we have several\ntimes found the name of Amenemha here also. The builder and occupier\nof the Pyramid is therefore determined. But this does not refute the\nstatement of Herodotus, that the Dodecarchs, only 200 years before his\ntime, had undertaken the building of the Labyrinth. We have found no\ninscriptions in the ruins of the great masses of chambers which surround\nthe central space. It may be easily proved by future excavations that\nthis whole building, and probably also the disposition of the twelve\ncourts, belong only, in fact, to the 26th Dynasty of Manetho, so that\nthe original temple of Amenemha formed merely part of this gigantic\narchitectural enclosure.\n\nSo much for the Labyrinth and its Pyramid. The exact position which its\nbuilder occupies in history is by far the most important result that\nwe could altogether hope to obtain here. I must now say a few words\nrespecting the other world\u2019s wonder of this province, Lake M\u0153ris.\n\nThe obscurity which has hitherto hung over it seems at length to have\nbeen dispersed, by a beautiful discovery, which was made a short time\nago by the excellent Linant, the director of the water-works of the\nPascha. Hitherto there was only one point of agreement, that the lake\nwas situated in the Fai\u00fbm. Now, as at the present day there is only\none single lake in this remarkable semi-oasis, the Birqet-el-Qorn,\nwhich is situated in its most remote and lowest parts, this must be the\nLake M\u0153ris; we have no other choice. Its celebrity, however, rested\nprincipally upon this, that it was an artificially designed (Herodotus\nsays an excavated) and extremely profitable lake, which was filled by\nthe Nile when it was high, and when the water was low, flowed off again\nby the connecting canal; and irrigating on the one side the grounds of\nthe Fai\u00fbm, on the other, during its reflux, the adjacent tracts of the\nMemphitic district, at the same time yielded extremely rich fishing\nnear the double sluices at the mouth of the Fai\u00fbm. To the annoyance\nof Antiquarians and Philologists, not one of all these peculiarities\nbelonged to the Birqet-el-Qorn. This is not an artificial, but a natural\nlake, which is only in part fed by the water of the Jussuf canal. One of\nits useful qualities can be hardly said to exist, since no fishing-boat\nenlivens its surface, encircled by an arid desert, because the brackish\nwater contains scarcely any fish, and is in no degree favourable to the\nvegetation on its shores. When the Nile is at its height, and there is\na more abundant supply of water, it certainly rises; but it is situated\nat far too low a level to allow a drop of the water with which it has\nbeen supplied, ever to flow back again. The whole province must be buried\nbeneath the flood before the waters could find their way back into\nthe valley, for the artificially lowered rocky channel through which\nthe Bahr Jussuf is brought hither, branching off from the Nile about\nforty miles south, lies higher than the whole oasis. The surface of the\nBirqet-el-Qorn is now about seventy feet below the point where the canal\nflows in, and can never have risen to a much greater height,[24] which\nis proved by some remains of a temple upon its shores. As little does it\nagree with the statement, that the Labyrinth, and the capital Arsino\u00eb,\nthe present Med\u00eenet-el-Fai\u00fbm, were situated on its shores.\n\nLinant has now discovered huge dams, miles in length, of the most\nancient solid construction, which separates the uppermost portion of\nthe shell-like, convex-formed basin of the Fai\u00fbm from those parts\nwhich are situated lower and lie farther back, and, according to him,\ncould only have been intended to retain artificially a great lake,\nwhich now, however, since the dams have been long broken through,\nlies completely dry. This lake he holds to be that of M\u0153ris. I must\nconfess that the whole thing, when he first communicated it to me by\nword of mouth, impressed me with the idea that it was an extremely\nhappy discovery, which will also spare us in future many fruitless\nresearches. An inspection of the ground has now removed all my doubts as\nto the correctness of this view. I hold it to be an insubvertible fact.\nLinant\u2019s treatise is now being printed, and I will send it to you as\nsoon as it is to be had.[25]\n\nBut finally, if you ask me what the name of M\u0153ris has to do with that of\nAmenemha, I can only answer, nothing. The name M\u0153ris neither appears on\nthe monuments, nor in Manetho. I rather think that here again we find one\nof the numerous misunderstandings of the Greeks. The Egyptians called\nthe lake, Phiom en mere, the Lake of the Nile-inundation (Copt. \u2c99\u2c8f\u2ca3\u2c89,\n_inundatio_). The Greeks made out of _mere_, the water which formed the\nlake, a King M\u0153ris who designed the lake, and then troubled themselves no\nfurther about the true originator, Amenemha. At a later period the whole\nprovince received the name \u2cab\u2c93\u2c9f\u2c99, Phiom, the Lake, from which the present\nname Fai\u00fbm has been derived.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XII.\n\n\n                                     _The Labyrinth, the 18th July, 1843._\n\nWe have accomplished our journey round that remarkable province, the\nFai\u00fbm, very rarely visited by Europeans, which, on account of its\nfertility, may be named the Garden of Egypt; and precisely because these\nparts are almost as unknown as the distant oases of Libya, you will,\nperhaps, be glad to hear some more details about them from me.\n\nI started with Erbkam, E. Weidenbach, and Abeken, on the 3rd of July. We\nwent from the Labyrinth along the Bahr Ward\u00e2ni, which skirts the eastern\nborder of the desert, and forms the boundary, to which the shore of\nLake M\u0153ris at one time extended towards the East. The canal is now dry,\nand is replaced by the still more recent Bahr Scherk\u00eeeh, which, as they\nsay, was made by the Sultan Barquq, and is conducted through the middle\nof the Labyrinth; it at first crosses the Ward\u00e2ni several times, but\nafterwards keeps more inland. In three hours we reached the point where\nthe huge dam of M\u0153ris projects from the middle of the Fai\u00fbm into the\ndesert. It runs out in this spot for about one and a half geographical\nmiles as far as El El\u00e2m. In the middle of this tract it is intersected\nby Bahr-bela-m\u00e2, a deep bed of a stream, which now cuts through the old\nlake-bottom, and is usually dry, but when there is a great supply of\nwater, it is used as an outlet for the superfluity towards Tam\u00eeeh, and\ninto the Birqet-el-Qorn. This enabled us to examine the dam itself from a\nnearer point of view. The current, which at times is swollen and rapid,\nhas scooped out a passage for itself since the destruction of the lake,\nnot only through the alluvial soil that formed the bottom of the lake,\nbut also through several other layers of earth, and even through the\nslightly indurated limestone lying undermost; so that the water, at this\nseason, reduced certainly to a minimum, flows about sixty feet lower than\nthe present dry bottom of the lake. I measured accurately the separate\nlayers of earth, and carried away with me a specimen of each. The breadth\nof the dam cannot be determined with certainty, but may, perhaps, have\namounted to 150 feet. The height of the dam has probably become somewhat\nlower with time. I found it to be 1 m. 90 (6 feet 3 inches English) above\nthe present bottom of the lake, and 5 m. 60 (18 feet 4 inches English)\nabove the opposite plain. If we suppose this last to be on a similar\nlevel with the original bottom of the lake (which was, however, probably\nlower, because the external ground was irrigated, and consequently became\nelevated), then the dam, apart from its gradual levelling from above\ndownwards, must have been formerly as much as 5 m. 60, consequently 17\nfeet high, and the ground in the inner part of the lake, during its\nexistence of more than two thousand years, must have risen by deposits\nof earth about 11 feet. But if we admit that the black earth also, from\n11 to 12 feet thick, which is still to be found outside of the dams, was\ndeposited within the historical times, then the above numbers would even\nrequire to be doubled. Thus we have some idea how its utility must have\nbeen much diminished with time; for the lake (if we assume that its\ncircumference is what Linant asserts), by the filling up of the 11 feet\nof earth, must have lost 13,000 millions of square feet of the water,\nwhich it might have formerly contained. An elevation of the dams could\nin no possible manner have prevented this, because they had been already\nplaced in exact relation to the point of the influx of the Bahr Jussuf\ninto the Fai\u00fbm. This may have been one of the most substantial reasons\nwhy Lake M\u0153ris was allowed at a later period to fall into decay; and even\nLinant\u2019s bold project to restore the lake could not wholly repair this\nloss, even if he were to make the Bahr Jussuf branch off from the Nile at\na much higher point than was thought necessary by the old Pharaohs.\n\nIn two hours and a half from this intersection, following the dam to\nEl El\u00e2m, where it ceases, we reached the remarkable remains of the two\nmonuments of Biahmu, which Linant considers to be the Pyramids of M\u0153ris\nand his consort, which were seen by Herodotus in the lake. They were\nbuilt out of great massive blocks; the nucleus of each of them is still\nstanding, but not in the centre of the almost square rectangle, which, by\ntheir appearance, they seem to have originally occupied. They rose at an\nangle of 64\u00b0, therefore, with a much steeper inclination than Pyramids\nusually do. Their present height, which, however, seems to have been\noriginally the same as it is now, only amounts to twenty-three feet, to\nwhich, nevertheless, must be added, a peculiar and somewhat projecting\nbase of seven feet. A small excavation convinced me that the lowest\nlayer of stone, which only reaches four feet beneath the present ground,\nwas founded neither on sand nor on rock, but upon Nile mud, which more\nespecially render the great antiquity of these buildings very doubtful.\nAt least it is to be inferred from this that they did not stand in the\nlake, which, if it encircled them, must have had a remarkable curve\noutwards to the north-west.\n\nWe had been riding hitherto on the line of separation between the\nancient bottom of the lake and the adjacent district. The former is\nbare and sterile, since the land, at the present day, lies so high that\nit cannot be overflowed. On the other hand, the broad tract of land\nenclosing the ancient lake, forms by far the most beautiful and most\nfertile part of the Fai\u00fbm. We now traversed this district, while we left\nthe capital of the province, Med\u00eenet el Fai\u00fbm, with the mounds of the\nancient CROCODILOPOLIS on our left, and rode by Selaj\u00een and Fidim\u00een, to\nAgam\u00eeeh, where we spent the night. The next morning, near Bischeh, we\nreached the limits of this continuous garden-land. Here we entered a\nnew region, forming a striking contrast to the former, by its sterility\nand desolation, enriching it like a girdle, and separating it from the\ncrescent-shaped Birqet-el-Qorn, situated in the lowest and most distant\npart. About mid-day we reached the lake. The only boat which was to be\nhad, far and wide, conveyed us in an hour and a half across the expanse\nof water, encircled all around by the desert, to an island lying in the\ncentre of the lake, called Gez\u00eeret-el-Qorn. We, however, found nothing\non it worthy of notice, not even a trace of a building, so towards the\nevening we returned.\n\nThe next morning we re-crossed the lake in a more northerly direction,\nand landed on a small peninsula of the opposite shore, which rises at\nonce 150 feet, to a plateau of the Libyan Desert, commanding the whole\nOasis. We then ascended, and about an hour distant from the shore, in\nthe midst of the inhospitable desert, devoid of water and vegetation, we\nfound the extensive ruins of an ancient town, which on earlier maps is\nnamed Med\u00eenet Nimrud. They were utterly unacquainted with this name here;\nthe place was only known by the designation of DIM\u00c9H. On the following\nday, the 7th July, the regular plan of these ruins, with the remains of\nits temple, was noted down by Erbkam, who had spent the night here with\nAbeken. There are no inscriptions on the temple, and whatever sculptures\nwe found, were placed in this remarkable building at a late period. It\nwas probably intended only as a military station, against invasions from\nLybia into the rich country of the Fai\u00fbm.\n\nOn the 8th July we went in our boat to QASR QER\u00dbN, an old town on the\nsouthern end of the lake, with a temple of late date, and in excellent\npreservation, but with no inscriptions, the plan of which was taken on\nthe following day. From this place we followed the southern frontier\nof the Oasis, by Neslet, as far as the ruins of Med\u00eenet M\u00e2di, on LAKE\nGHARAQ, near which the ancient dams of Lake M\u0153ris projected from the\nnorth, and on the 11th July we again arrived at our camp on the ruins\nof the Labyrinth. We found all well, including Frey, whom we had left\nindisposed, and whose repeated attacks of illness, probably produced by\nthe climate, cause me some anxiety.\n\nTo-morrow I am thinking of going to Cairo with Abeken and Bonomi, to hire\na boat for our journey south, and to prepare everything that is requisite\nfor our final departure from the neighbourhood of the capital. We shall\ntake four camels with us for the transport of the monuments which we have\ncollected in the Fai\u00fbm, and strike into the shortest road, namely, from\nhere by TAM\u00ceEH, which we did not touch at, on our journey round, and\nthence across the desert heights which separate this part of the Fai\u00fbm\nfrom the Nile valley; we shall then descend into it by the Pyramids of\nDasch\u00fbr, and thus hope to reach Cairo in two days and a half.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XIII.\n\n\n                                           _Cairo, the 14th August, 1843._\n\nI regret to say that I received such uncomfortable accounts of the state\nof Frey\u2019s health, soon after our arrival in Cairo, that Abeken and Bonomi\nat length determined to go to our camp, and to bring him in a litter\nwhich they took with them, from the Labyrinth to Zani on the Nile, and\nthence by water to this place. As soon as Dr. Pruner had seen him, he\npronounced that the only advisable course was to let him immediately\nreturn to Europe. The liver complaint, under which he was found to be\nsuffering, is incurable in Egypt, and as it had already made great\nprogress, he left us yesterday at mid-day. May the climate of home soon\nrestore our friend\u2019s strength, who is both amiable and full of talent,\nand is a great loss to us all.\n\nA few days ago, I purchased some Ethiopian Manuscripts for the Library\nat Berlin, from a Basque, Domingo Lorda, who has lived a long time in\nAbyssinia, and accompanied D\u2019Abadie on several journeys. He bought them,\nprobably, for a small sum, in a convent situated on the island of Th\u00e2na,\nnear Gorata, one day\u2019s journey from the sources of the Blue Nile, whose\ninhabitants were brought to a state of great distress by locusts. The one\ncontains the history of Abyssinia, from Solomon to Christ, and is said to\ncome from Axum, and to be between five and six hundred years old. This\nfirst part of the Abyssinian history, called KEBRE NEGEST, \u201cthe Fame of\nthe Kings,\u201d is said to be far more rare than the second, TARIK NEGEST,\n\u201cthe History of the Kings;\u201d but this manuscript also contains at the\nend a list of the Ethiopian kings since the time of Christ. The largest\nmanuscript, adorned with many great pictures in the Byzantine style, and\nby what I learn about it from Lieder, almost unique in its kind, contains\nchiefly the histories of saints. The third contains the still valid\n_Canones_ of the Church, complete. I hope that it will be an acceptable\npurchase for our Library.[26]\n\nThe purchases for our journey are also now completed; a convenient boat\nis hired, which will save us from the great difficulties of a land\njourney, since this, more especially during the impending season of\ninundation, could scarcely be accomplished.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XIV.\n\n\n                                         _Thebes, the 13th October, 1843._\n\nOn the 16th August I went from Cairo to the Fai\u00fbm, from which our camp\nbroke up on the 21st. Two days later we sailed away from BENI-SUEF, and,\nsending the camels back to Cairo, only took the asses with us in our\nboat, as, on considering the matter more attentively, we found that the\nland journey, originally contemplated by me along the range of the hills\nsome distance from the river on the western side, was quite impracticable\nduring the inundation, and on the eastern bank would have been partly\ntoo fatiguing, and partly devoid of objects of interest to us on account\nof the proximity of the desert frontier on that side, beyond which there\nis nothing for us to explore. We have, therefore, only made excursions\nfrom the boat, sometimes on foot, sometimes on asses, principally to the\neastern hills, which are easily reached; but on the western bank, also,\nwe have visited the most important points.\n\nThe very day after our departure from Beni-suef we found a small\nrock-temple in the neighbourhood of the village of SURARIEH, unnoticed by\nearlier travellers, not even mentioned by Wilkinson, which, as early as\nthe 19th Dynasty, was dedicated by Menephthes, the son of Ramses Miamun,\nto the Egyptian Venus (Hathor). Farther on are several groups of tombs,\nwhich had also hitherto received scarcely any notice, although, from\ntheir extreme antiquity, they are peculiarly interesting. The whole of\nMiddle Egypt, judging by the tombs which have been preserved, seems to\nhave principally flourished during the Old Monarchy, before the invasion\nof the Hyksos, not only during the 12th Dynasty, to which the renowned\ntombs of Benihassan, Siut, and Berscheh belong, but even as early as the\n6th. We have found groups of tombs, of considerable size, from this early\nperiod, which belonged to towns whose names even are no longer known in\nthe later Egyptian geography, because they had probably been destroyed by\nthe Hyksos. We remained the longest time in Benihassan, namely, sixteen\ndays. Hence the season has now arrived, which we must not lose for our\njourney south. In the following places, therefore, notes alone were\ntaken, and paper impressions of a most important kind; for instance, in\nEl Amarna, in Siut, in the venerable Abydos, and in the more recent, but\nnot on that account less magnificent, Temple of Dendera, which is almost\nin perfect preservation. In Siut we visited the Governor of Upper Egypt,\nSel\u00eem Pascha, who for several months past has been working an ancient\nalabaster quarry, which had been re-discovered by the Bedouins, between\nBerscheh and Gau\u00e2ta.\n\nThe town of SIUT is beautifully built and in a charming situation,\nespecially when viewed from the steep rock on the western bank of the\nvalley close behind it. The view of the overflowed Nile valley from these\nheights is the most beautiful which we have yet seen, and, at the same\ntime, extremely characteristic of the inundation season, in which we are\nnow travelling. From the foot of the steep rock, a small dam overgrown\nwith sont-trees,[27] and a bridge, leads across to the town, which lies\nlike an island in the boundless sea of inundation. The gardens of Ibrahim\nPascha, extending on the left, form another island, green and fresh,\ncovered with trees and brushwood. The town, with its fifteen minarets,\nrises high above the mounds of rubbish of the ancient Lycopolis. A still\nlarger dam leads from it to the Nile, and, towards the south, other long\ndams may be seen, like floating threads drawn across the mass of waters.\nOn the other side the Arabian chain of mountains approach tolerably\nnear, by which the valley becomes closed in, forming a picture which can\nbe easily surveyed.\n\nWe have been in the royal city of THEBES since the 6th October. Our boat\nlanded us first, under the walls of Luqsor, at the most southern point\nof the Theban ruins. The strong current of the river has here encroached\nto within such a short distance of the old temple that it is itself\neven in considerable danger. I endeavoured to obtain a view over the\nruins of Thebes, from the summit of the temple, in order to compare it\nwith the image that I had formed of it from maps and descriptions. The\ndistances, however, are too great to make a good picture. You look upon\na wide landscape, in which the scattered groups of temples stand forth\nas single points, and can only be recognised by one who has a previous\nknowledge of the subject. Towards the north, at the distance of a short\nhour, rise the mighty Pylones of KARNAK, which of itself formed a town\nof temples altogether gigantic and astonishing. We spent the succeeding\ndays in taking a cursory survey of them. On the other side of the river,\nat the foot of the Libyan range, are the MEMNONIA, once an uninterrupted\nseries of splendid buildings, unrivalled among the monuments of\nantiquity. Even now the temples of MED\u00ceNET H\u00c2BU, with their high mounds\nof rubbish, are distinguishable in the distance, at the southern end\nof this series, exactly opposite to Luqsor; and at the northern end,\nan hour from that point down the river, the temple of QURNAH, which is\nin good preservation; between them both stands the temple of Ramses\nMiamun (Sesostris), already of great celebrity, from its description by\nDiodorus. Thus the four Arabian places, Karnak, and Luqsor on the eastern\nside of the river, Qurnah, and Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu on the western, form a great\nsquare, which measures on every side about half a geographical mile,\nand gives us some notion of the magnitude of the most splendid portion\nof ancient Thebes. How far the remaining inhabited portion of the City\nof a Hundred Gates extended towards the east, north, and south, it is\ndifficult to discover now, because all that in the lapse of time has not\nmaintained its original position, has gradually disappeared beneath the\nannually increasing rise of the soil of the lower plain by the inundation.\n\nNo one ever inquires here about the weather, for one day is exactly like\nthe other, serene, clear, and hitherto not too hot. We have no morning\nor evening red, as there are neither clouds nor vapours; but the first\nray of the morning calls forth a world of colours in the bare and rugged\nlimestone mountains closing in around us, and in the brownish glittering\ndesert, contrasted with the black, or green-clothed lower plain, such as\nis never seen in northern countries. There is scarcely any twilight, as\nthe sun sinks down at once. The separation of night and day is just as\nsudden as that between meadow and desert; one step, one moment, divides\nthe one from the other. The sombre brilliancy of the moon and starlight\nnights is so much the more refreshing to the eye which has been dazzled\nby the ocean light of day. The air is so pure and dry, that except in the\nimmediate vicinity of the river, in spite of the sudden change at sunset,\nthere is no fall of dew. We have almost entirely forgotten what rain\nis, for it is above six months since it last rained with us in Saq\u00e2ra.\nA few days ago we rejoiced, when, towards evening, we discovered some\nlight clouds in the sky to the south-west, which reminded us of Europe.\nNevertheless, we do not want coolness even in the daytime, for a light\nwind is almost always blowing, which does not allow the heat to become\ntoo oppressive. Added to this, the Nile water is pleasant to the taste,\nand maybe enjoyed in great abundance without any detriment.\n\nThe clay water-bottles (Qulleh) are invaluable to us; they are composed\nof fine, porous Nile mud, which allows the water to ooze through them\ncontinually; the evaporation of this, as soon as it appears on the warm\nsurface, as is well known, produces cold, and thus, by this simple\nprocess, the bottles are constantly kept cool in the hottest period of\nthe day. The drinking-water, on that account, is usually cooler than it\nis in Europe during the summer. We principally live upon poultry, and,\nas a change, we occasionally kill a sheep. There are very few vegetables.\nEvery meal is concluded by a dish of rice. For dessert we have the most\nbeautiful yellow melons, or juicy red water-melons. The dates also are\nexcellent, but not to be had everywhere. I have at length, to the great\njoy of my companions, learned to smoke a Turkish pipe, which keeps me a\nquarter of an hour in perfect _k\u00eaf_: by this word the Arabs designate\ntheir easy repose, their comfort; for as long as one \u201cdrinks\u201d the blue\nsmoke of the long pipe from the shallow bowl, so easily overset, it is\nimpossible to leave one\u2019s position, or to undertake anything else. We\nhave a convenient costume\u2014loose trousers of light cotton stuff, and over\nthem a wide long tunic, with short wide sleeves. Besides this I wear a\nbroad, turned-up, grey felt hat, as a European badge, which keeps the\nArabs in proper respect. We eat, according to the custom of the country,\non a low round table, not a foot high, sitting on cushions, with our legs\nfolded under us. This position has become so convenient to me, that I\neven write in it, sitting on my couch, the letter portfolio on my knees,\nas a support. Above me is spread out a canopy of gauze to keep off the\nflies\u2014this most shameless plague of Egypt during the day\u2014and the gnats\nduring the night. In other respects, we suffer far less from vermin here,\nthan in Italy. We have not yet been bit by scorpions and serpents, but in\nreturn there are very malignant wasps, which have frequently stung us.\n\nWe shall only remain here till the day after to-morrow, and shall then\ntravel towards the south without stopping. We shall wait for our return\nto devote as much time and labour as the treasures in this spot demand.\nAt Assuan, on the frontiers of Egypt, we shall, for the first time,\nchange our mode of transport, and send back our great boat, in which we\nalready feel quite at home. On the other side of the cataracts we shall\ntake two smaller boats for our journey onwards.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XV.\n\n\n                                   _Korusko, the 20th November, 1843._[28]\n\nOur journey from the Fai\u00fbm, through Egypt, was necessarily very much\nhastened owing to the advanced season. We have, therefore, rarely\nremained longer at a place than was requisite for a hasty survey, and\nhave chiefly confined ourselves, during the past three months, to keeping\nan exact register of what exists, and to increasing our important\ncollection of impressions upon paper of the most interesting inscriptions.\n\nOn our rapid journey as far as Wadi Halfa, we have collected from three\nto four hundred impressions, or exact copies, of Greek inscriptions\nalone. They often confirm Letronne\u2019s acute conjectures, but also not\nunfrequently correct the unavoidable mistakes of such a difficult work\nas his. In the inscription from which, without any foundation, it was\nproposed to settle the position of the town of Akoris, his conjecture,\n\u0399\u03a3\u0399\u0394\u0399 \u039b\u039f\u03a7\u0399\u0391\u0394\u0399, is not verified: L\u2019H\u00f4te had read \u039c\u039f\u03a7\u0399\u0391\u0394\u0399, but it is\n\u039c\u03a9\u03a7\u0399\u0391\u0394\u0399, and before \u0395\u03a1\u03a9\u0395\u03a9\u03a3, not \u0395\u03a1\u0395\u0395\u03a9\u03a3.\n\nThe dedicatory inscription of the Temple of PSELCHIS (as it is given in\nthe inscription, in accordance with Strabo, instead of Pselcis) is almost\nas long again as Letronne assumes it to be, and the first line does not\nend with \u039a\u039b\u0395\u039f\u03a0\u0391\u03a4\u03a1\u0391\u03a3, but with \u0391\u0394\u0395\u039b\u03a6\u0397\u03a3, so that we must probably restore\nit thus:\n\n  \u1f59\u03c0\u1f72\u03c1 \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03ad\u03c9\u03c2 \u03a0\u03c4\u03bf\u03bb\u03b5\u03bc\u03b1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03af\u03c3\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2\n    \u039a\u03bb\u03b5\u03bf\u03c0\u03ac\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f00\u03b4\u03b5\u03bb\u03c6\u1fc6\u03c2\n  \u0398\u03b5\u1ff6\u03bd \u0395\u1f50\u03b5\u03c1\u03b3\u03b5\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd.[29] ... [30]\n\nAt the end of the second line \u03a4\u03a9\u0399\u039a\u0391\u0399, therefore, is confirmed. The\nsurname of Hermes, which follows in the third line, however, has been\n\u03a0\u0391\u039f\u03a4\u03a0\u039d\u039f\u03a5\u03a6\u0399 (\u0394\u0399) differing from the writing in other later inscriptions,\nwhere he is called \u03a0\u0391\u03a5\u03a4\u039d\u039f\u03a5\u03a6\u0399\u03a3. The same surname is also not unfrequently\nfound in hieroglyphics, and then sounds _Tut en Pnubs_, that is to\nsay, _Thoth_ of, or Lord of \u03a0\u03bd\u03bf\u03cd\u03c8, a town, the site of which is still\nuncertain. I have already met with this Thoth in temples of earlier\ndate, where he frequently appears beside the _Thoth_ of _Schmun_, i. e.\n_Hermopolis Magna_. In the popular language it was called _Pet-Pnubs_;\nfrom this, it became _Paot-Pnuphis_.\n\nThe interesting problem about the owner of the name, \u0395\u1f50\u03c0\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03c1, which\nLetronne endeavours to solve in a new manner, by means of the\ninscriptions on the obelisk of Phil\u00e6, appears to be decided by the\nhieroglyphic inscriptions, where the same circumstances recur, but lead\nto other conjectures.[31] I have found several very perfect series of the\nPtolemies, the longest down to Neos Dionysos, and his consort Cleopatra,\nwho, according to the hieroglyphic inscriptions, was surnamed, by the\nEgyptians, TRYPH\u00c6NA.[32] A fact worthy of consideration is connected\nwith this, namely, that in this _Egyptian_ list of the Ptolemies, the\nfirst king is never Ptolemy Soter I., but PHILADELPHUS. In Qurna, where\nEuergetes II. worships his predecessors, not alone Philometor, the\nbrother of Euergetes is wanting, which is easily explained, but also\nSoter I., and Rosellini is mistaken when he regards the king who is\nworshipped under the title of Philadelphus, about whom Champollion was\nstill doubtful, as Soter I. instead of Euergetes I. It appears that the\nson of Lagus, although he assumed the title of _king_ from the year 305,\nwas yet not acknowledged as such by the Egyptians, as his shields do not\nappear on a single monument which was erected by him. So much the more do\nI rejoice that I have nevertheless found his name mentioned once, in an\ninscription of Philadelphus, as the father of Arsino\u00eb II. But here, we\nmust observe, Soter has, indeed, the royal ring round his name, and also\na peculiar Throne-shield name, but quite contrary to the usual Egyptian\ncustom, no king\u2019s title stands before either of the shields, although his\ndaughter is called \u201croyal daughter\u201d and \u201croyal lady.\u201d[33]\n\nIt is astonishing how little Champollion seems to have attended to the\nmonuments of the Old Monarchy. During his whole journey through Central\nEgypt, as far as Dendera, he only found the rock-tombs of Benihassan\nworthy of notice, and these also, he considered to be works of the 16th\nand 17th Dynasties, therefore belonging to the New Monarchy. He also\nmentions Zauiet el Meit\u00een and Siut, but hardly notices them.\n\nSo little has been said by others, besides, on most of the monuments of\nCentral Egypt, that almost everything that we here found was new to me.\nI, therefore, was not a little astonished when we discovered in ZAUIET EL\nMEIT\u00ceN a series of nineteen rock-tombs, all of them bearing inscriptions,\nwhich informed us who were their inhabitants, and belonging to the old\ntime of the 6th Dynasty, therefore extending almost to the period of\nthe great Pyramids. Five among them contain, more than once, the Shield\nof Makrobioten Apappus Pepi, who is said to have lived to the age of a\nhundred and six years, and to have reigned a hundred years; in another,\nCheops is mentioned. Apart from these there is also a single grave from\nthe period of Ramses.\n\nIn BENIHASSAN, I have had a complete drawing made of an entire rock-tomb;\nit is to give a specimen of the magnificent style of architecture\nand artistic skill, from the second flourishing period of the Old\nMonarchy, during the powerful 12th Dynasty.[34] I think it will excite\nsome attention among the Egyptologists, when they shortly learn from\nBunsen\u2019s work, why I make a division in the tablet of Abydos, and why I\nventured to transfer SESURTESEN and AMENEMHA, these well-known Pharaohs\nof Heliopolis, the Fai\u00fbm, Benihassan, Thebes, and as far as Wadi Halfa,\nfrom the New, to the Old Monarchy. It must have been a brilliant period\nin Egypt at that time, which these magnificent halls for the dead\nalone testify. At the same time, among the rich representations on the\nwalls, which exhibit a high standard of the peaceful arts, as well as\nthe refined luxury of the great at that period, it is interesting even\nthen to meet with the prognostics of that great adverse destiny, which\nbrought Egypt for several centuries under the power of her northern\nenemies. Gladiatorial games, which form a characteristic representation\nof frequent recurrence, in many tombs occupy entire walls, by which\nwe may conclude they were extensively practised at that period, but\nafterwards almost disappeared. Among these we frequently find amidst\nthe red or dark-brown people of the Egyptian race, and of those races\ndwelling more to the south, a very light-coloured people, standing singly\nor in small divisions, who have usually a different costume, and most of\nthem have the hair of the head and beard red, and have blue eyes. They\nalso sometimes appear among the domestics of persons of rank, and are\nmanifestly of northern, probably of Semetic, origin. We find victories\nof the kings over the Ethiopians and Negroes mentioned on the monuments\nof that period; therefore it is not surprising to see black slaves and\nattendants. We learn nothing of wars against the northern neighbours, but\nit appears that the migrations of people from the north-east had already\nbegun at that time, and that many emigrants sought a home in the fruitful\nland of Egypt, in exchange for service, or other useful employments.\n\nI here allude particularly to the remarkable scene in the tomb of the\nroyal relative NEHERA-SI-NUMHOTEP, the second tomb approaching from the\nnorth, which gives an animated idea of the entrance of Jacob with his\nfamily, and which might tempt us really to connect these circumstances,\nif Jacob had not come at a much later period, and if we were not\ncompelled to acknowledge that such immigrations of single families could\nnever have been a rare event. These, however, were the predecessors of\nthe Hyksos, and assuredly in many respects paved the way for them. As it\nis only painted, and is still in very good preservation, I have traced\nthrough the whole representation, which is about eight feet long, and\none and a half high. The royal scribe NEFRUHOTEP, who introduces the\ncompany before the high official, to whom the tomb belongs, hands him a\nsheet of papyrus. Upon this, the sixth year of King Sesurtesen II. is\nmentioned, when that family of thirty-seven persons came to Egypt. Their\nchief, and lord, was called ABSCHA, they themselves AAMU, a popular name,\nwhich we meet with again associated with the same light-coloured race;\nthis, with three other races, is frequently represented in the royal\ntombs of the 19th Dynasty, and formed one of the four principal families\nof the human race known to the Egyptians. Champollion, when he was in\nBenihassan, regarded them as Greeks; he was not then aware of the extreme\nage of the monuments which were before him. Wilkinson considers them\nto be prisoners; this is contradicted by their appearing with weapons\nand lyres, with women, children, asses, and baggage. I view them as a\nmigrating Hyksos family, who pray to be received into the blessed land,\nand whose descendants, perhaps, opened the gates of Egypt to the Semetic\nconquerors, allied to them by race.\n\nThe town, to which the rich rock-necropolis of Benihassan belonged, and\nwhich is named in the hieroglyphic inscriptions NUS, must have been of\nconsiderable size, and, doubtless, lay opposite, on the left bank of\nthe Nile, where ancient mounds exist even at the present time, and are\nmarked upon the French maps. That no more of this town of NUS was known\nin the geography of the Greeks and Romans than of many other towns of the\nOld Monarchy, ought not to surprise us, if we consider that the dominion\nof the Hyksos intervened, which lasted five hundred years. It is thought\nthat the sudden fall of the Monarchy, and of this flourishing town, may\nbe traced, even now, to have happened at the end of the 12th Dynasty\nby this circumstance\u2014that only eleven of the numerous rock-tombs have\ninscriptions, and that among these, three alone were quite completed.\nSpecial roads of considerable width led to these last, ascending direct\nfrom the bank of the river, which near the steep upper part ended in\nsteps cut out of the rock.\n\nBenihassan, however, is not the only place where we became acquainted\nwith the works of the 12th Dynasty. At BERSCHEH, a little to the south of\nthe great plain, where the Emperor Hadrian, in honour of his favourite,\nwho was there drowned, built the town of ANTINOE, with its splendid\nstreets, even now partly passable, and encompassed with hundreds of\ncolumns, a narrow valley opens to the east, where we again found a\nseries of splendidly executed rock-tombs of the 12th Dynasty, most of\nwhich, unfortunately, were mutilated by recent quarrying. In the tomb of\nKi-si-Tuthotep there is a representation of the transport of the great\nColossus, which has been already published by Rosellini, but without the\naccompanying inscriptions; from these we perceive that it was formed\nof _limestone_ (here, for the first time, I learned the hieroglyphic\nterm for this), and that it was 13 Egyptian ells high, which is about\n21 feet.[35] A series of still older tombs are hewn into the face of\nthe rock on the southern side of the same valley, but with very few\ninscriptions; to judge by the style of the hieroglyphics, and the titles\nof the deceased, they belong to the 6th Dynasty.\n\nSome hours farther to the south there is another group of tombs,\nwhich also belong to the 6th Dynasty; here, likewise, King Cheops is\noccasionally mentioned, whose name we several times met with before,\nin a hieratic inscription in Benihassan. We found tombs from the 6th\nDynasty, though with few inscriptions, in two other places situated,\nbetween the valley EL AMARNA, which contains the very remarkable\ntomb-grottoes of King Bech-en-Aten, and Siut. Perring, the measurer\nof the Pyramids, a short time ago seriously endeavoured, in an essay,\nto maintain the strange opinion, which, however, I also met with\nwhile in Cairo, that the monuments of El Amarna were derived from the\nHyksos; others, on account of their striking, though not inexplicable\npeculiarities, would even carry them back to the time before Menes. While\nstill in Europe I had recognised the builder of these monuments, and some\nother allied kings, to be antagonistic kings of the 18th Dynasty.\n\nRock-tombs of vast size open on the side of the valley behind SIUT, in\nwhich, even from a distance, we recognised the imposing style of the 12th\nDynasty. Here also, unfortunately, many of these splendid remains have\nbeen destroyed of late, as it was found more convenient to break away the\nwalls and columns of the grottoes, than to hew out building stones from\nthe rock itself.\n\nI learned from Sel\u00eem Pascha, the Governor of Upper Egypt, who received\nus in a most friendly manner in Siut, that the Bedouins had a short\ntime ago discovered some alabaster quarries in the eastern range of\nmountains, between two and three hours distant, the working of which had\nbeen committed to him by Mohammed Ali; and I heard from his dragoman,\nthat in that place also there was an inscription on the rock. I\ntherefore determined to start the following day, accompanied by the two\nWeidenbachs, our dragoman and Kawass, on this hot ride, on the Pascha\u2019s\nhorses, which he had sent to El Bosra for the purpose. We found there a\nlittle colony of eighteen labourers, thirty-one souls altogether, in the\nlonely, sultry, rocky defile, occupied in working the quarries. On the\nside of the rock, behind the tent of the overseer, the name and titles\nof the wife, so highly venerated by the Egyptians of the first Amasis,\nthe head of the 18th Dynasty which expelled the Hyksos, were preserved\nin distinct, sharp-cut hieroglyphics, the remains of an inscription that\nhad been formerly longer. These are the first alabaster quarries the\nage of which is proved by an inscription. Not far from that place there\nhave been others also, which, however, had been worked out in ancient\ntimes. Above three hundred blocks have been already obtained from the\none now re-opened during the last four months, the largest of which are\neight feet long and two feet thick. The Pascha informed me, through\nhis dragoman, that on our return I should find a slab, whose size and\nform I might myself determine, of the best quality in the quarry, and\nwhich I might accept, as a token of the pleasure he had derived from\nour visit. The alabaster quarries which have hitherto been discovered\nin this neighbourhood, are all between Berscheh and Gau\u00e2ta; we might be\ninclined, therefore, to view El Bosra as the ancient Alabastron, if the\npassage in Ptolemy could be reconciled with it. At any rate, Alabastron\nhas certainly nothing to do with the ruins in the valley of El Amarna,\nfor which it has hitherto been taken, which does not either agree with\nthe statement of Ptolemy, and with which it appears to have a totally\ndifferent relation. The hieroglyphic name of these ruins frequently\nappears in the inscriptions.\n\nIn the rocky chain of GEBEL SEL\u00ceN there are some more very early tombs\nbelonging to the Old Monarchy, probably to the 6th Dynasty, but with few\ninscriptions.\n\nOpposite to old PANOPOLIS, or CHEMMIS, we climbed up to the remarkable\nrock-grotto of Pan (Chem). It was founded by another rival king of the\n18th Dynasty, whose tomb we have since visited in Thebes. The holy name\nof the city frequently appears in the inscriptions here\u2014\u201cThe Habitation\nof CHEM,\u201d _i. e._ Panopolis. Whether the popular name Chemmis, now\nEchmim, originated from this, is perhaps doubtful. I have always found\ntwo different names for Siut, Dendera, Abydos, and other towns; the\nholy and the popular name. The first is taken from the chief god of the\nlocal temple; the second has nothing to do with this. My hieroglyphic\ngeography increases nearly with every new monumental locality. In\nABYDOS we came to the first of the larger temple structures. The last\ninteresting tombs of the Old Monarchy we found at QASR E\u2019 SAIAT; they go\nas far back as the 6th Dynasty. In DENDERA we visited the imposing Temple\nof Hathor, perhaps the best preserved in all Egypt.\n\nWe spent twelve overwhelming and astounding days in Thebes, which were\nscarcely sufficient to enable us to thread our way among the palaces,\ntemples, and tombs, whose royal gigantic splendour fills this wide plain.\nWe celebrated the birthday of our beloved king with a _feu de joie_,\nand waving of banners, with chorus songs and heartfelt toasts, which we\npledged in a glass of genuine German Rhine wine, in the jewel of all\nthe splendid buildings of Egypt\u2014the palace of Ramses-Sesostris: it was\nerected by this greatest of the Pharaohs to \u201cAmmon-Ra, the King of the\nGods,\u201d the tutelar patron of the royal city of Ammon, situated on a\nterrace of gentle elevation, calculated to command the wide plain on both\nsides of the majestic river, and was worthy of himself and of the god. I\nneed scarcely say that on such an occasion we also thought of you with a\nfull heart. When night came, we kindled a kettle of pitch above the outer\nentrance between the Pylones, on both sides of which our banners were\nplanted, and then made a great fire flame up from the flat roof of the\nPronaos (or vestibule), which exhibited the beautiful proportions of the\nhall of columns in splendid relief; for the first time since thousands\nof years we again restored this to its original destination as a festive\nhall\u2014the saloon of \u201cpanegyrics.\u201d[36] The two mighty Memnon Colossi,\ncalmly reposing on their thrones, were also magically lighted up in the\ndistance.\n\nWe have reserved all great undertakings for our return; but it will be\ndifficult to select from the inexhaustible materials for our particular\nobject, and with reference to what has been already communicated in\nother works. On the 10th of October we quitted Thebes. HERMONTHIS we saw\nin passing. The great hall of ESNEH was several years ago excavated down\nto the foundation by order of the Pascha, and afforded us a magnificent\nspectacle. We remained three days in EL KAB, the ancient EILEITHYIA.\nStill more wonderful than the different temples of this once mighty\nplace, are its rock-tombs, most of which date from the commencement of\nthe Egyptian War of Freedom against the Hyksos, and throw much light on\nthe relations between the Dynasties of that period. Several distinguished\npersons, buried there, bear the strange title of Masculine Nurse of a\nRoyal Prince, by the well-known group _mena_, and the determinative of\nthe female breast, in the Coptic tongue expressed \u2c99\u2c9f\u2ca1\u2c93. The deceased is\nrepresented with the prince upon his lap.\n\nThe Temple of EDFU is also among those which are in best preservation;\nit was dedicated to Horus and to Hathor, the Egyptian Venus, who is here\nin one place called \u201cThe Queen of Men and Women.\u201d Horus, as a child,\nis represented naked, as are all children on the monuments, and with\nhis finger on his mouth. I had before explained the name of HARPOKRATES\nfrom it, which now I have found represented and written here complete,\nas HAR-PE-CHROTI, _i. e._ \u201cHorus the child.\u201d The Romans misunderstood\nthe Egyptian gesture of the finger, and out of the child who cannot\nyet speak, they made the God of Silence who will not speak. The most\ninteresting inscription, hitherto neither noticed nor mentioned by\nany one, is on the outer eastern wall of the temple built by Ptolemy\nAlexander I. It contains several dates, of the kings Darius, Nectanebus,\nand of the falsely so-called Amyrt\u00e6us, and refers to the landed estates\nwhich belonged to the temple. The intense heat of the day we spent\nthere caused me to postpone, till our return, a closer examination, and\ntaking the paper impression of this wall.[37] GEBEL SILSILIS is one of\nthe places most abundant in historical inscriptions, which are chiefly\nconnected with the vast workings of the sandstone quarries.\n\nI was rejoiced to find a third _canon of the proportions_ of the human\nbody, in OMBOS, differing very distinctly from both the older Egyptian\ncanons which I had before met with in many examples. The second canon\nis closely connected with the first, and oldest, of the time of the\nPyramids, from which it differs only in being brought to greater\nperfection, and being differently applied. The foot, as the unit, is the\nfoundation of both, this taken six times, corresponded to the height of\nthe body when upright; but it must be observed, from the sole of the\nfoot, not as far as the crown of the head, but only to the top of the\nforehead. That portion from where the hair begins to grow on the upper\npart of the forehead, to the crown of the head, did not come into the\ncalculation at all, and occupies sometimes three-quarters, sometimes the\nhalf, sometimes still less of a fresh square. The difference between the\nfirst and the second canon chiefly rests on the position of the knee.\nIn the Ptolemaic canon, however, the division has itself been altered.\nThe body was no longer divided into 18 parts, as in the second canon,\nbut into 21\u00bc parts, to the top of the forehead, or into 23 parts, up to\nthe crown of the head. This is the division which DIODORUS gives, in\nthe last chapter of his first book. In the lower part of the body the\nproportions of the second and third canon remain the same; on the other\nhand, those of the upper part of the body are essentially altered, the\ncontours become altogether more extravagant, and the previous beautiful\nsimplicity and chasteness of the forms, in which consisted both its grand\nand peculiarly Egyptian character, yielded to the imperfect imitation of\nan uncomprehended foreign style of art. The proportion of the foot to the\nlength of the body remains the same, but the foot is no longer placed for\nthe basis as unit.\n\nAt ASSUAN we were obliged to change our boat, on account of the\nCataracts, and for the first time for six months past, or longer, we\nhad the home enjoyment of heavy rain, and a violent thunderstorm, which\ngathered on the farther side of the Cataracts, crossed with a mighty\nforce the granite girdle, and then, amidst the most violent explosions,\nrolled down the valley as far as Cairo, and (as we have since heard)\ncovered it with floods of water, such as had been scarcely remembered\nbefore. So we may say, with Strabo and Champollion, \u201cIn our time it\nrained in Upper Egypt.\u201d Rain is, indeed, so rare here, that our guards\nnever remembered to have beheld such a spectacle, and our Turkish Kawass,\nwho is in all respects perfectly acquainted with the country, continued\nto leave his own things untouched; while we long before had been carrying\nour chests into the tents, and having them better secured, he quietly\nrepeated _abaden moie_, \u201cnever rain,\u201d a word which since then he has\noften been compelled to hear, as he was thoroughly drenched, and caught\na violent, feverish cold, for which he was obliged to wait patiently in\nPhil\u00e6.\n\nThe situation of PHIL\u00c6 is as charming as it is interesting by its\nmonuments. Some of the most delightful recollections of our journey are\nassociated with our eight days\u2019 residence on this holy island. We used\nto assemble before dinner, after the scattered work of the day, on the\nelevated temple terrace, which rises abruptly from the river, on the\neastern shore of the island; we there watched the shadow of the temple\n(which is in good preservation, and built of sharply cut, deep-coloured\nglowing blocks of sandstone) steal over the river, and mingle with the\nblack volcanic masses of rock, towering above each other, between which\nthe golden yellow sand pours into the valley like streams of fire. The\nisland appears only to have become holy to the Egyptians at a late\nperiod, for the first time under the Ptolemies. Herodotus, who during\nthe rule of the Persians ascended as far as the Cataracts, does not\nmention Phil\u00e6 at all; it was at that time inhabited by the Ethiopians,\nwho were also in possession of half of the island of Elephantine. The\noldest buildings now to be found upon the island were erected on the\nsouthern point by Nectanebus, the last king but two of Egyptian origin,\nalmost a hundred years after the journey of Herodotus. There are no\ntraces of earlier remains, not even of any that were destroyed or built\nup into other buildings. Many older inscriptions are to be found upon\nthe large neighbouring island of Bigeh, named in hieroglyphics SENMUT.\nAs early as the Old Monarchy, it was adorned with Egyptian monuments;\nfor we have found a granite statue of King Sesurtesen III. from the 12th\nDynasty. The little rocky island KONOSSO, named in hieroglyphics KENES,\nalso contains very old inscriptions, engraved upon the rock, in which a\nnew and hitherto wholly unknown King of the Hyksos period is also named.\nHitherto the hieroglyphic name of the island of Phil\u00e6 was read Manlak. I\nhave found the name undoubtedly more than once written Ilak; hence with\nthe article, PHILAK became in the mouth of the Greeks PHILAI. The sign\nwhich Champollion read \u201cman,\u201d in other groups changes into _i_, thence\nthe expression I-lak, P-i-lak, Memphitic Ph-i-lak, is now established.\n\nWe have made a valuable discovery in the court of the great Temple of\nIsis, of two _bilingual_ decrees of the Egyptian priests, that is to\nsay, drawn up in the Hieroglyphic and Demotic characters; they are\ntolerably rich in words, and one of them contains the same text as the\ndecree of the Rosetta stone. I have, at least, up to the present moment,\ncompared the last seven lines, which correspond with the inscription\nof Rosetta, not only in their contents, but also in the length of each\nsingle line; the inscription must be copied before I can say more\nabout it; at all events, it is no inconsiderable advantage to Egyptian\nphilology, if only a portion of the fragmentary decree of Rosetta can,\nthrough this, be completed. The whole of the first portion of the\nRosetta inscription which precedes the decree, is here wanting. Instead\nof this, there is a second decree beside it, which refers to the same\nPtolemy Epiphanes; in the introduction, the \u201cFortress of Alexander,\u201d\n_i. e._ the town of Alexandria, is mentioned for the first time, on the\nmonuments which have hitherto become known. Both decrees conclude, like\nthe Rosetta inscription, with the intention to set up the inscription in\nHieroglyphic, Demotic, and Greek characters. Nevertheless, the Greek is\nwanting here; unless, perhaps, it was written down in red, and rubbed out\nwhen Ptolemy Lathyrus cut his hieroglyphic inscriptions over the earlier\nones.[38]\n\nThe hieroglyphic succession of the Ptolemies, which appears here, begins\nagain with Philadelphus; whereas, in the Greek text of the Rosetta\ninscription, it begins with Soter. Another very remarkable fact is, that\nEpiphanes is here called, the son of Ptolemy Philopator and _Cleopatra_,\nwhile, by the historical accounts, the only wife of Philopator was\nArsino\u00eb, and she is besides so named in the Rosetta inscription, and on\nother monuments. She is also certainly called Cleopatra in one passage of\nPliny, but this might have been considered a mistake of the author, or of\nthe manuscript, if a hieroglyphic, and, indeed, an official document did\nnot even now present the same change of names. There are now, therefore,\nno longer any grounds to place the mission by the Roman Senate of Marcus\nAtilius, and Marcus Acilius to Egypt, to negotiate a new alliance on\naccount of the Queen Cleopatra, who is mentioned by Livy, under Ptolemy\nEpiphanes, as is done by Champollion Figeac, instead of under Ptolemy\nPhilopator as other authors relate. We must rather assume now, either\nthat the wife and sister of Philopator bore both names, which, indeed,\neven then would not quite remove the difficulties; or that the project\nmentioned by Appian, of a marriage between Philopator and the Syrian\nCleopatra, who afterwards became the wife of Epiphanes, was carried into\neffect after the murder of Arsino\u00eb, though the authors give us no account\nof it. Here, naturally, I am without the means of making this point\nperfectly clear.[39]\n\nThe multitude of Greek inscriptions in Phil\u00e6 is incalculable, and it will\ninterest Letronne to hear, that on the base of the second obelisk, which\nstill exists in its original place and position, of which only a portion\nhas travelled with the other obelisk to England, I have found the remains\nof a Greek inscription, written in red, difficult indeed to decipher,\nwhich, perhaps, was at one time also gilt, similar to the two last\ndiscovered upon the base in England. I have already written to Letronne,\nthat the hieroglyphic inscriptions of the obelisk, which, together with\nthe Greek one of the base, I myself copied in Dorsetshire, and which I\nafterwards published in my \u201cEgyptian Atlas,\u201d have nothing to do with the\nGreek inscription, and were not even set up simultaneously; but it still\nremains a question, whether the inscription of the second base was not in\nconnexion with that of the first; the correspondence of the three known\ninscriptions certainly appears exclusively confined to themselves.\n\nThe chief temple of the island was dedicated to Isis. She is called by\npreference \u201cThe Lady of Philek.\u201d Osiris was only \u03b8\u03b5\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c3\u03cd\u03bd\u03bd\u03b1\u03bf\u03c2, which\nhas its peculiar hieroglyphic expression, and he is only sometimes\nexceptionally called \u201cLord of Philek;\u201d on the other hand, he was \u201cLord\nof Ph-i-u\u00eab,\u201d _i. e._ Abaton, and Isis, who was there \u03c3\u03cd\u03bd\u03bd\u03b1\u03bf\u03c2, is only\nexceptionally called \u201cThe Lady of Ph-i-u\u00eab.\u201d Even from this, we may\ninfer, that the famous tomb of Osiris, on his own island of Phiu\u00eab,\nwas not upon Philek. Both places were expressly designated by their\ndeterminatives as _Islands_. There is, therefore, no question that the\nAbaton of inscriptions and authors was not a particular place upon the\nisland of Phil\u00e6; it was itself an island. Diodorus and Plutarch both say\nso, in distinct terms, as they place it \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03a6\u03b9\u03bb\u03b1\u03b9\u03c2. Diodorus expressly\ndesignates the island with the tomb of Osiris, as a peculiar island,\nwhich, on account of this tomb, was called \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd \u03c0\u03b5\u03b4\u03af\u03bf\u03bd, \u201cthe sacred\nplain.\u201d This is a translation of PH-I-UEB, or PH-IH-UEB (for the _h_\nis also found in the hieroglyphics), in the Coptic tongue \u2cab-\u2c93\u2c81\u03e9-\u2c9f\u2ca9\u2c8f\u2c83,\nPH-IAH-UEB, \u201cthe sacred field.\u201d This sacred plain was an _Abaton_,\ninaccessible except to the priests.\n\nOn the 6th of November we left the enchanting island, and began our\n_Ethiopian_ journey. Even in DEB\u00d4D, the next temple we came to towards\nthe south, in hieroglyphics called _Tabet_ (in Coptic, perhaps, \u2ca7\u2c81 \u2c81\u2c83\u2c8f\u2ca7),\nwe found the sculptures of an Ethiopian king, ARKAMEN the ERGAMENES,\nof the authors, who reigned at the same time as Ptolemy Philadelphus,\nand probably was in very friendly relations with Egypt. There is great\nconfusion in the French work on Champollion\u2019s expedition (I have not got\nRosellini at hand). Many sheets which belong to Dakkeh are attributed to\nDeb\u00f4d, and _vice vers\u00e2_: we collected nearly sixty Greek inscriptions\nin GERTASSI. Letronne, who knew them, through Gau, has perhaps already\npublished them; I am eager to learn what he has made out of \u03b3\u03cc\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9, whose\npriests play an important part in these inscriptions, as also out of the\nnew gods, \u03a3\u03c1\u03bf\u03cd\u03c0\u03c4\u03b9\u03c7\u03b9\u03c2 and \u03a0\u03bf\u03c5\u03c1\u03c3\u03b5\u03c0\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03b9\u03c2.\n\nThe Inscriptions of TALMIS offer a new instance how incorrectly the\nEgyptian names were often comprehended by the Greeks, who name the same\ngod MANDULIS, who in the hieroglyphic language was distinctly called\nMERULI, and was the local god of Talmis. It is striking that the name\nof Talmis, which is frequently found in this temple, never appears in\nthe rock-temple of Bet el Ualli, certainly of much older date, which\nis situated in its immediate neighbourhood. DEND\u00dbR also had a peculiar\nprotecting patron, the god PETISI, who never appears anywhere else, and\nhas also the surname of Peschir Tenthur; Champollion\u2019s sheets are here,\nalso, in wonderful disorder, since the representations and inscriptions\nare erroneously combined.\n\nThe Temples of GERF HUSS\u00caN and SEB\u00dbA are especially worthy of notice,\nbecause Ramses Sesostris, by whom they were built, appears here both as\na contemplative divinity and worshipping himself as such, with Phtha and\nAmmon, the two chief divinities of this temple. In the first, he is even\none time called \u201cRuler of the Gods.\u201d\n\nChampollion has already remarked, with justice, that indeed all the\ntemples of the Ptolemies, and of the Roman emperors in Nubia, were only\nrestorations of former sanctuaries, which, in more ancient times, had\nbeen erected by the Pharaohs of the 18th and 19th Dynasties, and had\nbeen destroyed by the Persians. Thus also the Temple of PSELCHIS was\nfirst built by Tuthmosis III. Besides the scattered fragments of stone\nbelonging to this first building, which, however, was not dedicated to\nThoth, as Champollion believes, but to Horus, and thus at a later period\naltered its destination; we have found others, likewise, of Seth\u00f4s I.\nand Menephthes. It also appears that the axis of the first plan was not\nparallel with the river, like the later one, but similar to almost all\nother temples, its entrance was towards the river.\n\nAt the Temple of KORTE the entrance door alone is inscribed with\nhieroglyphics, and those of the worst style. Yet even this small amount\nwas sufficient to inform us that the sanctuary was dedicated to Isis, who\nis named \u201cThe Lady of Kerte.\u201d Here also we discovered some blocks that\nhad been used in later buildings, which had escaped the notice of former\ntravellers; they belonged to an ancient temple, erected by Tuthmosis\nIII., and the foundation walls may still be recognised.\n\nIn HIERASYKAMINOS we reaped the last harvest of Greek inscriptions.\nAs far as this place Greek and Roman travellers were protected by the\ngarrison of Pselchis, and by another strong position MEHENDI, which\nis not given on the maps, but was situated some hours to the south of\nHierasykaminos. PRIMIS seems only to have had a temporary garrison\nafter the campaign of Petronius. MEHENDI, whose name, indeed, seems\nonly to designate in Arabic the buildings, the fortress, is the best\npreserved Roman camp that I have ever seen. It lies upon a tolerably\nsteep eminence, and from that commands the river, and a small valley,\nwhich passes upwards from the river, to the south side of the fortress;\nthe caravan road, also, here branches off into the desert, and does not\nredescend to the river till near Medik. The wall of the town encloses a\nsquare, which, towards the east, passes down the hill a short way, and\nmeasures 175 paces from north to south, and 125 from east to west. Four\ncorner towers, and four central towers, spring up at regular intervals\nfrom the walls; among the last, those lying to the north and south were\nalso the gates, which, for greater security, did not lead straight into\nthe town, but with a bend. The southern gate, and all the southern\nportion of the fortress, which encompassed about 120 houses, are in\nexcellent preservation. Immediately behind the gate you enter a straight\nstreet, sixty-seven paces long, which, with but little interruption,\nis still completely arched over; several narrow side streets lead off\non both sides, and are also, as well as all the houses of that whole\nportion of the town, covered over with arched roofs, made of Nile bricks.\nThe street leads to a somewhat large open place in the middle of the\ntown, near to which was situated, upon the highest point of the ridge\nof the rock, the largest, and best built house, doubtless that of the\ncommander, with a semicircular niche at the eastern end. The walls of\nthe town are built out of unhewn stones; the gate alone, which supports\na well-constructed Roman arch, is built of sharply-cut square stones,\namongst which several built into it, have sculptures of the genuine\nEgyptian style, although of late date; a proof that before the erection\nof the fortress, there was an Egyptian or Ethiopian sanctuary, probably a\nchapel to Isis. We discovered a head of Osiris, and two heads of Isis, in\none of which we could still recognise the red-marked proportion square of\nthe third canon.\n\nThe last monument that we visited, before our arrival in Korusko, was\nthe Temple of Ammon in WADI SEB\u00dbA (the Lion Valley), so called from the\nrow of Sphinxes, which are now scarcely visible above the sea of sand\nwhich has buried nearly the whole temple, as far as it stood out alone.\nEven the western portion of the temple, hewn in the rock, is filled up\nhigh with sand, and we were compelled to summon the whole crew of our\nboat to open an entrance into this part of it. We here encountered a new\nand very peculiar combination of divine and human nature, in a group of\nfour divinities. The first of which was called \u201cPHTHA OF RAMSES, in the\nhouse of Ammon;\u201d the second, PHTHA, with other customary surnames; the\nthird, RAMSES, in the house of Ammon; the fourth, HATHOR. In another\ninscription, \u201cAMMON OF RAMSES, in the house of Ammon,\u201d was named. It is\ndifficult to explain this combination.[40]\n\nI was no less astonished to find a posterity of King Ramses-Miamun in\nthe outer court of this Temple of Ammon, consisting of a hundred and\nsixty-two children, represented with their names and titles, most of\nwhich, indeed, were scarcely legible, as they are very much destroyed;\nothers are covered with rubbish, and at present could only be estimated\nby the distances of the spaces. Hitherto, only twenty-five sons and\nten daughters of this great king were known. He did not take the two\nlegitimate wives which appear upon the monuments simultaneously, but the\none after the death of the other. To-day we had a visit from the old,\nblind, but powerful and rich Hassan Kaschef, of Derr, who formerly was\nindependent regent of Lower Nubia; he had no less than sixty-four wives,\nof whom forty-two still remain; twenty-nine sons and seventeen daughters\nare still living. He has, probably, never taken the trouble to reckon\nhow many of them he has lost, but by the usual proportion here, he must\nhave had about four times the number of those living, therefore about two\nhundred children.\n\nKORUSKO is an Arabian place, in the centre of the land of the NUBIANS, or\nBar\u00e2bra (plural of B\u00e9rberi), which includes the Nile valley from Assuan\nto beyond Dongola. They are an intelligent and honest race; peaceful, but\nof a disposition anything but slavish, with well-formed bodies, and a\nskin of a light, reddish-brown colour. The occupation of Korusko by the\nArabs of the race of the Ababde, who inhabit the whole of the eastern\ndesert from Assuan as far as Abu Hammed, is explained by the important\nsituation of the place, being the commencement of the great caravan\nroad, which leads direct to the province of Berber, and cuts off the\ngreat-western curvature of the Nile.\n\nThe Arabic tongue\u2014in which we have now learnt, at least to give orders\nand to ask questions, indeed, also to carry on a little conversation\nof civilities, or on the news of the day\u2014had become so familiar to\nour ears in Egypt, that the Nubian language attracted us, even by its\nnovelty. It is divided, as far as I have been hitherto able to learn,\ninto a northern and a southern dialect, which meet near Korusko.[41]\nThe language has a distinct character from the Arabic, even in its\nfirst elements in the system of consonants and vowels. It is much more\neuphonous, as it has hardly any accumulation of consonants, no hard\nguttural sounds; it has little sibilance, and many simple vowels,\ndiffering more distinctly from one another than in the Arabic, and\ngenerally parted by a consonant, thus again avoiding an effeminate\naccumulation of vowels. It has no accordance, either with the Semitic\nlanguages or with the Egyptian, in any part of the grammatical forms,\nor the radical words, much less with our own, and therefore surely\nbelongs to the original African tongue, without any immediate connexion\nwith the present language of the Ethiopian-Egyptian race, although the\npeople may have been often comprehended by the ancients under the name\nof Ethiopians, and were, perhaps, less strangers to them by descent.\nThey are not a trading people, and therefore can only reckon up to\ntwenty in their own language; they borrow the higher decades from the\nArabic language, yet they use a peculiar word for one hundred\u2014_imil_.\nThe grammatical distinction between the genders exists almost solely\nthroughout the language in the personal pronouns when they stand\nalone; they make a distinction between \u201che\u201d and \u201cshe,\u201d but not between\n\u201che gives\u201d and \u201cshe gives.\u201d They conjugate more by additional actual\nflexions, as in our languages, than by alteration of accent, and change\nof vowel, as in the Semitic. They form the ordinals by the addition of\n_iti_; the plural, by _\u00eegi_; they do not possess a dual. The connexion\nof the pronouns with the verb is both prefix and affix, but it is simple\nand natural; they distinguish between the present and the preterite; they\nexpress the future by a particle; they have also a peculiar form for the\npassive voice. The root of the negation is _m_, usually succeeded by an\n_n_; perhaps the only agreement more than accidental with the roots of\nmost other languages. Their original wealth of ideas is very limited.\nThey have, indeed, peculiar words for the sun, the moon, and the stars;\nbut they borrow terms from the Arabic for time, year, month, day, and\nhour; water, sea, and river, are all _essi_; but it is remarkable that\nthey designate the Nile by a particular word\u2014_Tossi_. They have peculiar\nwords for all native animals, tame and wild; Arabic words for everything\nconnected with house-building, and even navigation; it is only the boat\nthey themselves call _kub_, which, most likely, has nothing to do with\nthe Arabic _m\u00e9rkab_. They have only one word\u2014_b\u00e9ti_ (fenti)\u2014for the\ndate-fruit and the date-tree, which are expressed by different terms in\nArabic\u2014_bellah_ and _nachele_. The sycamore-tree they call by an Arabic\nname: but it is remarkable, that they designate the sont (acacia) tree by\nthe same word as tree generally\u2014_g\u2019\u00f4ui_. Spirit, God, slave, the ideas\nof relationship, the different parts of the body, weapons, the produce\nof the field, and all that belongs to the preparation of bread, have\nNubian names; on the other hand, servant, friend, enemy, temple, to pray,\nbelieve, read, is Arabic. It is striking that they have special words for\nwriting, and book; but not for style, ink, paper, letter. They call all\nthe metals by Arabic names, with the exception of iron. They are _rich_,\nin the Berber tongue; _poor_, in Arabic; and, in fact, they are all rich\nin their miserable home, which they cling to like the Swiss, and, devoid\nof wants, they despise the Arabic gold, which they might earn in Egypt,\nwhere their services are much sought for, as house watchmen, and in all\nconfidential posts.\n\nWe are now waiting for the arrival of the camels, to commence our desert\njourney. Till we reach Abu Hammed, eight days hence, we shall only once\nfind water fit to drink. We shall travel four days longer on camels, as\nfar as Berber; there, by the arrangement of Achmed Pascha, we shall find\nboats ready for us. We must go to Kart\u00fbm, to supply ourselves again with\nprovisions; if we may believe Linant, to go still higher up as far as\nAbu Haras, and thence to Mandera, in the eastern desert, will scarcely\nrepay us; but Achmed Pascha has promised to send an officer to Mandera,\nto test once more the statements of the natives.\n\nI shall send this report, with other letters, by an express messenger to\nQeneh.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XVI.\n\n\n                                         _Korusko, the 5th January, 1844._\n\nIt is with no small regret that I have to inform you that we shall,\nperhaps, be compelled to give up our Ethiopian journey, the second\nprincipal task of our expedition, and return to the north from this spot.\nWe have waited, in vain, since the 17th November for the camels, always\npromised, but never appearing, that were to take us to Berber, and we\nhave still no more prospect of seeing them than at the beginning. I am\nsorry to say that what we heard on our arrival is confirmed; the Arab\ntribes, who alone manage the transport, are discontented with Mohammed\nAli\u2019s reduction of the charge from eighty to sixty piastres for each\ncamel from hence to Berber; they have agreed among each other to send\nno more camels here, and no Firman, no promises, no threats, are of any\navail. A great number of chests, with ammunition, destined for Chart\u00fbm,\nhave been lying here these ten months past, and they are unable to convey\nthem any farther. We had hoped for the assistance of Achmed Pascha\nMenekle, the new governor of the Southern Provinces, as he had been most\nfriendly and unbounded in his promises. The officer, who remained behind\nhere with the ammunition, received a direct order from him to detain the\nfirst camels that should arrive, for our use; nevertheless, we are not at\nall nearer to our object. The Pascha himself had scarcely means to pursue\nhis journey onward, although he required but few camels. He had brought\nsome of them with him from the north, and he caused some to be forcibly\ndriven together here. Notwithstanding this, he was very ill-provided on\nhis departure, and it is said that half of his beasts either died, or\nfell sick in the desert.\n\nOn the 3rd December, as no camels had yet come, though the Pascha must\nhave passed the province of Berber, from whence he was to send us the\nrequisite number, I sent our own excellent and trustworthy Kawass,\nIbrahim Aga, with Mohammed Ali\u2019s Firman, across the desert of nine days\u2019\njourney, to Berber. Meanwhile, we went up as far as Wadi Halfa, to the\nsecond Cataract, and visited the numerous monuments which are to be found\nin this region, returning here, three weeks afterwards, with a rich\nharvest.\n\nIt is now thirty-one days since our Kawass set out on his journey, and\na few days ago I received a letter from the Mudhir of Berber, by which\nI learn that he was still unable to furnish me with camels, although,\nafter the arrival of our Kawass, and the reception of the letter of the\nMudhir in this place, he had immediately despatched soldiers, in order to\ncollect the necessary number of sixty camels. Thus they are in the same\nsituation there, as we here; the authorities can do nothing in opposition\nto the ill-will of the Arabs.\n\nSince the sudden death by poison, at Chart\u00fbm, of Achmed Pascha, who had\nbeen placed at the head of the whole Sudan, and who, as it is asserted,\nhas for some time past been engaged in a conspiracy, in order to make\nhimself independent of Mohammed Ali, the Southern Kingdom has been\ndivided into five provinces, and placed under five Paschas, who are to\nbe installed in their several offices by Achmed Pascha Menekle. One of\ntheir number, Emir Pascha, has been hitherto Bey at Chart\u00fbm, under Achmed\nPascha, who, it appears, he betrayed. Three others arrived at Korusko\nsoon after Achmed Pascha Menekle. The most powerful of them, Hassan\nPascha, went to his province of Dongola by water, as far as Wadi Halfa;\nhe had scarcely any attendants, and wanted but few camels to proceed on\nhis journey. The second, Mustaffa Pascha, who is destined for Kordofan,\nhas seized by force a mercantile caravan returning from Berber. However,\nby the Arabs\u2019 report, some of the wearied beasts became unserviceable\nwhen they reached the well, which is situated about four days\u2019 journey\nin the desert; there he found some merchants, whom he robbed of eight\ncamels; the rest of this caravan did not make its appearance here,\nfearing probably that it would be again detained, it has taken another\nroute to Egypt. The third Pascha, Ferh\u00e2t, is still waiting here with us,\nand uses all the means in his power to collect some camels from the north\nor the south for himself. Hence our last hope has vanished with respect\nto this province, as we are less capable than he to arouse the small\nforce of the authorities; and at this moment we have neither Firman nor\nKawass with us. Every one, and the Paschas more than all, endeavour to\nconsole us in the most friendly manner from day to day; but meanwhile the\nwinter is passing away, the only season when we can work in the upper\ncountry. In addition to this, the Mudhir, till now of Lower Nubia, with\nwhom we were on friendly terms, has been complained of by the Nubian\nSheikh of his province to Mohammed Ali, and has just been recalled by\nhim. This part of the country has, therefore, been temporarily placed\nunder the Mudhir of Esneh, whose deputy is a young, but otherwise\nwell-disposed man, not however yet acquainted with the province, so we\nmust expect still less from him.\n\nI have, therefore, at length made up my mind for the last course which\nremains open to me. I shall, myself, go to Berber with Abeken, and a very\nfew camels, and leave Erbkam here, with the rest of our party, and all\nthe baggage. There I shall be better able to see the state of affairs on\nthe spot, and, by aid of the Firman and the Kawass, whose authority I\nam much in want of here, I shall try what can be done. We were received\nhere, by Achmed Pascha Menekle, with the greatest courtesy, and are\nalready assured of his most efficient support, through the interposition\nof his body-physician, our countryman and personal friend, Dr. Koch.\nPerhaps money and threats, even though late in the day, may carry our\npoint. By mere chance I have myself been able to procure six camels. Two\nmore are still absolutely necessary for the completion of our little\ncaravan; but the deputy of the Mudhir, with the best will towards us,\ncannot even procure these two camels. We have already been waiting three\ndays for them, and still do not know whether we shall receive them.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XVII.\n\n\n                                       _E\u2019 D\u00e2mer, the 24th January, 1844._\n\nOur difficulties, though at a late hour, are terminated. I arrived\nhere yesterday with Abeken, still two days\u2019 journey from the Pyramids\nof Mer\u00f6e, and probably the whole of our camp also arrived yesterday\nat the southern extremity of the Great Desert at Abu Hammed. After my\nlast discouraging account from Berber, I set out on the 8th January,\nabout mid-day, with Abeken, the dragoman Jussuf Schereb\u00eeeh, a cook, and\nour little Nubian boy Auad. We had eight camels, two of them, however,\nscarcely in a fit state to make the journey, and two asses. As the\npromised guide was not at hand, I compelled the Sheikh of the camels,\nAchmed, to accompany us himself, as he might be of service to us, on\naccount of his reputation among the tribes of the Ababde Arabs dwelling\nhere. We had besides these, another guide, Ad\u00e2r, who had been given us\ninstead of the promised one, and five camel-drivers; and soon after\nour departure several other foot-passengers joined our party, besides\ntwo people with asses, who availed themselves of this opportunity to\nreturn to Berber. We took with us ten water-skins, some stores of rice,\nmacaroni, biscuit, and cold meat, besides a light tent, our coverlets on\nwhich to ride and sleep, the requisite changes of linen, and a few books;\nand, in addition, a proper supply of good courage, of which I scarcely\never feel the want in starting on a journey. Our friends accompanied us\na short way into the rocky valley, which very soon entirely concealed the\nneighbouring banks of the river, and its pleasant palm-trees.\n\nThe valley was both wild and monotonous, nothing but sandstone rock,\nthe surface of which was burnt as black as coal, but in every quarry,\nand every hollow, this changed into a brilliant golden yellow; from\nthese a multitude of streams of sand, like streams of fire out of black\ndross, trickled down, and filled the valleys. We were preceded by the\nguides; they had simple folds of drapery round their shoulders and hips;\nin their hands were either one or two spears, made of firm, but light\nwood, provided with iron points and shafts; a round, or lightly carved\nshield, with a very prominent boss made of giraffe skin covered their\nnaked backs; their other shields were oblong in form, and usually made\nof hippopotamus skin, or of the dorsal hide of the crocodile. During the\nnight, and often in the daytime also, they bound sandals under their\nfeet, the thongs of which, not unfrequently cut out of one piece with\nthe sole, are drawn between the great toe and the second toe, and then\nsurround the foot in the manner of a skate.\n\nSheikh Achmed was a magnificent man, youthful, but tall and noble in\nstature; he had extremely supple limbs, of a brilliant brown-black\ncolour, his features were very expressive of emotion, a brilliant dark\neye, which had both a gentle and sly look, and his mode of speech was\nso incomparably beautiful, with such harmonious expression, that I\nliked to have him constantly beside me, although we had a continual\ncontest with him in Korusko, as he was bound to furnish the camels and\nall appurtenances, and on account of circumstances he neither would nor\ncould procure them. He gave us a proof in the desert of his agility and\nthe elasticity of his limbs, for taking a long run on the sandy ground,\npeculiarly unfavourable for leaping, he made a bound of 14\u00bd feet in\nwidth; I measured the distance between the footmarks with his lance,\nwhich was rather more than two metres long (6 feet 7 inches English).\nAd\u00e2r, our second guide, alone ventured to make the leap after him, but he\ndid not nearly reach the same distance.\n\nThe first day we had started early, about eleven o\u2019clock in the morning,\nand we rode on till about five; we then stopped for an hour and a\nhalf, and went on again till about half-past twelve. We then pitched\nour tents on the hard ground, and laid down to sleep, after a march of\ntwelve hours. The most refreshing thing, after these hot and fatiguing\ndays\u2019 journeys, was our tea in the evening; we were, however, obliged\nto habituate ourselves to the leathery taste of the water, which we\nperceived even through the tea and coffee. The second day we were\nfourteen hours on our camels; starting about eight in the morning, we\nhalted about four o\u2019clock in the afternoon to eat something, proceeded on\nour journey about half-past five, and about half-past twelve we struck\nour encampment for the night, having left the hills, and about ten\no\u2019clock, with the rising moon, descended into a vast plain. Hitherto we\nhad not seen a tree, nor a blade of grass, not even a creature, except\nsome white eagles and ravens, who fed upon the carrion of the camels\nwhich had fallen. On the third day, after setting off early in the\nmorning, we met a troop of one hundred and fifty camels, which had been\npurchased by the Government, to be sent into Egypt. The Pascha is anxious\nto import several thousand camels from Berber, that he may thereby, in\nsome measure, repair the consequences of the cattle-disease of last year.\nA great number had already passed through Korusko, without our venturing\nto make use of them, as they are the private property of the Pascha; we\ncould not have mounted them besides, as they had no saddles.\n\nThe guide of the troop, whom we met to-day, brought us at last the long\ndesired intelligence that our Kawass, Ibrahim Aga, had left Berber with\nsixty camels, and was already marching quite close to us, but on another\nroute, which led across the desert a little more to the west. Sheikh\nAchmed was sent after him, that he might bring us three good camels, in\nplace of our feeble ones; and also to gain some further intelligence\nabout him. He said that he should overtake us the following night, or\nat latest the second. I sent a couple of lines to Erbkam, by the Chab\u00eer\n(guide) of the troop. We halted about half-past five, and remained all\nnight, hoping to see Sheikh Achmed arrive sooner. Towards evening we saw\nthe first scanty vegetation of the desert; the yellowish-grey dry blades\nof grass, which were hardly visible when near, in the distance gave a\npale greenish-yellowish colour to the ground, which alone called my\nattention to it.\n\nWe ought to have arrived the fourth day at the well of brackish water,\nfit however for the camels to drink; but that we might not hasten on\ntoo quickly before Sheikh Achmed, we terminated our day\u2019s journey as\nearly as four o\u2019clock, about four hours distant from the well. At\nlength, about mid-day, we left the great plain BAHR BELA MA (the River\nwithout Water), which unites with the mountain chain of EL BAB, two\ndays\u2019 journey in length, and which we had entered coming out of Korusko,\nand we now approached other chains. Hitherto we had seen nothing but\nsandstone rocks, both beneath and around us; it was therefore really\na joyful event, when looking down from my tall camel upon the sand, I\nsaw the first Plutonic Rock. I immediately glided down from my saddle,\nand broke off a fragment; it was a greyish green stone of very fine\ngrain, and undoubtedly of the nature of granite. The preceding chains of\nmountains were also chiefly composed of species of porphyry and granite\nof different colours, not unfrequently associated with broad veins of\nred syenite, such as appears so abundantly on the surface at Assuan, and\nwhich was so extensively worked by the ancient Egyptians. Farther in the\nmountains, quartz was sometimes very prevalent, and the appearance was\nvery singular when, here and there at different heights, the snow-white\nsilicious veins appeared on the surface of the black mountains issuing\nlike a spring from a point in the mountain, and flowing into the valley,\nwhere its white rolled fragments spread out like a lake. I carried away\nwith me some small specimens of the different kinds of rocks. After we\nhad passed behind a low mountain defile and a small valley, BAHR \u02beHATAB\n(the Wood River, on account of the wood, which is said to grow somewhat\nfarther away on some neighbouring mountains), and another valley, WADI\nDELAH, inclining to the northern side of the principal mountain which\nsucceeds it, we reached the rocky hollow, E\u2019 SUFR, where we expected to\nfind rain water, and to re-fill our shrunken water-skins (_girbe_, _pl._\n_ger\u00e0b_). During one month of the year, about May, there is usually some\nrain in this high mountain of primitive rock. The huge granite basins\nin the hollow valleys are then filled, and retain the water throughout\nthe entire year. Some vegetation was to be seen on this Plutonic Rock,\nresulting from the rain, and because the granite itself seems to contain\nmore fertilising matter than the barren loose sand, almost wholly\ncomposed of small grains of quartz. In WADI DELAH, which evidently has\nwater in the rainy season, we came to a long continuous row of Doum\nPalms; the circular form of their leaves, and their bushy growth, has a\nless bare appearance than the long slender-leaved date palm; the latter\ncannot stand the rain, and therefore cannot live in Berber, while the\nDoum Palm appears in Upper Egypt for the first time, quite isolated, and\nthe farther we travel south, we see them in greater numbers, larger in\nsize, and of more luxuriant growth. If their fruit drop off when unripe\nand dry, the small portion of pulp round the stony kernel tastes like a\ncoating of sugar; if they ripen, the yellowish woody pulp may be chewed;\nit has a good taste, and some of their fruit had an aroma almost similar\nto the pine-apple. They are sometimes as large as the largest apples.\n\nAbout four o\u2019clock we pitched our camp, the camels were sent into the\nhollow, situated behind, to the rain water, and Abeken and I got upon\nour asses, to accompany them to these natural reservoirs. Riding over\ncoarse gravel and sharp stones we penetrated deeper and deeper into the\nascending defile; the first large basins were empty, we left our asses\nand camels behind, clambered up the smooth granite sides of the rock,\nand stepped from one basin to another amidst these huge masses of rock.\nAll were empty; the guide said there must be water in the fissure which\nlay farthest back, that there it was never exhausted; but even in that\nspot not a drop was to be found, so we were obliged to return without any\nsuccess, as dry as we came. The numerous herds of cattle, which during\nthe past year had been driven out of the Sudan into Egypt, had consumed\nit all. Only three skins of water had remained over for our party, and\nwe were therefore compelled to find out some means to procure more.\nOther cisterns were said to exist higher up in the mountains behind\nthis defile. I was anxious to climb up the rocks with the guide, but he\nconsidered it too dangerous an undertaking. We turned round, rode back to\nthe encampment, and with the setting sun, the camels were forced to start\nonce more in search of water among the hills lying to the north, about\nan hour distant from this spot. They returned at a late hour with four\nskins full; the water was good, and pleasant to the taste. Sheikh Achmed,\nhowever, did not either return this night, and we now hoped to find him\nat the well, whither he might have preceded us by the southern road.\n\nWe started soon after sunrise, on the fifth day, and penetrated deeper\ninto the great mountain chain of ROFT, which always exhibited the same\nrock, at first slaty in texture, then more in the form of blocks,\nafterwards abounding in quartz. The heat of the day was more oppressive\nin the mountains than in the plains, where the north wind blowing almost\ncontinuously, produces greater coolness. With the exception of the\ndifferent kinds of rock, there was little around to attract our notice.\nI met with a great ant-hill in the middle of the barren desert, and\nI looked at it for a long time; there were smaller and larger bright\nblack ants, who were carrying all the small pieces of earth which they\nwere able to lift out of their building, so that the coarser little\nstones alone remained, and formed solid walls; the larger ants were\ndistinguished by their heads being in proportion to their size, twice\nas thick as the others, and they did not themselves work, but led the\nregiment, and gave a push to each of the smaller ants, who were carrying\nnothing, drove them forwards, and kept them more diligently at work.\n\nThe difficulty to converse when riding on the hard-pacing camel is so\nmuch the greater because it is not easy to make them keep the step\nbeside each other, as with the horse or ass. When upon a good dromedary\n(Hegg\u00een), and travelling without, or with but very little baggage,\nthe creature keeps in a trot. This is an easy pace, and is not very\nfatiguing, but it is difficult to get accustomed to the long step of\nthe ordinary baggage-camel, which throws the high load backwards and\nforwards. Yet even this was alleviated by our being sometimes able to\ndismount from our camels and get upon our asses, and we often went on\nfoot for a considerable distance both early in the morning and in the\nevening.\n\nI now return to the fifth day of our desert journey. We started about\neight o\u2019clock in the morning from the little valley of E\u2019 Sufr, where we\nhad encamped under some gum, or sont-trees, and about half-past twelve,\nafter turning to our left into a flat valley for the distance of about\nhalf an hour from our road among the hills, we reached the brackish well\nin WADI MURHAD. Here we had accomplished about half our desert journey.\nWe saw some huts built of small stones and reeds, and near them a couple\nof starved goats were fruitlessly searching for some pasture; our black\nhost led us into a reed arbour, where we made ourselves as comfortable as\nwe could in the shade.\n\nIn this rocky valley we had been struck for some time by the snow-white\ncrust of Natron, frequently appearing above the sand which makes the\nwater of the well brackish. Towards the end of the valley, where it\ndivides into two branches, the water is to be found between five and six\nfeet beneath the surface, and has been discovered by digging eight wells.\nThe water in the wells which lie farthest back, is greenish, rather salt,\nand has a bad taste, which, however, satisfies the camels; the three in\nfront, on the contrary, yield clear water, which might very well have\nbeen drank by us in a case of necessity. There is a government station\nhere, usually inhabited by six persons, but at the present moment four\nof them had been sent out on an excursion, and only two remained behind.\nFrom this spot there are two roads to Korusko, a western and an eastern\none. Ibrahim Aga had chosen the former road, we the latter, and we had,\ntherefore, unfortunately missed each other. Sheikh Achmed was also not to\nbe found here; probably he had not overtaken our camels before the second\nday, and we were compelled to proceed on our journey without him.\n\nThe ABABDE ARABS, with whom we have now everywhere to deal, are an\nhonest and trustworthy people, from whom we have less to fear than from\nthe crafty and thievish Fellahs in Egypt. To the north-east of their\nterritory, the races of the BISCH\u00c2RI are spread over the country, who\nhave a peculiar language, and are now in bitter enmity with the Ababde\nArabs, because more than two years ago when they had attacked and\nmurdered some Turkish soldiers in the little valley where we had spent\nthe night, Hassan Chalif, the superior Sheikh of the Ababdes, to whose\nprotection the road of communication between Berber and Korusko had been\nconfided, caused forty of the Bisch\u00e2ris to be put to death. Besides, by\naid of the Ababdes, more than four-and-twenty years ago, Ismael Pascha\nsucceeded in bringing his army across the desert, and taking possession\nof the Sudan. It is only upon the road that we are now pursuing that\nguides are maintained by government; there are none on the longer\nroad, from Berber to Assuan, which is, however, better supplied with\nwater, though now but little used. About half-past four we rode away\nfrom the well, after we had inspected some _hagr mektub_ (stones with\ninscriptions) for which we inquire everywhere, viz., some rocks in the\nneighbourhood, on which, in somewhat modern times, a number of horses,\ncamels, and other creatures have been roughly scratched, similar to what\nwe had already often seen in Nubia. About half-past nine we halted for\nthe night, after having quitted the high chain of mountains an hour and\na half previously. On the morning of the sixth day, we crossed the wide\nplain MUNDERA, to which another lofty chain, ABU SIHHA, is attached, at\nthe farther side; the southern frontier of this plain, where it inclines\ntowards that chain, is called ABDEBAB; the southern portion of the large\nchain of Roft laying behind us is called ABU SENEJAT.\n\nAbout three o\u2019clock we left the plain behind us, and again entered the\nmountain range, which, like the others, is composed of granite. Half an\nhour afterwards, we halted for our mid-day\u2019s repose. In a couple of hours\nwe rode on farther, and encamped towards midnight, after we had traversed\nanother small plain, and from the stony range ADAR AU\u00ceB which succeeds\nit, entered a new plain, comprehended under the same appellation, which\nextends as far as the last chain of mountains belonging to this desert of\nGEBEL GRAIB\u00c2T.\n\nOn the following day, the seventh of our journey, we started about\nhalf-past seven in the morning, and at length, beyond Gebel Graib\u00e2t, we\nreached the great boundless plain of ADERER\u00c2T, which we did not quit\nagain till we arrived at ABU HAMMED. To the south-west we now kept in\nview the small hill EL FAR\u00dbT and the larger range of MOGRAD; to the east,\nfar distant, another mountain chain, ABU NUGARA, joins that of Adar Au\u00eeb.\nThen to the south-east there were other Bisch\u00e2ri chains of mountains,\nwhose names were unknown to our Ababde guides. The commencement of\nthe great plain of Aderer\u00e2t was covered for whole hours together with\nbeautiful, pure quartz, sometimes rising up out of the sand in the form\nof solid rock, although the predominant kind of rock continued to be\nblack granite, which towards the south was traversed by a broad vein of\nred granite. Early in the day a small caravan of merchants passed us at\nsome little distance.\n\nAt a very early hour in the day we saw the most beautiful mirages, both\nnear us and at a distance, exhibiting a very deceptive resemblance\nto lakes and rivers, in which the mountains, blocks of stone, and\neverything around is reflected, as if in clear water. They form a strange\ncontrast with the hard arid desert, and, as it is related, must have\noften bitterly deceived many a poor wanderer. When we are not aware that\nno water can be there, it is often totally impossible to distinguish the\nsemblance from the reality. Only a few days ago, in the neighbourhood of\nEL MECH\u00caREF, I felt perfectly certain that I saw either Nile water which\nhad overflowed, or a branch of the river, and I rode up, but only found\nBAHR SCHEITAN, \u201cThe water of Satan,\u201d as it is called by the Arabs.\n\nEven though the sand may have obliterated all traces of the caravan road,\nit cannot easily be missed during the day, as it is sufficiently marked\nby innumerable skeletons of camels, several of which are always in view;\nyesterday I counted forty-one, which we passed during the last half hour\nbefore sunset. We did not lose one of our own camels, although they had\nnot rested long in Korusko, and had had scarcely anything to eat or drink\non the road. My own camel, into whose mouth I had sometimes put a piece\nof biscuit, used to look round in the middle of the march when it heard\nme biting, or twist round its long neck, till it laid its head, with its\nsoft large eyes on my lap, to get something more.\n\nAbout four o\u2019clock in the afternoon we stopped for about two hours, and\nthen went on again till about eleven o\u2019clock, when we went in search of\na place for our night\u2019s encampment in the great plain. The wind however\nblew so violently that it was impossible to secure our tent. In spite of\nthe ten iron pegs which fasten it all the way round, it was three times\noverthrown, before it was completely pitched; we allowed it therefore to\nremain as it was, and laid ourselves down behind a little wall, which the\nguide had made out of the saddles of the camels, to protect us from the\nwind, and we slept _\u00e0 la belle \u00e9toile_.\n\nOn the eighth day we might have arrived at Abu Hammed late that evening,\nbut determined to halt for the night, one hour sooner, that we might\nreach the Nile by daylight. The birds of prey increased in number as\nwe approached the river; we frightened away about thirty vultures from\nthe fresh carcase of a camel, and only the day before I had shot a white\neagle in the desert, as well as some desert partridges, that were in\nsearch of stray grains of Durra[42] on the caravan road. We only saw the\nfootsteps of beasts of prey, round the skeletons of the camels; they did\nnot disturb us in the night, as they did in the camp at Korusko, where we\nkilled a hy\u00e6na, besides several jackals. Towards mid-day we met a caravan\nof slaves. The last encampment for the night before we reached Abu Hammed\nwas in a less windy position, yet our supply of charcoal was exhausted,\nand our people had forgotten to collect camels\u2019 dung on the road for\nfuel; therefore, to appease our thirst, we were obliged to be contented\nto drink the last brown water of the skins unboiled. We could give no\nmore to the asses.\n\nOn the 16th January we mounted our camels about half-past seven in the\nmorning, and looked forth from our high thrones towards the Nile. It was,\nhowever, only visible a very short time before we reached it. The river\ndoes not cut through any broad valley at this spot, but flows in a bare,\nrocky channel, passing almost unperceived through the slightly elevated\nand wide rocky plain. On the farther side of the river the ground had\nmore the character of a plain, and some Doum Palms grew upon an island\nthat had formed there. Shortly before we reached the bank, we met a troop\nof 150 camels, which had just started from Abu Hammed. A great circular\nembankment of earth then became visible with some towers upon it like a\nfortress, which had been erected by the great Arab Sheikh Hassan Chalif,\nfor the government stores. A small hollow contains five huts, one made\nof stones and earth, another of trunks of trees, two of mats, one of\nbus, or durra-straw; a more open space then spread before us surrounded\nby several wretched houses, one of which was prepared for our reception.\nA brother of Hassan Chalif who lives here came out to meet us; he led\nus into the house, and proffered his services. Some anqarebs (reed\nbedsteads), which on account of the creeping vermin are much in use here,\nwere brought within doors, and we settled ourselves for the day, and the\nfollowing night, for we were obliged to allow the camels at least so much\ntime for repose.\n\nWe were surrounded by a great square space, thirty feet wide on every\nside, the walls were made of stone and earth, two thick trunks of trees,\nbranching like a fork, supported a large architrave, above which the\nother joists were placed, which were covered and joined together by mats\nand wickerwork. It strongly reminded me of some very ancient architecture\nwhich we had seen represented in the rock-grottoes of Benihassan; the\ncolumns, the network of the ceiling, through which as in that instance\nthe only light except what was admitted by the door entered by a square\nopening in the centre, there was no window. The door was composed of\nfour short trunks of trees, of which the uppermost one was exactly like\nthe ornamented door-posts in the tombs of the time of the Pyramids. We\nhung a canvas curtain before the door to protect us from the wind and\ndust; another door led at the opposite corner into a side-room, which\nwas arranged for the kitchen. It was a windy day, and the wind was\ndisagreeably charged with sand, so that we went very little out of doors.\nBut we refreshed ourselves with some pure and fresh Nile water, and a\nmeal of well-dressed mutton. The Great Desert lay behind us; and we were\nonly four days\u2019 journey from El Mech\u00earef, the capital of Berber, during\nwhich time we should follow the course of the river. We learned that\nAchmed Pascha Menekle was in our neighbourhood, or that he would soon\narrive, in order to lead a military expedition from D\u00e2mer, a short day\u2019s\njourney beyond El Mech\u00earef, up the Atbara to the province of TAKA, where\nsome of the tribes of the Bisch\u00e2ris had revolted.\n\nWhen we stepped out of doors the following morning, our Arabs had all\nanointed themselves most beautifully, and had put on clean clothes; but\nwhat most astonished us, was the appearance of their magnificent white\npowdered wigs, which gave quite a venerable appearance to their faces.\nTo make their toilet complete, they are in the habit of combing up their\ngreat heads of hair into a high toupie, which is sprinkled over with\nfine, flaky, shining, white butter, like powder, expressly prepared for\nthis purpose. But in a short time, when the sun rises higher, this greasy\nsnow melts, and the hair seems then as if it was covered with innumerable\npearls of dew, till even these gradually disappear, and dripping over the\nneck and shoulders, spread a gloss over the pliant dark brown skin, which\ngives their well-built figures the appearance of antique bronze statues.\n\nWe started the next morning, about eight o\u2019clock, with a fresh camel,\nwhich we had had an opportunity of obtaining in exchange for a tired\none. The nearer we approach the island of Mer\u00f6e, the valley becomes so\nmuch the wider, and more fertile, and the desert even becomes more like\na steppe. The first station was GEG, where we passed the night in an\nopen space of ground; the air is very warm; about half-past five in the\nafternoon it was still 25\u00b0 R. (87\u00b0 Fahr.). The second night we halted\nbeyond ABU HASCHIN, close to a village, which in fact is not really a\nstation, as we were anxious to get through the five ordinary stations in\nthe space of four days; the third night we halted in the open air, near\na cataract of the Nile. On the fourth day from Abu Hammed we removed\nsomewhat farther from the river into the desert, yet we always remained\non the soil of the ancient valley, if I may so designate a yellowish\nearth which is now no longer overflowed by the river, but which was\nturned up by the inhabitants of the village directly from beneath the\nsand; that they might improve their fields with it. We stopped in the\nevening at the village of EL CH\u00d4R, one hour distant from El Mech\u00earef, and\nthe fifth day we arrived at an early hour at the capital of the province\nof Berber.\n\nI sent the dragoman forward to announce our arrival, and to ask for\na house, which was given up to us, and we took possession of it\nimmediately. The Mudhir of Berber was in D\u00e2mer, but his Wakil, or\nrepresentative, visited us, and soon after Hassan Chalif, the principal\nArab Sheikh, who promised us better camels to take us to D\u00e2mer; he was\nrejoiced to hear some tidings of his and our friends, Linant and Bonomi,\nand was much pleased in looking over our picture books, among which he\nfound likenesses of some of his own relations and ancestors. We had\nscarcely arrived, before we received news that Hassan Pascha had arrived\nat the same time as ourselves, from a different quarter. He had travelled\nfrom Korusko to his province of Dongola, and now came from Edabbe, on the\nsouthern frontier of Dongola, right across the desert to El Mech\u00earef,\nwhither Emin, the new Pascha of Chart\u00fbm, had gone to meet him. This\nmeeting caused us some inconvenience with respect to the arrangements of\nour journey; nevertheless, we so far advanced our object, that on the\nfollowing morning, the 22nd of January, soon after Hassan Pascha had\nagain set out on his journey, we were also enabled to depart for the\nsouth, leaving two camels behind, which we did not require any longer as\nwater-carriers, and exchanging three others for better ones.\n\nWe rode away about mid-day, and stopped in the evening at the last\nvillage before reaching the river Mogr\u00e2n, the ancient ASTABORAS, which we\nhad to cross before getting to D\u00c2MER. It is called on the maps ATBARA,\nwhich is evidently derived from Astaboras; yet this name does not appear\nnow to be used for the lower, but for the upper river, beginning from\nthe place of the same name. On the following morning we crossed the\nriver close to its mouth. Even at this point it was now very narrow\nin its great bed, which in the rainy season is entirely filled, and\ntwo months hence it is only prevented from being wholly dried up by a\nlittle stagnant water. On the farther side of the river we entered the\n(Strabonic) island of MER\u00d6E, by which appellation the land between the\nNile and the Astaboras was designated. Two hours more and we arrived at\nD\u00e2mer.\n\nThe houses were too wretched to receive us. I despatched Jussuf to Emin\nPascha, in whose province we now are, and who has encamped in tents with\nHassan Pascha on the bank of the river. He sent a Kawass to meet us, and\ninvited us to dismount and to dine with them. I however preferred to have\nour tent pitched at some little distance, and first of all to change our\ntravelling costume. The Mudhir of Berber immediately visited us to ask\nwhat we might require, and soon after Emin Pascha sent a sumptuous dinner\nfor us to our tent: four well cooked dishes, and, besides, a whole sheep\nstuffed with rice and roasted on the spit, with a flat cake of puff paste\nstuffed with meat.\n\nAbout three o\u2019clock in the afternoon, about the time of Asser, we\nannounced that we were going to pay our visit; just as we were making\nour arrangements to set out we heard some sailors\u2019 songs, and saw two\nboats with red flags, and the crescent, floating down the river; it was\nAchmed Pascha Menekle, who was returning from Chart\u00fbm. The Paschas and\nthe Mudhir immediately repaired to his boat, and it was late before\nthey separated; our friend, Dr. Koch, unfortunately, was not expected\nto arrive from Chart\u00fbm for two days later. I had received a letter from\nErbkam very soon after our arrival, in which he announced to me, through\na passing Kawass, that he had left Korusko on the 15th January with\nIbrahim Aga; he wrote from their first night\u2019s encampment. The Kawass\nhad ridden with incredible speed in fourteen days from Cairo to Berber,\nand he brought Achmed Pascha the permission which had been earnestly\nrequested, to raise the government charge for the camels between Korusko\nand Berber from sixty to ninety piastres above what it was before.\n\n_26th January._\u2014The day before yesterday we paid an early visit to Achmed\nPascha, which he returned yesterday. He will do all in his power to\naccelerate our journey onwards. He communicated to us that, as he had\nbefore promised, he had sent an officer from Abu Haras to Mandera, three\ndays into the desert, and had heard it reported by him that some great\nruins were still extant on that spot. A letter from Chart\u00fbm, which we\nreceived yesterday from Dr. Koch, mentioned the same thing, and it was\nverbally confirmed by himself this morning. After dinner he is going to\nintroduce us to M\u00fbsa Bey, who has been on the spot. At the same time he\ninformed us that he had received some letters addressed to us, and that\nthey were left in Chart\u00fbm; also that the draughtsman who had been engaged\nfrom Rome had arrived in Cairo.\n\nA boat is ready in El Mech\u00earef for our travelling companions. I myself,\nhowever, intend to ride on before with Abeken. Achmed Pascha has sent me\nword that in an hour\u2019s time a courier departs for Cairo, who will take\nthis letter with him.\n\n_Postscript._\u2014The glowing accounts about Mandera, upon closer inquiry,\nseem to want confirmation. It will hardly be worth our while to go there.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XVIII.\n\n\n       _On the Blue River, Province of Senn\u00e2r, Lat. 13\u00b0, 2nd March, 1844._\n\nTo-day we reach the most southern limit of our African journey. To-morrow\nwe again turn towards the north and homewards. We shall go as far as\nthe neighbourhood of SERO\u2014a place on the boundary between the provinces\nof Senn\u00e2r and Fasokl, for our time will not allow us to do more. From\nChart\u00fbm I have ascended the river as far as this spot, with Abeken alone.\nWe relinquished the desert journey to Mandera, the rather as the eastern\nterritories are at present insecure from the war in Taka; and we now\nemploy the time, in travelling several days farther across Senn\u00e2r, to\ngain some information about the character of the river and the adjacent\ncountry. This journey is worth the trouble, for, from Abu Haras, situated\nat the influx of the Rahad, between Chart\u00fbm and Senn\u00e2r, the character of\nthe whole country is completely altered in its soil, vegetation, and\nanimals. I then thought I should like to obtain a view of the Nile valley\nitself, as far up the river as possible, as the character of this narrow\nstrip of country has had a greater influence on the course of history\nthan any other spot in the whole world.\n\nIt is impossible, without incurring danger, or making peculiar\npreparations, to travel up the White River beyond a few days\u2019 journey,\nas far as the boundaries of Mohamed Ali\u2019s conquests. After this, there\nare the SCHILLUKS on the western bank, the DINKAS on the eastern, both\nnative negro nations, who are not very friendly to Northern guests.\nThe Blue River is navigable still farther up, and in historical times,\nas well as at the present day, was of much greater importance than the\nWhite River, as it was the means of communication between the North, and\nAbyssinia. I should have liked to have penetrated as far as the province\nof Fasokl, the last under Egyptian rule; but it cannot be combined with\nthe calculation of our time. This evening, therefore, we shall terminate\nour southern journey.\n\nBut I must go back in my reports to D\u00e2mer, where, on the 27th January,\nI embarked with Abeken upon a boat belonging to M\u00fbsa Bey, the first\nadjutant of Achmed Pascha, who politely placed it at our disposal. About\neight o\u2019clock in the evening we halted for the night at the island of\nDAL HAUI. We had received a Kawass from Emin Pascha, who came here with\nIsmael Pascha at the time of the conquest of the country, went with\nDefterdar Bey to Kordofan (or, as he expresses it, Kordifal), then\naccompanied him on his avenging march to Schendi, in consequence of the\nmurder of Ismael, and since that time has, for three-and-twenty years,\nroamed over the whole of the Sudan in all directions. He carries in his\nhead the most complete map of these countries, and has a marvellous\nmemory for names, directions, and distances; so that I have drawn two\nmaps according to his statements, particular parts of which may not be\nwithout geographical interest. He has also been in Mecca, and therefore\nlikes to be called Haggi Ibrahim (The Pilgrim Ibrahim). He has great\nexperience in other matters also, and will be extremely useful to us from\nhis long and extensive knowledge of the country.\n\nOn the 28th January we halted about mid-day at an island called GOMRA,\nas we heard that there were some ruins in the vicinity which we were\nanxious to see. We were obliged to go through a shallow arm of the Nile,\nand to ride back an hour northwards on the eastern bank. At length, after\npassing the villages of Motmar and El Akarid, between a third village,\nSAGADI, and a fourth, GENNA, we found the insignificant ruins of an\nancient place, constructed of bricks and strewed over with potsherds.\n\nWe returned in the mid-day heat, not in the very best humour, and did not\nreach BEG\u00b4ERAU\u00ceEH in our boat before sunset, near which the Pyramids of\nMer\u00f6e are situated. It is singular that Cailliaud does not mention this\nspot; he only speaks of the Pyramids of ASSUR, _i. e._ S\u00dbR, or E\u2019 S\u00dbR.\nThis is the name of the whole plain in which the ruins of the town and\nPyramids are situated, and also a single portion of Beg\u00b4erau\u00eeeh, which\nlast, by wrong spelling, is called, in Hoskins, BEGROMI.\n\nAlthough it was already dark, I nevertheless rode to the Pyramids with\nAbeken. They are situated a short hour inland, on the first elevation\nof the low hills which run along in an easterly direction. The moon,\nwhich was in its first quarter, feebly illuminated the plain, covered\nwith stones, low bushes, and clumps of reeds. After a rapid ride, we at\nlength reached the foot of a row of Pyramids, closely crowded together,\nwhich rose before us in a crescent, as the form of the narrow elevation\nrendered necessary. To the right, a little behind, another group of\nPyramids joined these; a third lies more to the south, and rather more\nforward in the plain, but too distant to be seen by half moonlight. I\nfastened the bridle of my donkey-steed to a block of stone, and clambered\nup the first mound of ruins.\n\nAlthough the individual Pyramids are not accurately placed according to\nthe quarters of the heavens, as they are in Egypt, nevertheless all the\nante-chambers here attached to the Pyramids themselves are turned away\nfrom the river, towards the east, doubtless on the same religious grounds\nwhich induced the Egyptians to place the unattached temples standing in\nfront of their Pyramids also towards the east; therefore, in Gizeh and\nSag\u00e2ra, towards the river, while their sepulchral chambers are towards\nthe west.\n\nHalf looking, half feeling, I found some sculptures on the outer\nwalls of the small sepulchral temple, and I also felt figures and\nwriting on the inner walls. It occurred to me that I had the end of a\ncandle in my saddle-pocket; I lighted this, and then examined several\nante-chambers. There I immediately encountered the Egyptian gods, Osiris,\nIsis, Nephthys, Atmu, &c., with their names in the known hieroglyphic\ncharacter. I also found the name of a king in the first chamber. One\nof the two Rings contained the emblems of a great Pharaoh of the Old\nMonarchy, Sesurtesen I., the same which had been adopted by two later\nEgyptian monarchs, and I here found them, for the fourth time, as the\nThrone-Name of an Ethiopian king. The sculptures on the remaining\nsides were not completed. I found some Royal Shields this evening also\nin another ante-chamber, but not very legible. The inscriptions and\nrepresentations had altogether been much damaged. The Pyramids have also\nall of them lost their summits, as in Egypt, and many have been destroyed\ndown to the ground.\n\nOur new Kawass, who did not like to leave us alone in the night time, had\nimmediately followed us. He had a perfect knowledge of the locality, as\nhe had been here a long time with FERLINI, and had assisted him in his\nresearches among the Pyramids. He showed us the spot in which Ferlini, in\n1834, had found immured the rich treasure of gold and silver rings.\n\nI also discovered, the same evening, a cased Pyramid, according to the\nprinciple of the Egyptian Pyramids, which were afterwards enlarged\nby superimposed layers of stone. According to the inscriptions and\nrepresentations of the ante-chambers, these Pyramids were most of them\nbuilt solely for kings, some of them, perhaps, for their wives and\nchildren. Therefore, their great number indicates a tolerably long\nsuccession of kings, and a well-established Monarchy, which probably must\nhave remained in a state of tranquillity for a series of centuries.\n\nThe event of most importance in this moon and torchlight survey, was not,\nhowever, exactly the most cheering. I was unavoidably convinced that on\nthis most renowned spot of ancient Ethiopia, I had nothing before me but\nthe remains, proportionately speaking, of a very late period of art.\nEven earlier than this, the drawings of Ferlini\u2019s monuments, which I saw\nfor the first time in Rome, and the monuments themselves, which I had\njust seen in London, impressed me with the opinion that they had been,\nindeed, sculptured in Ethiopia, but certainly not previous to the first\ncentury before the birth of Christ, therefore about the same period to\nwhich certain genuine Greek and Roman works belong, which were discovered\nsimultaneously with the Ethiopian treasure. I must now make the same\nremark upon the monuments in general, which are found not only here but\nthroughout the whole island of Mer\u00f6e, as well as of all the Pyramids at\nBeg\u00b4erau\u00eeeh, and of the temples of Ben Naga, of Naga, and in the Wadi e\u2019\nSofra (the Mesaur\u00e2t of Cailliaud), which we have since then seen. The\nrepresentations and inscriptions do not leave the smallest doubt of this,\nand it will in future be a fruitless task to endeavour to support the\nfavourite supposition of an ancient, brilliant, and renowned Mer\u00f6e, whose\ninhabitants were at one time the predecessors and the instructors of the\nEgyptians in civilisation, by the demonstration of monumental remains\nfrom that old period.\n\nThis conviction is besides of no small scientific value, and seems even\nnow to throw some light on the historical connection between Egypt and\nEthiopia, the importance of which can be only thoroughly demonstrated by\nthe monuments of Barkal. There, I have no doubt, will be found the oldest\nEthiopian monuments, although, perhaps, not earlier than the period\nof Tahraka, who reigned simultaneously over Egypt and Ethiopia in the\nseventh century before Christ.\n\nThe next morning at sunrise we rode back to the Pyramids, and discovered\nfifteen different kings\u2019 names, some of them, however, in very bad\npreservation.\n\nWe had just completed our survey of the two groups of Pyramids lying\nto the north-east, and were riding on to the third, which is situated\nin the plain, not far from the ruins of the town, and is, perhaps, the\noldest Necropolis, when we heard shots from the bank, and saw white sails\nfluttering over the river. Soon afterwards Erbkam, the two Weidenbachs,\nand Franke, came walking across the plain, and hailed us from a great\ndistance. We had not expected them to arrive so soon, and, therefore,\nrejoiced still more to see them again. We could now pursue our journey to\nChart\u00fbm together.\n\nWe sailed away about two in the afternoon, and the next morning about\nten o\u2019clock reached SCHENDI. We proceeded in the afternoon, spent the\nnight on the island of HOBI, and the following morning arrived at BEN\nNAGA. Here, we first visited the ruins of two small temples; the one\nlying towards the west, had Typhonic pillars, instead of columns, but no\ninscription was to be found on the few remains; in the other temple to\nthe east, some sculptures were preserved on the low remains of the walls\nof the temple; and also some writing on several circular fragments of\ncolumns, but too little to take away any connected ideas from them. Had\nwe made some excavations, we might probably have discovered some kings\u2019\nnames, but it was impossible to make such an experiment till our return.\n\nWe procured some camels for the following day, and about nine o\u2019clock in\nthe morning I started with Abeken, Erbkam, and Max Weidenbach, for NAGA.\nSuch is the name given to the ruins of a town and several temples, which\nare situated in the eastern desert, between seven and eight hours distant\nfrom the Nile. From our landing-place in the vicinity of the only group\nof palm-trees in the surrounding country, it was only one half hour to\nthe village of BEN NAGA, which is in WADI TERESIB. One hour eastward\ndown the river (for it here flows in a direction from west to east) are\nthe above-mentioned ruins, in WADI EL KIRBEG\u00c2N, near to which we had\ndisembarked the previous day; we left them now on our left hand, and rode\nin a south-easterly direction into the desert, having here and there some\nparched bushes; we traversed the valley of El Kirbeg\u00e2n, which, as far as\nthis point, runs outwards from the river, in which we found an encampment\nof the Ababde Arabs.\n\nFour hours and a half from Ben Naga we came to a single hill in the\ndesert called BU\u00caRIB. It was on the water-shed between the smaller\nsouth-western Wadis (so even the flattest depressions of the ground are\ncalled, in which the water runs off, and which we should scarcely call\nvalleys) and the great, broad WADI AUAT\u00caB, which we were now descending,\nafter having left Bu\u00earib at a short distance on our left. In three hours\nand three-quarters from Bu\u00earib we arrived at the ruins of NAGA.\n\nIt was not till we approached the temple that I solved the enigma,\nwhich I had hitherto sought in vain to interpret, and on which neither\nCailliaud nor Hoskins could offer any explanation; namely, how had it\nbeen possible to found and to maintain a large city in the midst of the\ndesert, so far removed from the river. The whole valley of Auat\u00eab is even\nnow cultivated land. We found it far and wide covered with the stubble\nof Durra. The inhabitants of Schendi, Ben Naga, Fadni\u00ea, Selama, Metamme,\nconsequently of both banks of the Nile, come as far as this to cultivate\nthe land and to gather in the Durra. The water of the tropical rains\nsuffices to fertilise this flat but extensive tract of low ground, and\nin ancient times, when more care was bestowed upon it, a still greater\nprofit must have been derived from this region. During the dry season of\nthe year they must undoubtedly have had large artificial reservoirs, such\nas we found even now, though without water, near the more remote ruins to\nthe north-west of Naga.\n\nThe ruins stand on a projection of a mountain range several hours long,\nwhich from them has taken the name of GEBEL E\u2019 NAGA, and stretches out\nfrom the south, northwards. WADI AUAT\u00caB passes along its western side\ntowards the river. We arrived about half-past five o\u2019clock, after an\nuninterrupted ride. On the road we saw the path covered with the marks of\ngazelles, wild asses, foxes, jackals, ostriches. Lions are also met with\nhere, but we did not see any of their tracks.\n\nI visited the three principal temples before nightfall, all of which\nbelong to a very late period, and do not suggest the ideas of very\nancient art, as Cailliaud and Hoskins thought they could recognise. There\nis, besides, a fourth temple by the side of the three principal temples,\nof Egyptian architecture, whose well-joined arches, not unpleasantly\ncombined with Egyptian ornaments, not only presupposes them to have been\nerected when the Roman dominion extended over the world, but even that\nRoman architects were on the spot. This last temple has no inscriptions.\nWith respect to the three others, the two lying to the south were built\nby one and the same king; in the representations in both temples he is\naccompanied by the same queen. But a third royal personage appears behind\nthem having a different name in the two temples. The Throne-Shield of\nSesurtesen I. is again attached to the name of the king, although he does\nnot appear to be the same as the King of the Pyramids of S\u00fbr. Besides,\nboth those other personages have assumed old Egyptian Throne-Shields,\nwhich might easily mislead us.\n\nThe third most northern temple has sustained much injury, and very little\nwriting remains upon it, yet a king is mentioned on the door-posts who\ndiffers from the builder of both the other temples.\n\nThe figures of the gods are almost wholly Egyptian, but on the southern\ntemple there is a figure unknown in Egypt, with three lions\u2019 heads (a\nfourth may perhaps be supposed behind) and four arms. This may be the\nbarbaric god specially mentioned by Strabo, whom the Mer\u00f6ites worshipped\nbesides Hercules, Pan, and Isis.\n\nThe next morning, the 2nd of February, we again visited the three\ntemples, took some impressions on paper, and then started for the third\ngroup of monuments, named by Cailliaud MESAUR\u00c2T. This, however, is a term\nwhich is here employed to designate all the three groups of ruins, and\nwhich only means _pictures_, or walls furnished with pictures. The ruins\nof Ben Naga are called MESAUR\u00c2T EL KIRBEG\u00c2N, because they are situated in\nWADI EL KIRBEG\u00c2N; it appears that the second group only has retained its\nold name of NAGA, or MESAUR\u00c2T E\u2019 NAGA; the third group situated towards\nSchendi is called MESAUR\u00c2T E\u2019 SOFRA from the mountain basin in which it\nlies, which is called E\u2019 SOFRA, the table.\n\nWe first pursued, for the space of two hours, in a northerly direction\nthe mountain chain of Gebel e\u2019 Naga, in the valley of Auat\u00eab. Then, about\nhalf-past twelve, we ascended through the first defile which opens to\nthe right, into a valley situated somewhat higher, E\u2019 SELEHA; it becomes\nbroader behind the first low fore-range, and is luxuriantly overgrown\nwith grass and shrubs; after extending for an hour and a quarter in the\ndirection of S.S.W. to N.N.E., it opens on the left hand into the valley\nof Auat\u00eab, and straight on into another smaller valley, from which it\nis separated by Gebel Lag\u00e2r. It is this small valley, which from its\ncircular form is called E\u2019 SOFRA; here are the ruins which were also seen\nby Hoskins, who did not, however, advance as far as Naga. We arrived\nabout a quarter past two, and had not, therefore, been quite four hours\ncoming from Naga to this spot. As we only wished to take a passing hasty\nsurvey, we walked through the widely-scattered ruins of the principal\nbuilding, which Cailliaud held to be a great school, and Hoskins an\nhospital; and we saw in the few sculptures, which are unaccompanied by\ninscriptions, that here also we had before us monuments of a late period,\nprobably still more recent than those in S\u00fbr and Naga. We then went to a\nsmall temple in the neighbourhood, with pillars on which are represented\nriders upon elephants, lions, and other strange barbarous scenes. We\nlooked at the huge artificial cisterns, now called Wot Mahem\u00fbt, which in\nthe dry season must have compensated the inhabitants for the want of the\nriver; and about four o\u2019clock we returned to Ben Naga.\n\nAs we emerged from the hills, we met great troops of wild asses, which\nalways kept at a little distance from us, as if they would invite us to\nhunt them. They are of a grey or greyish-red colour, with white bellies;\nthey all have a black stripe drawn distinctly across the back, and the\ntip of the tail is also generally black. Many of them are caught when\nyoung, but they cannot then even be used for riding or carrying burdens.\nIt is only the next generation which can be employed in that manner.\nAlmost all the tame asses in the south, which come from the Ass Cataract\n(Schell\u00e2l hom\u00e2r) in Berber, are got from this wild breed, and have the\nsame colour and similar marks.\n\nWe encamped soon after sunset in a plain, overgrown with bushes. The\ncamel-drivers and our Kawass were in great terror of lions in this desert\ntill a large fire was kindled, which they kept most carefully alive\nthroughout the night. If a lion only lets his voice be heard near a\ncaravan, which really does sound deep and awful across the wide desert,\nall the camels run away on every side as if they were mad, and it is\ndifficult to catch them again, frequently not before they have sustained\nand done much injury. Human beings are not, however, easily attacked. A\nfew days ago a camel was strangled by a lion in our neighbourhood, but on\nthe farther side of the river. A man who was present saved himself on the\nnearest tree.\n\nOn the 3rd of February we again set out about seven in the morning;\nwe left the two Bu\u00earibs, the great \u201cblue\u201d and the little \u201cred,\u201d at a\nconsiderable distance on our left hand, and shortly before nine o\u2019clock\narrived in the valley of El Kirbeg\u00e2n, which we followed for half an hour\nin the direction of the river. We saw the Mesaur\u00e2t el Kirbeg\u00e2n in its\nwhole extent on our right, but kept upon the hills till a little after\neleven, when we arrived at Ben Naga, and half an hour afterwards once\nmore at our landing-place.\n\nTwo hours afterwards we continued our journey in our boat. We made,\nhowever, little progress with a strong adverse wind, and saw nothing new,\nexcept for the first time a hippopotamus swimming in the water. The next\nmorning we disembarked on the western bank, opposite the village of G\u00d4S\nBASABIR, to see the ruins of the walls of an old fortress, with towers of\ndefence, which surrounded the summit of a hill. The space enclosed was\nabout 300 paces in diameter. In the afternoon we approached the Schell\u00e2l\n(the Cataract) of GERASCHAB, the higher mountain ranges lying before\nus, closed in upon each other, and at length formed a mountain hollow,\nseemingly without any outlet; this was, however, to our surprise, near at\nhand, for we turned to our left into a narrow defile, which widened into\na high and wild rocky valley; we followed it for nearly an hour before\nagain emerging on the other side into another plain. The eruptive granite\nranges of QIRRE pass on the eastern side of the river into RAUI\u00c2N, \u201cthe\nthirsty quenched;\u201d while to the west, some distance from the river, there\nis ATSCHAN \u201cthe thirsty,\u201d also rising up in a detached form.\n\nThe 5th February we landed about eleven in the morning at TAMANI\u00c2T.\nMohammed Sa\u00efd, the former treasurer of the late Achmed Pascha, whose\nacquaintance we had made in D\u00e2mer, had given us a letter to one of the\nsub-officials there, which contained instructions to him to deliver\nto us the fragment of an inscription which had been found in Soba. It\nbelonged to the centre of a marble table, which was inscribed on both\nsides with Greek or Coptic letters of a late period. The signs, which\nwere not difficult to read, neither contained Greek nor Coptic words;\nonly the name \u2c85\u2c89\u2cb1\u2ca3\u2c85\u2c93\u2c9f.. could be deciphered. The same evening we arrived\nin CHART\u00dbM. This name signifies an elephant\u2019s trunk, and probably was\nderived from the form of the narrow tongue of land on which the town is\nsituated, between the two Nile rivers which unite at this spot.\n\nMy first visit with Abeken was to Emin Pascha, who had reached Chart\u00fbm\nbefore us. He received us in a very friendly manner, and would not allow\nus to leave him the whole morning.\n\nA magnificent breakfast, consisting of thirty dishes, which we partook\nof at his house, gave us a most curious insight into the secrets of\nthe Turkish culinary art; as I learned from our highly-fed Pascha, it\nresembles the most accomplished systems of the latest French kitchens, in\nobeying the refined regulations of a fastidious taste in the preparation\nand arrangement of food. Soon after the first dishes, mutton, roasted on\nthe spit, is brought in, which cannot be dispensed with at any Turkish\nmeal. Then follow various courses of dishes of meats and vegetables,\nsolid and liquid, sour and sweet, and a certain repetition of changes is\nobserved in the successive dishes, in order to keep up the keenness of\nthe appetite. Pillau, boiled rice, always forms the conclusion.\n\nThe external preparations for such an entertainment are somewhat as\nfollows. A great, round, metal tray, with a flat border, about three\nfeet in diameter, is placed on a low frame, and serves as a table, round\nwhich five or six persons seat themselves on cushions or coverlets; the\nlegs vanish beneath the body, in the ample folds of the dress; as to the\nhands, the left must be invisible, it would be quite improper to let it\never be seen during meals. The right hand must alone be active. No such\nthing as a plate is to be seen, no more than knives and forks. The table\nis covered with deeper or shallower, covered or uncovered dishes, which\nare constantly changed, so that but a very few morsels can be taken from\neach. Particular dishes, however, such as roast meat, cold milk with\ncucumbers, &c., remain longer on the table, and one returns to them more\nfrequently. Both before and after dinner, the hands are of course washed.\nA servant, or slave, kneeling, holds in one hand a metal basin, in the\nmiddle of which lies a piece of soap, in a little projecting saucer,\nexpressly used for the purpose; with the other he pours water from a\nmetal pitcher over the hands, and a fine, ornamentally embroidered towel\nhangs over his arm for drying them.\n\nAfter dinner the pipe is immediately presented, coffee handed round,\nand then one may retire. The Turks are in the habit of making this the\nperiod of their mid-day repose, till Asser. But before we parted from our\nhost, a number of weapons were brought, belonging to the savage nations\nliving farther up the country, lances, bows, arrows, clubs, and a king\u2019s\nsceptre, which he sent to the boat for me, as a present to his guest.\n\nWe afterwards visited our countryman, NEUBAUER, the apothecary of\nthe province, who has been very unfortunate: a short time since, he\nwas removed from his post by the late Achmed Pascha; but he has now\nbeen again appointed apothecary by Achmed Pascha Menekle, through\nthe intercession of Dr. Koch. We then went to a Pole who has settled\nhere\u2014Hermanovich, the head-physician of the province, who, in consequence\nof an order from the Pascha, offered us his house, to which we went the\nfollowing day; it had lately been newly fitted up; there was a garden\nbeside it, and a great court-yard, which was very useful for unpacking\nand repairing our chests and tents.\n\nThe next day the Pascha returned our visit. He came on horseback. We\nhanded him coffee, pipes, sherbet, and showed him some drawings and\npictures from Egypt, in which he was interested merely from curiosity.\nHe is a large, corpulent man, a Circassian by birth, and therefore, like\nmost of his countrymen, better informed than the Turks in general. I saw\na rich collection of all kinds of birds of the Sudan, at the house of a\nSyrian, IBRAHIM CH\u00caR; there were about 300 different species, and between\ntwenty and thirty choice specimens of each.\n\nOn one of the following days, I took a walk with Abeken and Erbkam to\nthe opposite bank of our tongue of land on the WHITE RIVER, which we\nthen followed up to its junction with the Blue; its waters are in fact\nwhiter, and have a less pleasant taste than those of the Blue, because at\na higher point it flows slowly through several lakes, the standing water\nof which imparts an earthy and less pure taste to it. I have filled some\nbottles with the water of the Blue, and White Rivers, which I shall take\naway with me sealed up.\n\nOn the occasion of a more recent and friendly visit of the Pascha, we met\nthe brother of the former Sultan of Kordofan (who was himself also called\nMak or Melek) and the Vizier of the Sultan NIMR (Tiger) of Schendi. The\nlatter still lives in Abyssinia, whither he fled, after having, in the\nyear 1822, burned the conqueror of his country, ISMAEL PASCHA, a son of\nMohammed Ali, and all his officers, after a nocturnal banquet which he\nhad prepared for him in a somewhat lonely house.\n\nOn the 14th, we made an excursion up the WHITE RIVER, but were soon\nobliged to turn back, because it has so little current, that, on account\nof the north wind which of late has constantly been blowing, our return\nthreatened to be tedious. The banks of the White River are barren, and\nthe few trees which formerly stood in the neighbourhood of Chart\u00fbm are\nnow cut down, and have been used for building or fuel. There is a larger\nmass of water in the White River than in the Blue, and even after its\njunction it preserves its course, so that the Blue River must be viewed\nas the secondary river, but the White as the true Nile. Their different\nwaters can be distinguished beside each other for a long time after their\njunction.\n\nOn the 16th February, I sent for some DINKA slaves, to interrogate them\nabout their language. They were, however, so dull of apprehension, that I\ncould only with difficulty get out of them the words for numbers up to a\nhundred, and a few separate pronouns. The languages of the Dinkas and the\nSchilluks, who dwell several days\u2019 journey distant up the White River,\nthe former on the eastern bank, the latter on the western, are as little\nknown grammatically as most of the other languages of Central Africa; I\ntherefore requested the Pascha to procure me some intelligent persons who\nwere well acquainted with those languages. This was impossible for the\npresent, but we shall attend to it on our return.\n\nMeanwhile our purchases and repairs being completed, I hurried on the\ndeparture as much as possible. The house of Hermanovich will also be\nat our disposal on our return; it is built in a convenient manner, and\nis very airy. I had a prospect of the oldest house in the town from my\nwindow, whose pointed straw roof peeped over our wall. These pointed\nstraw huts, called TUKELE, are the characteristic buildings of this\ncountry, and are found almost exclusively in the south. But as Chart\u00fbm\nis a new town, the small number of old huts have disappeared, with the\nexception of this one, and all the houses are built of unburnt bricks.\n\nAbout mid-day, on the 17th February, we embarked on board our boats.\nI sailed to the south with Abeken up the Blue River, partly to become\nacquainted with its natural character, partly to view the ruins of Soba\nand Mandera; our other travelling companions, who had nothing to occupy\nthem farther up, sailed northwards back to Mer\u00f6e, in order to sketch the\nmonuments there.\n\nThe following day we landed on the eastern bank, where great heaps of red\nbricks, destined for exportation, proclaimed the vicinity of the ruins\nof SOBA. At the present day, unburnt bricks alone are made throughout\nthe country, therefore all the ruins of burnt stones must have belonged\nto an earlier period. This material for building is transported in great\nquantities from Soba as far as Chart\u00fbm, and beyond it.\n\nWe disembarked, and had scarcely got beyond the thorny bushes nearest to\nthe bank, when we perceived the overturned mounds of bricks, covering a\nlarge plain, possibly an hour in circumference. Some larger heaps might\nbe the remains of the Christian churches which are described by Sel\u00eem of\nAssuan (in Macrizi), in the tenth century, as magnificently decorated\nwith gold, when Soba was still the capital of the kingdom of ALOA. We\nwere shown the spot where some time ago a stone lion is said to have been\ndiscovered, which is now in the possession of Churshid Pascha, in Cairo.\nNowhere could walls, nor the form of buildings, be recognised; it was\nonly on the mound to the south, at a little distance off, that we found\nsome hewn yellow blocks of sandstone, and a low wall; on another heap lay\nseveral rough slabs of a black slaty stone.\n\nThe country round Soba, like this, is flat both far and wide to the base\nof the hills in front of the Abyssinian range, and the ground, especially\nat this season, is arid and black; the denser vegetation is confined to\nthe bank of the river; farther off there are nothing but single trees,\nnow in greater, now in fewer numbers.\n\nI promised the sailors a sheep, on condition that we should reach\nKAML\u00ceN betimes, for there was a strong wind, which made us very slow\nin our progress; our boat, besides, is not a fast one, the sailors are\ninexperienced, and from the low state of the water, the boat easily\nsticks fast in the sand; we sailed on almost the whole night through, and\nreached Kaml\u00een about eight in the morning.\n\nThe ancient place of the same name lies one half-hour farther up the\nriver, and is composed of a few huts. The houses near which we landed\nbelong to a number of factories, which Nureddin Effendi, a Coptic\nCatholic Egyptian, who went over to Islam, established, in common with\nthe late Achmed Pascha, more than four years ago, and which yield a\nrich profit. A simple, homely German, who has never given way to the\nbad customs of the East, born in the neighbourhood of W\u00fcrzburg, by name\nBauer, has established a Soap and Brandy Manufactory, of which he takes\nthe management himself. A Sugar and Indigo Factory is conducted by an\nArab. Bauer has settled farther to the south than any European we have\never met with in Mohammed Ali\u2019s dominions, and we were rejoiced to find\nsuch a good termination to the long but not very agreeable chain of\nEuropeans, most of them degenerated in civilisation, who have preferred\nthe Turkish government to that of their Fatherland.[43]\n\nHe has an old German housekeeper with him, Ursula, a comical,\ngood-natured soul, to whom it was no less a holiday to receive German\nguests again, than it was to himself. With joyful alacrity she rummaged\nout some European utensils, and the only fork that was still in\npreservation, and served up fried chickens, saurkraut, and some small\nsausages, with excellent wheaten bread; at last actually a cherry cake,\nof baked European cherries (for our fruits do not grow in Egypt), in\nshort, a home repast such as we never expected to see in this Ultima\nThule.\n\nOn a pedestal in front of Bauer\u2019s house we found the most southern\nEgyptian sculpture which we have met with: a sitting statue of OSIRIS,\nwith the usual attributes, carved out of black granite; a portion of it\nis mutilated, and it is of a late style, about 2\u00bd feet high; it had been\nfound in SOBA, and is not devoid of interest, being the only monument of\nEgyptian art from this town.\n\nThe European arrangement of Bauer\u2019s rooms made a strange impression\non us, here in the midst of the black population in the south. A\nwooden Black Forest house-clock, with weights, beat in regular time;\nsome half-broken European chairs stood round the fixed table, a small\nbook-shelf was placed behind it, with a selection of the German classics\nand historical works; in the corner the Turkish divan, which could not be\ndispensed with even here. Above the great table, and beside the canopied\nbed in the opposite corner, hung bell-pulls, which communicated with\nthe kitchen. An inquisitive Nesnas ape looked in at the grated window\nnext the door; and across the little court-yard we saw the busy Ursula,\nin a crimson-flowered gown, tripping hither and thither among little\nnaked black slave-boys and girls, ordering them to do this and that with\na somewhat scolding voice, and peeping into the steaming-pots in the\nadjoining kitchen. We saw nothing of her the whole morning; not even\nduring the excellent and savoury repast which she had prepared for us;\nit was only after dinner that she presented herself, with many curtseys,\nto receive our commendations. She lamented over the insufficiency of her\ncooking apparatus, and vehemently reproached Herr Bauer because he had\nno intentions of leaving this detestable, dirty, hot country, although\nhe had promised her to do so from one year to the other. She came hither\nwith Bauer, and has been eleven years in the country, and four years\nin Kaml\u00een. He intends to return to Germany in another year, to settle\nin Styria or Thuringia with his savings, and, like his father, to be a\npeasant again.\n\nAfter rising from table, the son of Nureddin Effendi also sent us a\nTurkish dinner, ready cooked, of twelve to fifteen dishes, which however,\nafter our European repast, we left to the servants. We had also seen\nthe factories that morning, and had tasted the fine brandy (called\nMarienbad), which Bauer prepares chiefly from sugar-cane and dates. The\nbusiness seemed to be in the best order, and even the cleanliness, so\nunusual in this country, of the rooms, the vessels, and utensils, were\nproofs of the solid basis upon which this factory, worked by slaves\nalone, is conducted. The pleasant impression made upon us by this visit\nwas also considerably increased by discovering that Bauer possessed a\nsecond piece of the above-mentioned marble inscription, which had been\ndiscovered in the ruins of Soba. He presented me with the fragment, which\nwas easily joined with the other piece, though we had still not got the\ncomplete inscription. The fragment shows the traces of twelve lines on\nthe one side, and of nine on the other. The characters can be distinctly\nread here also; but the name \u2c93\u2c81\u2c95\u2cb1\u2c83 is alone intelligible. It is either\nvery barbarous Greek, or a peculiar language formerly spoken in Soba.\nIn fact, we know, through Sel\u00eem, that the inhabitants of Soba had their\nsacred books in the Greek language, but translated them also into their\nown.\n\nAfter we had also paid a visit to the son of Nureddin Effendi, we\nstarted with the promise to call upon him again on our return.\n\nFrom Kaml\u00een the banks continue at an equal elevation. The character of a\nriver valley is lost. There is no longer a deposit of black earth; the\nprecipitous and high banks consist of a primitive soil, and a calcareous\nconglomerate, which, by Bauer\u2019s account, can be easily burnt into plaster.\n\nOn the morning of the 21st we came to a considerable bend of the river\ntowards the east; the wind became, on that account, so unfavourable,\nthat our Kawass disembarked, to press into our service people from the\nneighbourhood to draw our boat along. I walked for several hours along\nthe western bank, as far as ARBAGI, a deserted village, built of black\nbricks, but on the remains of a still older place, as I discovered from\nthe walls of burnt bricks. This place was formerly the chief centre of\nthe commerce of the Sudan, which, at a later period, was transferred\nto Messelem\u00eeeh. Soon after this we saw the two most northerly growing\nBAOBABS, which here are called H\u00d3MARA. These giant trees of the creation\n(Adansonia digitata) become more and more frequent, south of this spot,\nand at Sero they are among the common trees of the country. One of the\nstems which I paced round, measured above 60 feet in circumference, and\nwas certainly not one of the largest of its kind, as they are still\nnot numerous here. At this season they were leafless, and stretched\nout their bare branches far above the surrounding green trees, which\nlooked like low bushes beside them. I found their fruit, which is called\nGUNGULES,[44] here and there among the Arabs; they resemble small\ngourds, in the form of pears, and have a light hairy surface. If the\nhard, tough shell is broken, a number of kernels are found inside, which\nare surrounded by a dry, sweetish, sourish pulp, which is nevertheless\npleasant to the taste. The leaves are digitate.\n\nOn the 22nd of February we arrived on the western bank, at a small\nvillage, whose inhabitants, men, women, and children, fled with terror\nat our approach across the sandy plain to the wood, probably because\nthey were afraid of being pressed to draw the boat on farther. On the\nopposite bank there was another village, and from it we saw a magnificent\nprocession of men, dressed out in the Arabian and Turkish costume,\nmarch down to the river with some beautifully bridled horses. It was\nthe Kaschef, and the principal Sheikh of ABU HARAS, who had heard about\nus from Achmed Pascha, as we had intended to go from this spot into the\ndesert to Mandera with camels and guides. The horses were intended for\nus, and we therefore rode to the house of the Kaschef, to make some more\ninquiries about the antiquities of Mandera and Qala. As the desert road\nto the shore of the Red Sea leads from here by that place, we found\nseveral people who had passed near it. However, by what I gathered from\nall the accounts, there seem to be only some hills in the form of a kind\nof fortress at both these places, or, at the most, some roughly-built\nwalls, intended to protect the caravans, but no ancient buildings or\nhieroglyphic inscriptions. In Qala there might be some camels and horses,\nalso, scratched into the rock by Arabs or other people, such as we have\nfrequently seen in the Great Desert near the well of Murhad, and in other\nplaces.\n\nWe therefore determined to relinquish this desert journey, and to go\nfarther up the river instead, that we might become acquainted, as far as\nour time permitted, with the natural character of the Nile river, its\nbanks, and neighbouring inhabitants.\n\nAfter a short quarter of an hour from Abu Haras, we came to the mouth\nof the RAHAD, which, in the rainy season, conveys a considerable mass\nof water into the Nile, but was now nearly dry, and had only a little\nstagnant water, which next month may perhaps also disappear.\n\nI left the boat as often as possible, to get acquainted with the banks.\nTo go farther inland was of itself interdicted chiefly by the wood,\nwhich clothes both sides of the river, and is nearly impenetrable. There,\nin luxuriant splendour, grow the shady, high-domed tamarind-tree, the\ntower-like h\u00f3mara (Baobab), the many-branched gem\u00fas (sycamore-tree),\nand the various kinds of the brittle, gum-yielding sont-trees. Creeping\nplants, often the thickness of a man\u2019s body, climb up their branches\nlike gigantic serpents, in innumerable windings, to their very summits,\nand down again to the ground, where, along with the low shrubs, they\nfill up every gap between the huge stems. In addition to this, scarcely\none of ten among the trees or shrubs has not thorns, which renders\nany attempt to penetrate the close thicket not only dangerous, but\nimpossible. Several among them\u2014for instance, the sittere-tree\u2014have thorns\nplaced together in pairs, and in such a manner, that one thorn bends\nforwards, the other back; if any one, therefore, approaches the branches\ncarelessly, he may be sure that his clothes will carry away with them\nsome unavoidable signs, not to be obliterated here without difficulty,\nand then imperfectly. Some other thorny trees look extremely ornamental,\nand growing in more open situations, they rise like slender young\nbirches. We distinguished two species which are usually joined together,\nand can only be known from one another because the bark of the one stem\nis of a brilliant red colour up to the outermost little branches, like\na growth of blood-vessels, while that of the other is of a dark black\ncolour. Both of them have glistening long white thorns, which, with the\nlittle green leaves, rise up with a sharp outline, as if they had been\npainted with the brush.\n\nScarcely one of the birds, which frequently hovered around us in large\nnumbers, were known to me, even in Egypt. I shot many of them, and\nhad them stuffed by our cook, Siri\u00e2n. Among them were some beautiful\nsilver-grey falcons (suqr schikl), guinea-fowls (ged\u00e2d el wadi), with\nknobs of horn on the nose, and blue lappets on both sides of the head;\nblack and white rhinoceros birds (abu tuko) with huge beaks; some birds\nquite black, with a bright crimson breast (abu labba); large brown and\nwhite eagles (abu t\u00f4k), one of which, with outspread wings, measured\nsix feet; smaller brown eagles, the _hed\u00e2ja_, and black and white ones,\nwhich are called _r\u00e1chama_. These last, which are much more numerous\ntowards Egypt, are the same which we are in the habit of seeing among\nthe hieroglyphics. On the bank there are also great numbers of black and\nwhite plovers, furnished with black curved spines on their wing-joints,\nand the long-legged, completely white, _abu baqr_ (cow-birds), who are in\nthe habit of grazing on the backs of the buffaloes and cows.\n\nWe saw great bats frequently flying about in broad daylight; their long\ngolden-brown wings look bright through the branches, and suddenly they\nhang head downwards on the branches like great yellow pears, and can then\neasily be shot. They have long ears, and a strange trumpet-like nose.\n\nWe also hunted the MONKEYS, but from their agility they were very\ndifficult to reach. One day we found an immense tree, quite full of\nmonkeys; some of them hastily came down on our approach, and fled to a\ndistant thicket; others hid themselves among the foliage, quite at the\ntop; but some of them who considered both methods of escape dangerous,\nsprang with inconceivably bold leaps from the uppermost branches of the\ntall tree, which might have been about 100 feet high, to the smaller\ntrees standing near, whose thorny branches bent down beneath their weight\nwithout letting them fall; they thus gained their end, and escaped my gun.\n\nThe CROCODILES become more numerous the farther south we go. The tongues\nof the sandy islands are often covered with them. They generally lie in\nthe sun, close to the edge of the water, open their mouths, and seem to\nsleep, but do not allow any one to approach them; but even if they are\nhit by the shot they immediately dive into the river. It is therefore\nvery difficult to obtain one. Our Kawass only once made such a good shot\nat a young crocodile, about three feet long, that it was unable to get\nback to the water. It was brought to the boat, where it lived for several\ndays afterwards, to the terror of our little Nesnas monkey, Bach\u00eet.\n\nIt is no less difficult to approach the HIPPOPOTAMI, which we have\nsometimes seen in great numbers, but with their heads alone above the\nwater. Once only a young hippopotamus stood quite clear out of the water\non a sandy island; it allowed us to come unusually near. The Kawass\nshot, and hit it, naturally without the ball penetrating the thick hide,\nwhereupon the clumsy creature, with its unshapely head, its fat belly,\nand short elephant legs, galloped off in a most comical manner to reach\nthe water close beside him, and immediately disappeared. They generally\nare in the habit of coming on land only in the night, and they do much\ninjury in the fields of Durra and other plantations, by treading down and\ndevouring. It is not known that a hippopotamus was ever caught alive here.\n\nWe saw no lions, but we heard their roaring in the distance throughout\nthe starlight night; there is something very solemn in the deep and\nsonorous voice of this royal beast.\n\nThe 24th of February we came to a second tributary river of the Nile,\nthe DENDER, which is larger than the Rahad. I went up part of it to see\n(which was impossible at its mouth) whether the water was still flowing,\nand farther up I discovered that, where the still water had collected\ninto small canals, certainly a very feeble current yet existed; in the\nrainy season the Dender must rise more than twenty feet, as may be seen\nby its bed; I found its banks were cultivated with cotton bushes, gourds,\nand other useful plants.\n\nThe heat is not excessive, in the morning about eight o\u2019clock it is\nusually 23\u00b0 R.; about mid-day till about five o\u2019clock, 29\u00b0; and about\neleven o\u2019clock at night it is 22\u00b0 (83\u00be\u00b0, 97\u00bc\u00b0, 81\u00bd\u00b0 Fahr.).\n\nWe spend our evenings in our boat; here I make our Kawass, Hagi Ibrahim,\ninform us about the geography; or I take some Nubian sailors into my\ncabin to learn their language. I have already made a long vocabulary\nin the Nubian language; comparing it with other lists in R\u00fcppell and\nCailliaud, I found many words in the Kold\u00e1gi language spoken in the\nsouthern territories of Kordofan which agree with them; this proves\nthere is an intimate connection between the two languages. The Arabs\nare in the habit of calling the Nubian language _lis\u00e2n rot\u00e2na_, which\nI at first supposed to be its actual name; but it only means a foreign\ntongue different from the Arabic. They do not, therefore, only speak of\na _Rot\u00e2na Ken\u00fbs_, _Mahass_, _Donqolaui_, when they mean to designate the\nthree Nubian dialects, but also of a _Rot\u00e2na Dinkaui_, _Schilluk_\u2014even\nof a Rot\u00e2na _turki_ and _franki_, thus likewise of Turkish and French;\n_i. e._ of European gibberish. The same error is the cause of the now\nreceived designation of the Nubian as the Berber, and of their language\nas the Berber language; for this is not the name of the people, nor of\ntheir language, as is generally thought, but originally means only the\npeople speaking a foreign tongue, the _Barbaros_.\n\nOn the 25th of February we disembarked at SABA DOLEB; I searched for\nruins, but only found high domes in the form of bee-hives, built well and\nsolidly of bricks, about 20 feet high, and closely resembling the Greek\nThesauri, constructed of horizontal layers, lapping over inwardly. They\nare tombs of holy Arab Sheikhs of a late period; the inhabitants of the\nvillage could not tell us the date of their erection. Beneath the cupola,\nand in the centre of the building, which is between 15 and 18 feet wide,\nthere is the long narrow tomb of the saint, surrounded with larger\nstones, and covered with a number of small stones, which, according to a\nsuperstition, must necessarily amount to a thousand; I found six domes\nsimilar to these, most of them half, some wholly fallen to pieces; two,\nhowever, in very good preservation, which are even still visited; a\nseventh, probably the most recent, was built of unburnt bricks.\n\nAt WAD NEGUDI, a village situated to the west of the Nile, we found the\nfirst DIL\u00caB PALMS, with slender naked stems and small bushy crowns,\nresembling, at a distance, the Date Palm, but when near, from their\nleaves, like the Doum Palm. Their fruit is round, like that of the Doum\nPalm, but of a larger size. These trees are said to be very abundant\non the tributary rivers towards the east; but here, on the Nile, they\nare only to be found within a very small tract of land. The leaves are\nregularly divided like a fan into a great number of connected folds, and\nthe leaf-stalk has strong serrated notches. The Rais of our boat, who\nwas with me, sawed off another leaf with one of these leaf-stalks; I\nhad it brought to the boat, to take it away with us. It is divided into\nsixty-nine points, and is five feet and a quarter long, from that part of\nthe stalk where the fan begins, although it is still young, and therefore\nits fan is still completely closed. Another larger one, which had just\nunfolded itself, we set up in the boat as an umbrella, and sat beneath\nits shade. We were obliged to make a path to those palm-trees through\ngigantic woods of grass, which shoot up stiff and thick like corn-fields,\nand cover large plains. The points of the blades towered up five or six\nfeet above our heads, and even the tall camels, which are bred here,\ncould hardly look over it.\n\nOn the 26th February we arrived at the village of ABU EL ABAS, on the\neastern bank. It is a chief town of this district, and the Kaschef who\nlives here is placed over 112 villages. I there purchased a dog-ape\nfrom a Turkish Kawass for a few piastres. This is the holy ape of the\nancient Egyptians, the Cynocephalus, which was dedicated to Thoth and\nthe Moon, and appears as the second among the four Gods of Death. It\nis interesting to me to have a creature about me for some little time,\nwhich I have seen innumerable times upon the monuments, and thereby to\nobserve the faithful apprehension and representation of its essential\nand characteristic appearances in the ancient Egyptian sculpture. It is\nremarkable that this ape, so peculiar to Egypt in ancient times, is now\nonly found in the south, and even there, it is not very common. How many\nspecies of animals and plants, even manners and customs of men, with\nwhich we become acquainted through the monuments of Egypt, can only now\nbe found in the most southern parts of ancient Ethiopia, so that now\nmany representations, for instance in the tombs of Benihassan, seem\nto delineate scenes in this country rather than in Egypt. There is no\nspecial name here for the Cynocephalus, only the general one, _qird_\n(large monkey). Its head, hair, and colour, are not unlike those of a\ndog, and hence its Greek name. Sometimes also it barks and snarls like a\ndog. It is still young, and very good-natured, but far more intelligent\nthan Abeken\u2019s pretty little Nesnas ape. It is extremely ludicrous when\nit wishes to get something good to eat, which we have in our hands; it\nthen lays back its ears on its head, and knows how to express the utmost\ndelight, but remains sitting quiet like a good child, only chattering\nwith the lips, like an old wine-bibber. At the sight of the crocodile,\nhowever, all the hair of its body bristled up; it uttered piercing\nshrieks, and could scarcely be held down from terror.\n\nOn the 27th February we reached SENN\u00c2R, the celebrated ancient capital\nof the Sudan, whose king, before the conquest of the country by Ismael\nPascha, had dominion as far as Wadi Halfa, and ruled over a number of\nsmaller kings who paid him tribute. One would not suspect, from the\npresent aspect of the place, that only a short time since it was such a\npowerful royal residence. Between six and seven hundred pointed straw\nhuts, Tukele, surrounded the piles of red-brick ruins, where formerly\nthe royal mansion stood. These bricks are now employed for building an\nabode for Solim\u00e2n Pascha, who is to reside in Senn\u00e2r; it was already so\nfar complete that the Wakil[45] of the absent Pascha was able to hold his\ndivan within it. We found him there, just as he was sitting in judgment.\nMany other people, Sheikhs and Turks, were present; among them the Sheikh\nSandal\u00f4ba, the chief of the Arabian merchants, and a relative of the\nSult\u00e2na Nasr, whose acquaintance we afterwards made in the village of\nSor\u00eeba, which she makes her royal residence. We paid a visit to this\ndistinguished man in his own house, with which honour he seemed much\ngratified. His principal apartment is a dark, lofty hall, with a roof\nresting on two pillars and four pilasters, upon which we mounted to\nobtain a view over the town.\n\nMeanwhile an anqareb was prepared for us, to sit upon in the court-yard;\nthey brought us mead (honey with water), and led a hy\u00e6na out of the\nstable, here called Marafil, and two young lions, the largest of which,\nbelonging to Solim\u00e2n Pascha, and two wethers, were taken to the boat,\nas a present from his Wakil. I had the creature fastened down in the\nhold, and as a welcome immediately received a violent scratch on my hand\nfrom his sharp claws. His body is now above two feet long, and his voice\nhas already become a strong tenor. There is a most tumultuous scene now\nevery morning on our, not very large, boat, when we drink our tea at an\nearly hour in front of the cabin; on each side of the door, a monkey is\nmaking its merry leaps, and when the lion is released from the hold of\nthe vessel, and on the deck, which is given to him during the day, we are\nobliged to place our cups and pitchers in safety, as he endeavours to\nreach them with his clumsy, but already strong claws.\n\nOn the 29th of February, about nine in the morning, we arrived at ABD\u00ceN.\nThe 1st of March the wind was unfavourable to us, and we made very little\nprogress, so that we had plenty of time at our disposal for shooting\nbirds. Towards evening I came to a village romantically situated in a\ncreek formed by the river, spreading out at this point. Many huts, built\nof straw, extended their pointed roofs upwards between the branches\nand thick foliage of the trees. Narrow crooked paths, forming a real\nlabyrinth, led from one hut to the other, between thorns and trunks of\ntrees; within the huts, and in front of them, the black families were\nlying, the children playing by a feeble lamp-light. I asked for some\nmilk, but was told to apply at an Arab village in the neighbourhood, to\nwhich I was led by a man armed with a spear, the universal weapon of the\ncountry. Making our way through thin shrubs and tall grass, we reached\nthe large troops of cattle belonging to the Arabs, who had raised their\nmat huts round the pasture ground. The Fellahs who have settled here are\nmuch browner than the wandering Arabs, though they are not negroes, but\nthey appear by race to be connected with the Nubian stock.\n\nThe 2nd of March we landed on an island close to the eastern bank. At\na short distance from the landing-place the Rais discovered a broken\ncrocodile egg, at a spot where there was some newly turned up ground.\nHe dug down with his hands, and found forty-four eggs lying beside each\nother three feet deep in the sand. They were still covered with a slimy\ncoat, as they had been only laid the previous day or during the night.\nCrocodiles prefer coming out of the river on a windy night, they bury\ntheir eggs in the ground, cover them over, and the wind soon disperses\nall traces of the disturbed earth. A few months afterwards the young ones\ncreep out. The eggs are like large goose\u2019s eggs, but as much rounded\noff at both ends as these are only at the blunt end. I had some of them\nboiled, they are eatable, but have a disagreeable taste; therefore I\nwillingly left them to the sailors, who devoured them with a hearty\nappetite.\n\nWe landed at the forsaken village of D\u00c1HELA on the eastern bank, from\nwhich I proceeded alone a distance of about three-quarters of an hour\ninland. The character of the vegetation continues the same. The ground\nis dry and level, the small hills and valleys which intersect it are not\nthe original forms of the ground, but seem only to have been produced\nby rain. The farthest point I aimed at was a great tamarind-tree which\ntowered up splendidly from the lower trees and bushes, and round which\nwere fluttering a number of green and red birds hitherto unknown to me.\n\nOn my road, I first came to a settlement, Kumr bet\u00e1 D\u00e1hela, where the\ninhabitants of the village I mentioned above are accustomed to keep\ntheir _villeggiatura_. They only remain here during the dry months, and\nwander back in the beginning of the rainy season to their more solidly\nbuilt village on the bank of the river. The last village that I reached\nis called ROM\u00c2LI, a little above the place which is marked SERO on the\nmap, and which is situated at the 13\u00b0 of north latitude. On the hot and\nfatiguing road back, I was present at a burial; silent and serious,\nwithout sound or lamentation, two corpses wrapped in white cloths were\nborne by men on anqarebs, and were laid in a grave several feet deep,\nin the wood, close to the passing road. Perhaps they had died of the\ncholera-like plague, which we hear has broken out with virulence in these\nsouthern parts.\n\nWe would willingly have gone up, as far as Fazoql, into the last province\nin Mohammed Ali\u2019s dominions, to become acquainted with the complete\nchange in the character of the country, which then again occurs,\nbeginning at Ros\u00eares, and exhibiting so many phenomena, plants and\nanimals, peculiar to the tropics; but our time had come to an end.\n\nThe Rais received orders to lower the sails and masts; by which the\nboat at once lost its dignified appearance, and it floated down with\nthe current of the river like a wreck. Soon the agreeable silence in\nthe vessel, which had hitherto hastened on as if of its own accord,\nwas interrupted by the shrill and discordant singing of the rowers,\nstruggling against the wind.\n\nOn the 4th of March we again arrived at Senn\u00e2r, and on the morning of the\n8th reached Wed M\u00e9dineh. This place is almost as important as Senn\u00e2r. A\nregiment of soldiers is here in garrison with the only band of music in\nthe Sudan, and with two cannons. We were immediately visited by the chief\nclerk of the regiment, Se\u00efd Haschim, one of the most distinguished people\nof the place, with whom we had formerly become acquainted in Chart\u00fbm.\n\nWe determined to go from this on a visit to the Sult\u00e2na Nasr (Victoria)\nin SOR\u00ceBA, which is about an hour and a half inland, partly to learn\nsomething of the character of the country farther removed from the river,\npartly to gain some notion of the court of an Ethiopian princess. Se\u00efd\nHaschim offered his dromedaries and asses, and to accompany us himself on\nthis expedition. We therefore set out with him in the afternoon over the\nhot, black plain, where only a few trees were scattered here and there,\nand soon got over the uninteresting ground on our active animals.\n\nNASR is the sister of the most powerful and the richest King (Melek)\nin the Sudan, the IDRIS WED (_i. e._ WELLED, the son or descendant of)\nADL\u00c2N, who now indeed is under the supremacy of Mohammed Ali, but yet\nrules over several hundred villages in the province of El Fungi; his\ntitle is Mak el Qulle, King of the Qulle Mountains. One of his ancestors\nwas called ADL\u00c2N, and the whole family at present is named after him;\nhis father was the same Mohammed (Wed) Adl\u00e2n, who at the period of the\nvictorious campaign of Ismael Pascha, appropriated to himself the greater\npart of the power belonging to the legitimate but feeble B\u00e2di, King of\nSenn\u00e2r, but who afterwards, at the instigation of a second Pretender,\nReg\u00b4eb, was murdered. When Ismael approached, and Reg\u00b4eb had fled with\nhis adherents into the Abyssinian mountains, King B\u00e2di joined the\nchildren and the party of Mohammed Adl\u00e2n, and submitted to the Pascha,\nwho made him a Sheikh over the country, had the murderers of Mohammed\nAdl\u00e2n empaled, and bestowed great power and riches on his children Reg\u00b4eb\nand Idris Adl\u00e2n. Their sister Nasr was also treated with great respect,\nwhich was still more increased because she was descended, on the mother\u2019s\nside, from the legitimate royal house itself. On that account she is\nalso called _Sult\u00e2na_, Queen. Her first husband was Mohammed Sandal\u00f4ba,\na brother of Hassan Sandal\u00f4ba, whom we had visited in Senn\u00e2r. He died\na long time ago, but by him she had a daughter, Dauer (the Light), who\nmarried a great Sheikh, Abd el Qader, but she was afterwards separated\nfrom him, and now always resides with her mother in Sor\u00eeba. The second\nhusband of Nasr is Mohammed Defalla, the son of one of her father\u2019s\nviziers. He was just then with Ahmed Pascha Menekle, on the campaign\n(_Ghazua_, out of which the French have made _Razzia_) in Taka. But even\nwhen he is at home, on account of her noble birth, she continues mistress\nin the house.\n\nA great preference for the female sex seems to have been a very universal\ncustom since ancient times in these southern countries. We must recollect\nhow frequently we find reigning Queens of Ethiopia mentioned. In the\ncampaigns of Petronius, Candace is well known, a name which, according to\nPliny, was given to all the Ethiopian Queens; according to others, only\nto the mother of the King. In the pictures at Mer\u00f6e, also, we sometimes\nsee very warlike, and doubtless reigning, Queens represented. According\nto Makrizi, the genealogies of the Beg\u00b4as, who I consider to be the\ndirect descendants of the Mer\u00f6itish Ethiopians, and the ancestors of the\npresent Bisch\u00e2ris, were not counted by the men, but by the women; and the\ninheritance did not go to the son of the deceased, but to the son of the\nsister, or of the daughter of the deceased. In like manner, according to\nAbu-Sela, among the Nubians, the sister\u2019s son always had the preference\nof his own son in the succession to the throne; and, according to Ibn\nBatuta, the same custom existed among the Messofites, a negro people\nlying to the west. Even now the household and chief offices belonging\nto the courts of several southern princes are wholly filled by women.\nLadies of distinction are in the habit of allowing their nails to grow\nan inch long, as a sign that their duty consists in commanding, and not\nin working; a custom we have lately seen in the representations of the\nunshapely and corpulent Queens of Mer\u00f6e.\n\nWhen we arrived in SOR\u00ceBA, we stepped through a peculiar gate-house\ninto the great square court-yard, which passes round the principal\nbuilding, and then into an open lofty hall, the roof of which rested on\nfour pillars, and four pilasters. The narrow beams of the ceiling jut\nout several feet above the simple architrave, and form the immediate\nsupport of the flat roof; the whole entrance reminded me much of the\nopen fa\u00e7ades of the tombs of Benihassan. In the hall there stood some\nbeautiful furniture of Indian work in ebony, some broad anqarebs, with\nframes for the fly-nets. Magnificent coverlets were immediately brought\nin, and sherbet, coffee, and pipes handed round; the vessels were made\nof gold and silver. Black slave girls in light white dresses, which are\nfastened round the hips, and drawn over the bosom and shoulders, handed\nthe refreshments, and looked most strange with their half-braided,\nhalf-combed wigs. The Queen did not however appear; perhaps she shrank\nfrom showing herself to Christians; we were only able to see some women\nwho were standing behind a half-opened door, which re-closed, and to\nwhom we ourselves might have been an object of curiosity. I therefore\nsent word to the Sult\u00e2na, through Se\u00efd Haschim, that we had come to pay\na visit to herself, and we now begged we might be permitted to pay our\nrespects to her. Upon which, soon afterwards, a strong wooden door, cased\nwith metal, which led from the inner chambers to the hall, opened wide,\nand Nasr, with free and dignified steps, walked in. She was wrapped in\nlong, finely-woven linen, with coloured borders, and underneath she wore\nwide, party-coloured trousers of a darker hue. The female household\nfollowed her, eight or ten girls in white dresses, bordered with red, and\nornamented sandals. Nasr sat down before us in a friendly and natural\nmanner; she only sometimes drew her dress before her mouth and the lower\npart of her face, an Oriental custom which is universal in Egypt among\nwomen, but which is less practised in this country. She replied to the\nsalutations which I addressed to her through the Dragoman, with an\nagreeable voice, but only remained a short time with us, and then again\nretired through the same door.\n\nWe were now permitted to see the interior of the house, with the\nexception of her own apartments, which were in a small adjoining house;\nand we got upon the roof to have a view over the village. We afterwards\ntook a walk through the place, saw the well, which is lined with bricks\nto the depth of 60 feet, and supplies a lukewarm water, which is more\ninsipid than that of the Nile, from which Nasr always has her own\ndrinking water fetched. We then turned back, intending to start, but\nNasr invited us to spend the night in Sor\u00eeba, as it was already too late\nto return to Wed M\u00e9dineh by daylight. We accepted the invitation, and\nimmediately a repast of cooked food was brought in, which was only a\npreparation for the magnificent supper. The Sult\u00e2na, however, did not\nallow herself to be seen again the whole evening. We remained in the\nhall, and slept on the same cool cushions which had served us during the\nday as a divan. The next morning, however, we were invited to visit her\nin her own rooms. She was more willing to talk to-day than yesterday,\nhad European chairs placed for us, while her attendants and slave girls\nsquatted down round us. We told her about her name-sister, the Sult\u00e2na\nNasr of England, and exhibited her portrait to her on an English gold\ncoin, which she regarded with much curiosity. Nevertheless, she showed\nvery little desire to see with her own eyes that distant world beyond the\nnorthern ocean.\n\nAbout eight o\u2019clock we rode back to Wed M\u00e9dineh. Soon after our arrival\nSe\u00efd Haschim received a letter from Nasr, in which she asked him\nconfidentially whether I would accept a little slave girl from her,\nas a gift to the stranger. I sent a message to inform her that this\nwas contrary to our customs, but that there would be no difficulty if,\ninstead of a slave girl, she would select a slave boy; and, after the\nremoval of some scruples, as this seemed to her less becoming, she really\nsent a little slave boy, who was brought to me in our boat.\n\nHe had been the playmate of the Sult\u00e2na\u2019s little grandson, the son of\nher daughter Dauer, and was handed over to me with the name of REH\u00c2N\n(the Arabic designation for the sweet-scented basilicum). I was also\ninformed that he was born in the district of Mak\u00e2di, on the frontier of\nAbyssinia, which generally furnishes the most intelligent and faithful\nslaves. This district is under Christian domination, and is inhabited\nboth by Christians and Mohammedans, who are separated into different\nvillages. The former call themselves Naz\u00e2ra (Nazarenes), or Amh\u00e2ra\n(Amharic Christians); the latter Giberta. Amongst the latter, children of\ntheir own race, or that of their neighbours, are frequently stolen and\nsold to Arabian slave-dealers; for in the central parts of Abyssinia the\nslave trade is strictly interdicted. However, this account of the boy has\nsince proved incorrect, and perhaps was only meant to remove the obstacle\nwhich some might find in offering me a Christian boy, while on the other\nhand it would appear still more doubtful to hand over to me a native\nMohammedan. The boy himself first communicated to our Christian cook, and\nafterwards to myself, that he was born of Christian parents, that he had\nhere for the first time received the name of Reh\u00e2n, and that his real\nname was Gabre M\u00e1riam, _i. e._ in Abyssinian, \u201cthe slave of Mary.\u201d He\nwas born near Gondar, the capital of Amh\u00e2ra. He appears to have belonged\nto a family of some distinction, for the place called Bamba, which is\nstated by Bruce to be in the neighbourhood of Lake Tzana, by his accounts\nbelonged to his grandfather; and his father, who now is dead, possessed\nmany herds, which the boy often drove, with others, to the pasture. One\nday, above three or four years ago, when on such an expedition, at a\nconsiderable distance from his dwelling-place, he was stolen by some\nmounted Bedouins, carried off to the village of Waldakarel, and then sold\nto King Idris Adl\u00e2n; by him he was afterwards presented to his sister\nNasr. He is a pretty boy, very dark, and may be now between eight and\nnine years old; but much more advanced than a child of this age would be\nwith us. The girls here marry from eight years old upwards. He wears his\nhair in a peculiar manner, in innumerable little braids; these must, at\nleast once every month, be re-braided and daubed with grease, by a woman\nskilled in the art; and his body also must from time to time be well\nrubbed with grease. His entire clothing consists in a great white cloth,\nwhich he binds round his hips, and throws upwards over the shoulders. I\ncall him now by his Christian name, and shall take him to Europe with me.\n\nSe\u00efd Haschim did all in his power to keep us some days longer in Wed\nM\u00e9dineh. The first evening he invited us to his house, with the Turks\nof most distinction, and had a number of dancing-girls to show us the\nnational dances in these parts; they chiefly consist in contortions of\nthe upper part of the body and the arms, similar to what are represented\non the Egyptian monuments; but differ from the Egyptian dances of the\npresent day, which are chiefly limited to very ungraceful gestures.\n\nA good-natured and very comical old man led on the dances, while he\nat the same time sang some Arabic songs, with a piercing but not\ndisagreeable voice, which had reference to the assembled company, or to\npersons of repute, such as Nasr, Idris Adl\u00e2n, Mak (_i. e._ Melek), B\u00e2di,\n&c.; and with his left hand touched the chords of a five-stringed lyre,\npassing the plectrum over them in time with his right. His instrument\nonly embraced six tones of the octave. The first string on the right\nhand had the highest tone, C, to be struck with the thumb, the string\nimmediately succeeding, the lowest tone, E; then followed the third, F;\nthe fourth, A; the fifth, B. The instrument is called RABABA, and the\nperformer on it REB\u00c2BI. This man had been instructed by an old celebrated\nReb\u00e2bi in Schendi; he had made his instrument himself, after the model\nof that belonging to his master, and had also acquired from him his\ntalent for making verses, and thus became the favourite black bard of Wed\nM\u00e9dineh. All the poetry of his songs had been composed by himself; they\nwere sometimes improvised, and whoever disobliged him or his patrons,\nwould probably be made the object of his satire.\n\nI made him come to me the following morning, and, through Jussuf, write\ndown four of his poems in Arabic: one on Mohammed, the son of Mak Mes\u00e2\u02bed,\nwho resides in Metammeh; one upon King Nimr, who burnt Ismael Pascha,\nand is still living in Abyssinia; a third on Nasr; and lastly, a song of\nhomage to pretty girls.[46] It is impossible to render these melodies\nin our notes. I have only written down a small portion of them, which\nin some measure approaches our mode of singing. They are generally half\nrecited, half carried down, with quivering tones, from the highest\nnotes to a deep and long-sustained tone. These are their most peculiar\ncharacteristics, but they are quite incapable of being noted down. Each\nverse contains four rhymes; the voice is retained lightly on each of\nthem, on the second more than on the first and third; but longest on\nthe last rhyme. The music always sinks at this point, and the same deep\ntone recurs, which gives a certain character to the progressing song.\nA particular recurrence of the melody may, indeed, also be noticed,\nbut this is impossible for a European ear to remember. I purchased\nthe instrument from the good-natured old man. He gave it unwillingly,\nalthough I let him name his own price; and several times after he had\ntaken the money, and had laid down his instrument for it, an air of\nanxious sorrow came over his expressive countenance. The following day\nI bid him come to me again. He was depressed, and told me his wife had\ngiven him a sound beating for having given his instrument away. Here it\nis no disgrace for a man to be beaten by his wife, but it is so perhaps\nin the reverse case. A woman who has been beaten goes at once to the\nCadi to complain; she then generally obtains justice, and the husband is\npunished.\n\nIn Wed M\u00e9dineh we were also present at a funeral ceremony, which seemed\na strange enough one to us. A woman had died three days before; the\nday succeeding her death, the third, the seventh, and several days\nafterwards are peculiarly solemnised. In front of the house, an hour\nbefore sunset, above a hundred women and children had collected, and\nmore were constantly coming in, and cowered down beside the others. Two\ndaughters of the deceased were present, whose richly ornamented and\ngrease-besmeared heads they had already strewed with ashes, and had\nrubbed the whole of the upper part of their bodies white with them, so\nthat their eyes and mouths alone shone forth clean, and, as it were, set\ninto the white mask. The women wore long cloths round their hips; the\nyoung girls and children the R\u00e1hat, a girdle composed of five strips of\nleather, hanging down close together; this is usually bound round the\nloins by a cord, prettily ornamented with shells and pearls, and it falls\nhalf-way down the leg. There was a great wooden bowl with ashes, which\nwas repeatedly filled again with fresh ones. Female musicians cowered\ndown close on either side of the door uttering shrill screams, which\npierced our ears; they now clapped their hands together in time; now\nstruck the sounding DARA-BUKA (a kind of hand kettle-drum, called here\nin the Sudan DALUKA); and now beat with sticks on some hollow gourds\nfloating in tubs of water. The two daughters, about eighteen or twenty\nyears of age, and the nearest relations, began, two and two, to move at\nfirst slowly towards the door in a narrow passage between the constantly\nincreasing crowds; then suddenly shrill screams, clapping of hands,\nand loud shrieks burst from them all at once; whereupon they turned\nround, and began their fearfully contorted dancing. Bending the upper\npart of their body in convulsive and strained twistings and turnings,\nand slowly balancing themselves, they moved their feet forwards, then\nsuddenly threw their breasts upwards with violence and their heads back\non their shoulders, which they stretched out in all directions, and\nthus, with half-closed eyes, gradually glided forwards. In this manner\nthey went down a slight incline of fifteen and twenty paces, where they\nthrew themselves on the ground, covered themselves with dust and earth,\nand turned back again to re-commence the same dance. The younger of the\ntwo daughters had a beautiful slight figure, with wonderful elasticity,\nand when she stood quietly erect, or was lying on the ground with her\nsunken head, her regular and gentle, though inanimate features, even\nduring the dance, and the classical form of her body, was exactly like\nan antique statue. This dancing procession was repeated over and over\nagain. Each of the mourners is compelled at least to go through this\nonce, and the nearer the relationship so much the more frequently is it\nrepeated. Whoever cannot immediately force her way up to the vessel of\nashes, takes them from the head of her neighbour to strew it on her own\nhead. In front of this squatting assembly some women are cowering, who\nunderstand how to sob loudly and to shed profuse tears, which leave long\nblack streaks on their white-rubbed cheeks. The most striking, and the\nmost repelling, part of this spectacle is, that nothing is done from\nunrestrained sorrow, but all with deliberation, with a degree of pathos,\nand evidently studied; children as young as four and five years old are\nplaced in the procession, and if they perform the difficult and unnatural\nmovements well, their mothers, who are cowering behind, call out to them\n_taib, taib_\u2014_i. e._ bravo! well done! In the second act, however, of\nthis ceremony, rendered peculiarly stunning by its continual clapping,\nscreaming, and shrieking, all the dancers throw themselves into the\ndust, and tumble down the hill; but this they also do slowly, and with\ndeliberation, carefully drawing up their knees to their bodies, to hold\ntheir dresses with them, and also crossing their arms; they then roll\ndown, over knees and back. This ceremony begins one hour before sunset,\nand lasts till night.\n\nThe unnatural feeling pervading the whole proceeding makes an\nindescribable impression, which is rendered still more disagreeable by\nseeing nothing in all of it but an inherited and perverted custom, an\nempty spectacle; not a trace of individual truth and natural sentiment\ncan be perceived in the persons who participate; and yet the comparison\nbetween this and certain descriptions and representations of similar\nfestivals among the ancients, teaches us to understand much, of which\njudging by our own manner of life, we can never form a correct notion,\ntill we have once seen with our eyes such caricatures of metamorphoses as\nare here and there exhibited in the East.\n\nThe following day we visited the hospital, which we found very cleanly,\nand in good order; it holds a hundred patients, but there were then\nonly eight-and-twenty within it. We then went to the barracks, in the\nlarge court-yard of which the men are exercised. The commanding officer\nordered out the band of music, and they played several pieces before\nus. The first was the Parisienne, which sounded most strangely in this\ncountry, as well as the succeeding pieces, most of them French, and\nknown to me; they were, however, tolerably well executed. The musicians\nperformed almost solely on European instruments, and have also admitted\nthe name of our trumpet into their Arabic musical language, but have\ntransferred it to the drum, which they call _trumb\u00eata_, while for the\ntrumpet they have a peculiar name of their own, _nafir_; they call\ntheir great flute _sum\u00e1ra_, the small one _suf\u00e1ra_, and the great drum\n_tabli_. There were only twelve hundred soldiers present belonging to the\nregiment, which consists of four thousand men, almost all negroes, whose\nblack faces staring out of their white linen uniform and red-tasselled\ncaps, made them look like dressed-up monkeys, only much more unhappy\nand oppressed. The negroes are incapable of any military discipline and\nregular exertion, and generally sink beneath the imposed yoke. We did\nnot, however, suspect that these same people would two days afterwards\nrebel in a body, and set off to their hills.\n\nEmin Pascha was expected hourly. But on the 13th I received in the\nmorning a letter from him, from Messelem\u00eeeh, between four and five hours\ndistant from this place, in which he wrote that he should not come to Wed\nM\u00e9dineh before the following day, and hoped to find us still there. He\nat the same time informed me that the war in Taka was over, and that all\nhad submitted. Several hundred natives had been killed in skirmishes; the\nmorning before the chief battle, all the Sheikhs of the tribes from Taka\nhad come to the Pascha to sue for pardon, which he had granted them, on\ncondition that no fugitive should venture to remain in the great wood,\nwhich was their chief place of refuge. The following morning he had the\nwood searched, and as nobody was discovered in it, he had it set on fire,\nand entirely burnt to the ground. On his journey back, he intends to pass\nthrough the eastern districts to Kat\u00e2rif, on the Abyssinian frontier,\nand thence to go to the Blue River. We had scarcely read this news\nfrom Taka, when we heard the sound of cannon in front of the barracks\nannouncing the victorious message to the population round.\n\nIn another letter, which had gone to Emin Pascha instead of me, Herr\nvon Wagner gave me the pleasing intelligence that our new companion,\nthe painter Georgi, had arrived from Italy, and had already started for\nDongola, where he waits for further orders. I shall write to him to come\nas far as Barkal to meet us.\n\nAs we were certain by this letter of finding the Pascha still in\nMesselem\u00eeeh, we started for that place about mid-day; and as the town is\nsituated an hour and a half distant from the Nile, we made the journey by\nland.\n\nThe boat, meanwhile, was to follow us to the harbour of Messelem\u00eeeh, that\nis to say, to the nearest landing-place of this most important of the\ncommercial towns of the whole Sudan. Besides Jussuf, we took with us the\nKawass and Gabre M\u00e1riam, who sat behind me on the dromedary, where there\nis always left a small place for a servant, like a coach-box behind the\ncarriage; he sits on the narrow hinder part of the animal, and holds on\nto the saddle with both his hands. It was hot, and the ground was parched\nup. The few birds which I saw were different from those which habitually\ninhabit the banks of the river.\n\nHalf-way we came to T\u00c2IBA, a village which is only inhabited by FUKARA\n(plur. of FAKIR). These are the sages, the holy men of the people, a kind\nof priest, without however having priestly functions to perform; they\ncan read and write; they do not permit any music, dancing, or festivals\namong them, and therefore have a great reputation for sanctity. The\nchief of this village is the greatest Fakir of the whole surrounding\nneighbourhood. Every one believes in him like a prophet; whatever he\npredicts, happens. The late Achmed Pascha, one month before his death,\ncaused him to be imprisoned. \u201cGod will punish you for this,\u201d was his\nanswer to the order, and one month afterwards the Pascha died. He is a\nvery rich man, and possesses several villages. We went in quest of him,\nand found him in his house at dinner; about twenty people were sitting\nround a colossal wooden bowl, which was filled with a gruel of boiled\nDurra and milk. The bowl was pushed in front of us, but we could not eat\nany of this food. We amused ourselves with the old Fakir, who joined in\nour conversation with easy, friendly, and pleasing manners, and then\ninquired our names, and the object of our journey. Every one who entered,\nour servants among the number, approached him reverently, and touched his\nhand with their mouth and forehead. The dignity of Sheikh is hereditary\nin his family; his son is looked up to almost as much as himself, and\nin this way we can understand how a village like this, when the Sheikh\nhas once been himself a Fakir, can become altogether a priest-village.\nE\u2019 D\u00e2mer, on the island of Mer\u00f6e, was formerly a Fakir place similar to\nthis. The inhabitants of T\u00e2iba, probably of Arabic race, call themselves\nARAKIN. There are a number of such local names here, whose origin it is\ndifficult to make out.\n\nWhen we had smoked out our pipes, we left the congregation of holy men,\nand rode away. One half hour before we reached Messelem\u00eeeh, we came to\na second village called Hellet e\u2019 Solim\u00e2n, where we dismounted at a\nhouse which had been built by the late Mak, or Melek Kambal, of Halfa\u00ef,\nwhen he married the daughter of Defalla, to whom the village belonged;\nit now belongs to his brother\u2019s son, Mahm\u00fbd welled Schau\u00eesch, who has\nbesides the title of Melek, but is really only the guardian of Kambal\u2019s\nlittle son, Melek Besh\u00eer. It is easy to see what is now thought here of\nthe old reverential title of Melek, or King. Mahm\u00fbd was not at home, as\nhe had accompanied Ahmed Pascha on his campaign. Nevertheless, we were\nentertained in his house according to the hospitable custom of this\ncountry. Coverlets were spread out, milk and fresh baked Durra bread in\nthin slices, which has by no means a bad taste, was brought in; added\nto this, another simple, but refreshing beverage, _abr\u00e9q_, fermented\nsourish Durra water. Soon after Asser we reached Messelem\u00eeeh. Emin\nPascha received us very kindly, and communicated to us the intelligence\nthat Mohammed Ali\u2019s first minister, Boghos Bey, whom I had visited in\nAlexandria, was dead, and that Artim Bey, a man of elegant manners, and a\nshrewd politician, had been appointed in his place.\n\nWe declined the Pascha\u2019s invitation to supper, and offer of a night\u2019s\nlodging, and soon rode away towards the river, where we hoped to find\nour boat. As it had not yet arrived, we spent the night on anqarebs in\nthe open air. We were not able to start for Kaml\u00een till the following\nmorning, the 15th March, and reached it towards evening. The next day we\nspent agreeably with our countryman, Herr Bauer. On the 17th, having paid\na visit to Nureddin Effendi, in Wad Eraue, several hours distant from\nKaml\u00een, we arrived on the following day at SOBA, where I immediately sent\nfor one of the vases which had been found in the ruins of the ancient\ncity, and which was said to be kept by the brother of the Sheikh. After\nwaiting a long time, it was brought to us. It was an ancient vessel\nfor incense, made of bronze in filigree work. The sides of the vessel,\nwhich was of a roundish form, and about nine inches high, and of similar\nwidth, consisted solely of open-work Arabesques; the swinging chains had\nbeen fastened to the upper border by three little hooks, one of which,\nhowever, has broken away, so that the most interesting part of the whole,\nan inscription running round beneath the border, and like the Arabesques\ncarved _\u00e0 jour_, in rather large letters, thereby is unfortunately\nincomplete. This is of peculiar importance, as the writing is again in\nthe Greek, or rather in the Coptic character, as on the stone-tablet; but\nthe language is neither of these, but doubtless the ancient vernacular\ntongue of Soba, the capital of the mighty Kingdom of Al\u014fa. Short as it\nis, it is distinguished from the stone inscription by containing the\nCoptic signs \u03e3 (sch) and \u03ef (ti), which are not to be found in the latter.\nI purchased the vessel for a few piastres. This is now the third monument\nof Soba which we take away with us, for I must mention, in addition,\nthat at the house of Se\u00efd Haschim, in Wed M\u00e9dineh, we also saw a small\nVenus of Greek workmanship, carved in pure style, and about a foot high,\nwhich had likewise been found in Soba, and was presented to me by its\nowner. At length, on the 19th March, we again entered the house of Herr\nHermanovich, in Chart\u00fbm, later than our original calculations had led\nus to expect, for which reason I had already communicated our delay to\nErbkam, in a letter from Wed M\u00e9dineh.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XIX.\n\n\n                                          _Chart\u00fbm, the 21st March, 1844._\n\nHere, for the first time, we received more exact intelligence of the\nmilitary revolt in Wed M\u00e9dineh, which was of a most serious nature, and\nwould have infallibly thrown us into the greatest danger had we remained\ntwo days longer in that town. All the black soldiers revolted while Emin\nPascha was residing there. The drill-sergeant and seven white soldiers\nwere killed immediately; the Pascha was besieged in his own house, which\nwas briskly fired into; his negotiators were repelled, and the powder\nmagazine seized. All the arms and ammunition, with the two cannons,\nfell into the hands of the negroes, who then selected six leaders for\nthemselves, and set out in six divisions on the road to Fazoql to take\nrefuge in their mountains. The regiment in this place, which has about\n1500 blacks in it, was at once disarmed, and will be kept within the\nbarracks. The most serious consequences are dreaded, as Ahmed Pascha\nMenekle has been so inconsiderate as to take almost all the white troops\nalong with him to Taka; otherwise I should rejoice at the desertion of\nthe blacks, as they are treated in the most revolting manner by their\nTurkish masters. Yet the insurrection may easily bring the whole country\ninto a state of disorder, and then, also, have an injurious influence\non our expedition. The blacks will undoubtedly endeavour on their road\nto draw over to their own party whatever country people they meet,\nespecially the troops of Solim\u00e2n Pascha in Senn\u00e2r, and of Sel\u00eem Pascha in\nFazoql. The whites are far too few to offer them effectual resistance.\nNews has just arrived that between five and six hundred slaves of the\nlate Ahmed Pascha, belonging to the indigo factory at Tamani\u00e2t, a little\nto the north of this, have fled with their wives and children to the\nSudan, and intend to join the soldiers; the same is reported of the\nfactory at Kaml\u00een, so that we necessarily feel anxious about our friend\nBauer, who was not, indeed, cruel as the Turks are, but yet was a strict\nmaster.\n\n_26th March._\u2014The news is spread that the troops in Senn\u00e2r and the people\nbelonging to Melek Idris Adl\u00e2n, have put the negroes to the sword. It\nis also said, that the slaves of Tamani\u00e2t have been overtaken by the\nArnauts, and murdered or dragged back, and that the revolt in Kaml\u00een has\nbeen suppressed. Still we cannot build much on this, as the intelligence\nreached me through our Kawass from the people belonging to the Pascha,\nand the desire was also expressed that I should spread the news still\nfarther, and write about it to Cairo.\n\nYesterday, as we were walking in the dusk of the evening, in the large\nand beautiful garden belonging to Ibrahim Ch\u00ear, in whose cheerful and\npleasantly-situated house I write this letter, we saw tall dark clouds of\nsand rise like a wall on the horizon. A violent east wind has also been\nblowing to-night ever since, and still blows, enveloping all the trees\nand buildings in a disagreeable sandy atmosphere, which almost takes away\nour breath. I have closed the window-shutters firmly, and barricaded the\ndoor with stones, to be in some measure secured from the first assault;\nnevertheless, I am constantly obliged to cleanse the sheet of letter\npaper from the covering of sand which is incessantly thrown down on it.\n\nI returned in such a tattered condition from my hunting excursion to\nSenn\u00e2r, that I was at length obliged to assume the Turkish costume, which\nI cannot now soon exchange again. It has its advantages for the customs\nof this country, especially for sitting on coverlets, or low cushions;\nbut the Tarbusch, which lies so flat upon the head, is very ill-adapted\nto this sunny sky, and the fastening of the innumerable buttons and hooks\nis daily a most wearisome trial of patience.\n\n_30th March._\u2014We intend to leave Chart\u00fbm as soon as this packet of\nletters is handed over to the Pascha. The revolution is now completely\nsuppressed in all parts. It would doubtless have had a far worse result\nhad it not, from a particular cause, broken out in Wed M\u00e9dineh several\ndays too soon. It had been planned and secretly arranged for a long\ntime past in the whole of the south, and was not to have broken out\nbefore the 19th of this month simultaneously in Senn\u00e2r, Wed M\u00e9dineh,\nKaml\u00een, Chart\u00fbm, and Tamani\u00e2t. The precipitate movement in Wed M\u00e9dineh\nhad, however, disarranged the whole plan, and had especially given time\nto Emin Pascha to send messengers to Chart\u00fbm, by which means the negro\nsoldiers here were consigned and disarmed before news of the outbreak\nhad reached their ears. Emin Pascha, however, seems himself to have been\ntotally helpless. The victory is said to be solely due to the courage\nand presence of mind of a certain Rustan Effendi, who with 150 devoted\nsoldiers, chiefly whites, pursued the negroes, who were 600 strong,\novertook them beyond Senn\u00e2r, and after attacking them three times,\ndefeated them, with great loss of life. Above a hundred of the fugitives\nhave surrendered, and have been taken to Senn\u00e2r in irons; the remaining\nnumber were killed in the action, or leapt into the river and were\ndrowned there.\n\nBut the news arrived here at the same time, that an insurrection had also\nbroken out on account of the taxes in Lower Nubia, in Kalabsche, and\nanother village, that both villages had on that account been immediately\ndestroyed by Hassan Pascha, who is to come to Chart\u00fbm in place of Emin\nPascha, and that the inhabitants had been killed or driven away.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XX.\n\n\n                                _The Pyramids of Mer\u00f6e, 22nd April, 1844._\n\nWe quitted Chart\u00fbm on the 30th March, towards evening, and proceeded half\nthe night by moonlight.\n\nThe following day we arrived at TAMANI\u00c2T. Almost the whole of the large\nvillage had disappeared, and only one vast burning plain was to be seen.\nThe slaves in their revolt had laid everything in ashes, the walls of the\nfactory are alone left standing. As I had quitted the boat and arrived\non foot, I was unexpectedly startled near the still smoking ruins by\na horrible spectacle, for I suddenly found myself in an open piece of\ngarden, which was completely covered by the mutilated corpses of blacks.\nThe greatest proportion of the slaves who had been recaptured were here\nshot down in masses.\n\nWe stopped at sunset in Sur\u00eee Abu Ramle, before a cataract, which we were\nunable to pass during the night.\n\nThe 1st of April we again started long before daybreak, and thought we\nshould make a good step in advance. But the wind rose with the sun, and\nas the boat could not be towed at this point on account of the rocky\nbanks, a few hours afterwards we were compelled to halt again, and to\nlie quiet in the heavy, dense atmosphere of sand. In front of us lay the\ninsulated range of Qirre, detached from which, Ascht\u00e2n (the Thirsty) on\nour left hand, Raui\u00e2n (the Thirsty assuaged) on our right, stand forth\nfrom the plain like watch-posts; the former, however, at a greater\ndistance from the river.\n\nRaui\u00e2n was only about three-quarters of an hour distant from our boat.\nI set out with my gun, traversed the bare stony plain, and climbed\nthe mountain, during the inundation season almost entirely surrounded\nby water, for which reason we were always told that it stood upon an\nisland. The rock of which it is composed is granite, of a mixed coarse\nand fine grain, with much quartz. On the road back, I passed the village\nof Mel\u00e1h, the huts of which lie hidden behind large mounds of upturned\nearth, formed by the inhabitants when they dig for salt (malh). A great\ndeal of it is found in the surrounding country (thus Mel\u00e1h is the Arabic\ntranslation of salt-work, or Sulza). Towards evening we sailed on a\nlittle farther, in the midst of the range, and lay to, in a little rocky\ncreek. The following day, also, we made but little progress. We saw\nsome black slaves wandering about like chamois, on the eastern summits\nof the wild granitic rocks, who have perhaps escaped from Tamani\u00e2t, but\ntheir miserable life will not probably be much longer prolonged. They\ndisappeared immediately again behind the jagged summits, our Kawass\nhaving indulged in the brutal jest of firing at them in the air. I\nclimbed up the western mountains with Abeken; they rise precipitously for\nabout 200 or 300 feet from the bank. It is evident here, by the natural\nwalls of rock, to what height the river rises and deposits its mud at\nhigh-water. I measured nearly 8 metres (26 feet English) from that point\nto the surface of the water at the present moment, and the river will\ncontinue to sink about 2 feet more.\n\nFrom the summit of the mountain we saw the wide desert extending behind\nthe farthest eminences, and soon after passing M\u00e9raui, we shall be\nwandering across it. We quitted the picturesque range of mountains with\nregret, which form such an agreeable interruption to the flat banks of\nthis far and wide level country.\n\nOn the morning of the 4th April, we at length reached our group of\npalm-trees at BEN NAGA, and immediately went to the ruins in the Wadi el\nKirbeg\u00e2n, where we found a portion of a pillar, and several altars in the\nsouth-eastern temple which had been newly-excavated by Erbkam; the same\nRoyal Shields were upon them as upon the principal temples of Naga in\nthe desert, besides several others which had not previously appeared. Of\nthe three altars that had been excavated, the central one, of very hard\nsandstone, was in excellent preservation. On the western side there was\na representation of the King, on the eastern, of the Queen, with their\nnames, and on both the other sides were two goddesses. On the northern\nside the hieroglyphic group of the North was also inscribed, and on the\nsouthern that of the South. Both the other altars exhibited the same\nfigures. All three were still standing on their original site, and were\nlet into a smooth floor, which was composed of square slabs of stone\ncovered with plaster. Unfortunately I had not then the means of carrying\naway the best of these altars, which weighed at least 50 cwt., and I had,\ntherefore, to plan a special excursion from Mer\u00f6e for the purpose.\n\nOn Good Friday, the 5th April, we arrived at Schendi. We entered the\nwidely-scattered but depopulated town, saw the ruins of the palace\nof King Nimr, in which he had burnt Ismael Pascha, after a nocturnal\nfestival which he had prepared for him, and many houses which still bore\ntraces of the balls of Defterdar Bey, who was sent by Mohammed Ali to\nrevenge the death of his son. The dwelling of King Nimr, which now also\nlay in ruins, used to stand in the centre of the town on an artificial\neminence. The suburb, built for the present military garrison, is at\na little distance up the river, and separated from the town. We then\nreturned to the boat, which had put in near the fortress-like house of\nChurshid Pascha, where the military commander now resides.\n\nOn the same day we arrived, shortly before sunset, at Beg\u00b4erau\u00eeeh, and\nimmediately rode to the Pyramids, where we once more found Erbkam and the\nremainder of the party safe and sound. They have been diligently drawing\nin Naga and Wadi Sofra, and the rich costume of the kings and gods, as\nwell as the representations belonging to these Ethiopian temples in\ngeneral, devoid of style indeed, but ornamental, look very well on paper,\nand will make a splendid show in our sketch-books. Much had been done in\nthis spot also, and many new things had come to light in clearing out\nthe ante-chambers, which had been full of rubbish. Abeken thought, even,\nduring our first visit, that he had found the name of the Queen KENTAKI\n(CANDACE). Now, indeed, we see that the Shield is not written\n\n  \ud80c\udf79\ud80d\udc3c\ud80c\udfa1\ud80c\ude16\ud80c\udf58\ud80d\udc31\ud80c\uddcb\ud80c\udfa1\ud80c\uddcc\ud80d\udc31\ud80d\udc37\ud80c\udfcf\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udd87\ud80d\udc38\ud80d\udc3d\ud80c\udf7a but \ud80c\udf79\ud80d\udc3c\ud80c\udfa1\ud80c\ude16\ud80c\udf58\ud80d\udc31\ud80c\uddcb\ud80c\udfb1\ud80c\uddcc\ud80d\udc31\ud80d\udc37\ud80c\udfcf\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udd87\ud80d\udc38\ud80d\udc3d\ud80c\udf7a\n\nwhich would read KENTAHEBI; nevertheless it seems to me to have meant\nthat famous name, and that the questionable sign merely has been changed\nby the ignorant scribes. The determinative signs \ud80c\udfcf\ud80c\udd87 prove, at least, that\nit is the name of a Queen. The name of CANDACE was known even at an\nearlier period as that of a private person. The name of ERGAMENES is\nlikewise found, and this also written sometimes correctly, sometimes\nwith mistaken variation.\n\nWe kindled Easter bonfires on the evenings of the succeeding holidays.\nOur tents are situated between two groups of Pyramids in a small hollow\nof the valley, which is everywhere covered with dry tufts of a woody\ngrass. We lighted this all about us; it blazed up high, and flung the\nwhirling flames upwards into the dark starry night. The spectacle of\nfifty or sixty such fires burning at once in the valley was beautiful;\nthey threw a ghost-like light on the half-crumbled Pyramids of the old\nkings ranged on the eminences round, and on our airy tent-pyramids rising\nin the foreground.\n\nWe were surprised on the 8th of April by seeing a magnificent cavalcade\nof horses and camels, which appeared within our camp. It was OSMAN BEY,\nwho, as the chief in command, is leading back the army of 5000 men from\nTaka. The French military surgeon, Peney, was in his suite, besides the\nChief Sheikh Ahmed welled \u02beAuad. The troops had encamped near Gabuschi\u00e9,\none hour farther up the river, and were to pass through Beg\u00b4erau\u00eeeh\nin the evening. The visit to our camp had, however, another object,\nwhich was soon disclosed in the course of conversation. Osman Bey was\ndesirous of making treasure-diggers out of his pioneers, and of ordering\nsome battalions to come hither, to pull down a number of Pyramids. The\ndiscovery of Ferlini is still remembered by most people, and has since\nthat time caused the ruin of many Pyramids. They were also full of it at\nChart\u00fbm, and more than one European, besides the Pascha himself, imagined\nthey might still find treasures there. I constantly endeavoured to prove\nto them all, that the discovery of Ferlini was pure chance, that he had\nnot found the gold rings in the sepulchral chambers with the mummies,\nwhere they alone might reasonably have been searched for with any hope\nof success, but walled up in the stone, in which place they had been\nconcealed by a whim of the owner. I endeavoured to convince Osman Bey\nof this also, who even offered me the aid of his companies of soldiers\nto conduct the work of destruction. I naturally declined this, though\nperhaps I should have accepted it for the sake of laying open to view\nthe sepulchral chambers, which necessarily must have their entrance in\nfront of the Pyramids in the natural rock, had I not feared that here\nalso we might not arrive at any brilliant result, and even if our own\nexpectations were not so, yet those of the credulous general might be\nbitterly disappointed. I succeeded in diverting him from his idea, and\nthus for the present, at least, the existing Pyramids have been saved.\nThe soldiers have departed without having made war on the Pyramids.\n\nI invited the three gentlemen to dine with us, which placed the old\nSheikh in some embarrassment, for he was always trying to cut the meat\nwith the back of his knife, till at length I myself laid aside the\nEuropean implements, and began to eat in good Turkish fashion; my example\nwas soon followed willingly by the rest of the company, especially by\nour excellent dark-skinned guest, who did not fail to observe my polite\nattention. After dinner they again mounted their sumptuously-caparisoned\nanimals, and the procession hastened towards the river.\n\nOn the 9th of April, I sent Franke and Ibrahim Aga to Ben Naga, with\nstone-saws, hammers, and ropes, to transport the great altar to this\nspot. I myself rode with Jussuf to Gabuschi\u00e9, partly to return the\nvisit of Osman Bey, who had intended to give the soldiers a day of rest\nin our neighbourhood, partly to take advantage of the presence of the\ndistinguished Sheikh Ahmed, through whose interest I hoped to procure\nboats to carry us across the river, and camels for the desert journey\nthat we had in prospect. The army had, however, already decamped, and had\npassed the first places on the road. I therefore rode after them with\nJussuf in a brisk trot, and soon overtook the 400 Arnauts who formed\nthe rear. They were not, however, able to inform us how far Osman Bey\nwas in advance. The Arnauts are the soldiers most dreaded in the whole\ncountry for brutality and cruelty, who at the same time are treated with\nmost indulgence by their leaders, because they are the only troops who\nserve voluntarily, and the only foreigners taken into pay. It is but a\nfew months ago since they were sent to the late Ahmed Pascha by Mohammed\nAli, under an officer who was peculiarly feared, with the order, as it\nis said, to bring the Pascha, dead or alive, to Cairo. The sudden death\nof the Pascha at all events released him from his commission. The name\nof that officer is Omar Aga, but he is known through the whole country\nby the not very flattering appellation of Tomus Aga (Commandant Cochon)\nwhich was once given him by Ibrahim Pascha, and which, since that time,\nhe himself thinks it an honour to bear. His own attendants, when we\novertook his horses and baggage, and inquired after their master, called\nhim by this name. After riding briskly for about five or six hours in the\nmost oppressive heat, we at length reached the camp at the village of\nB\u00eaida.\n\nWe had by degrees gone more than half-way to Schendi, and were rejoiced\nat the near prospect of finding some refreshment, after the exhaustion\nof the hot ride; for we had already made up our minds to fast, till our\nreturn in the evening, as there was absolutely nothing that we could eat\nin the villages between; there was not even milk to be had.\n\nOsman Bey and Hak\u00eem Peney were as much surprised as delighted at\nmy visit; some bowls of _Suri_ were immediately brought for our\nrefreshment\u2014a beverage which undergoes a slow and troublesome process of\npreparation, from half-fermented Durra; it is an agreeable acid, and,\nespecially with sugar, has a most excellent and refreshing taste. After\nour breakfast, I went through the camp with Peney. The tents were pitched\nalong the river in the most picturesque variety of groups, on a great\nspace of ground here and there scattered over with trees and thicket, and\ncompletely surrounded by it. An Egyptian army, composed half of blacks\nand half of whites, most of them in tatters, returning in forced marches\nfrom a depredatory expedition against the poor natives, presents, indeed,\na very different aspect from what we are accustomed to witness at home.\nAlthough the intimidated population of Taka, for the most part innocent\nof individual revolt, had already sent messengers to the Pascha, to avert\nhis vengeance, and moreover, on the approach of the troops, had not\noffered the slightest resistance, nevertheless, several hundred unarmed\nmen and women, who either would not, or could not fly, were murdered by\nthat notorious troop of Arnauts; and Ahmed Pascha caused a number of\nother men, who were believed to have been concerned in the insurrection,\nas they were each led before him, to be beheaded in front of his tent.\nThen, after all the conditions that were imposed had been fulfilled,\nand the heavy contributions which had been required from them under\nevery variety of pretext had been also correctly paid, the Pascha caused\nall the Sheikhs to assemble at once, as if for a fresh conference, but\nforthwith had them all put in fetters, together with 120 other people,\nand led away as prisoners. The young and strong men were to be placed\namong the troops, the women handed over to the soldiers as slaves; the\nSheikhs were reserved for punishment till a later day.\n\nThis was the glorious history of the Turkish campaign against Taka, as\nit was related to me by the European eye-witnesses. Already twelve among\nthe forty-one Sheikhs who were carried away, and were nearly sinking\nunder the fatigue of the marches, have been shot on the road. The others\nwere exhibited to me singly. Each of them carried before him the stem\nof a tree as thick as a man\u2019s arm, about five or six feet long, which\nterminated in a fork, into which the neck was fixed. The prongs of the\nfork were bound together by a cross-piece of wood, fastened with a strap.\nSome of their hands, also, were tied fast to the handle of the fork,\nand in this condition they remain day and night. During the march, the\nsoldier who is specially appointed to overlook the prisoner, carries\nthe end of the pole: in the night most of them have their feet also\npinioned together. All of them had had their black curls shaven off.\nThe Sheikhs alone still wore their large head-dress of braids or curls.\nMost of them looked very depressed and miserable; they had been the most\ndistinguished of their nation, and had been accustomed to be treated\nby those they commanded, with the greatest reverence. They almost all\nspoke Arabic, beside their own language, and mentioned to me the tribes\nto which they severally belonged. But the most distinguished of all of\nthem was a Fakir, who was held sacred; his word had been regarded like\nthat of a prophet throughout the whole land, and, by his oracular sayings\nand exhortations, he had been chiefly instrumental in causing the whole\nrevolution. He was called Sheikh M\u00dbSA EL FAKIR, and was of the tribe of\nthe Mitken\u00e2bs. I found him an old, blind, broken-down, hoary man, with\na few snow-white hairs; his body was already more like a skeleton; he\nwas obliged to be raised up by others, and was scarcely able to hear and\nanswer the questions which were addressed to him. His little, shrivelled\nface, was incapable of any new expression corresponding to the present\ncircumstances. He looked forwards with a fixed and indifferent stare,\nand I was surprised how such a shadow could have still exercised so\nmuch influence on the minds of his fellow-countrymen as to excite a\nrevolution. Yet it is remarkable that, both in Egypt and everywhere about\nhere, blind people have an especial reputation for sanctity, and are held\nin great respect as Prophets.\n\nAfter breakfast I had one of the captured Sheikhs, Mohammed welled\nHammed, brought to the tent of Osman, that I might question him about his\nlanguage, of which I was still perfectly ignorant. He was an intelligent,\nwell-spoken man, who at once took advantage of the opportunity which\nI readily granted him, to relate his history to Osman Bey and Sheikh\nAhmed, and to assure them of his innocence of the revolutionary events.\nHe belonged to the tribe of the HALENKA, from the village of KASSALA. I\nmade him give me the lists of the forty-one Sheikhs and their tribes, and\nhad them written down. Six tribes had taken part in the insurrection\u2014the\nMitken\u00e2b, Halenka, Kel\u00fbli, Mohammed\u00een, Sobeh, Sikul\u00e2b, and Hadenduwa\n(plur. from Henduwa).\n\nAll the tribes of Taka speak the same language; but only a few of them\nalso understand the Arabic. I suspect that it is the same as that of the\nBisch\u00e2ri tribes. It has many, and well-distributed vowels, and is very\neuphonous, as it is without the hard guttural sound of the Arabs. On\nthe other hand, it has a peculiar alphabetical letter, which to our ear\nseems to stand between _r_, _l_, and _d_; a cerebral _d_, which, like the\nSanscrit, is pronounced by throwing back the point of the tongue upwards.\n\nAfter our examination of the Sheikh it had become too late to set out\nagain; night would have overtaken me, and especially on camel-back, it\nis impossible to avoid the dangerous branches of the thorny trees. I\ntherefore complied with the invitation to spend the night in the camp,\ntill the rising of the moon; Osman Bey would then at the same time start\nin the opposite direction with the army. A whole sheep was roasted on\nthe spit, which we ate with a hearty appetite.\n\nI learnt from Osman Bey about many interesting customs of the most\nsouthern provinces, as for the last sixteen years he has been living\nhere in the south, and has an accurate knowledge of the country, to the\nextreme limits of Mohammed Ali\u2019s government. It is still the custom in\nFazoql to hang a king who is no longer beloved, which occurred only a few\nyears ago to the father of the present reigning monarch. His relatives\nand ministers assemble round him, and announce to him that as he no\nlonger pleases the men and women of the country, the oxen, asses, and\nfowls, &c., &c., but is detested by all, it is better that he should die.\nOnce upon a time, when a king did not wish to submit to this practice,\nhis own wife and mother made the most pressing remonstrances to him, not\nto load himself with still greater disgrace, upon which he yielded to his\nfate. Diodorus narrates exactly the same resignation to death in those\nwho in Ethiopia were to die by judicial verdict; a person who had been\ncondemned, and who had at first intended to save himself by flight, had\nnevertheless allowed himself to be strangled without resistance by his\nmother, who had obstructed him in his design. Osman Bey has only lately,\nhe assures me himself, abolished the custom there of burying old people\nalive, when they become feeble. A pit used to be dug and a horizontal\npassage at the end of it, and the body laid within, like that of a dead\nperson, firmly swathed in cloths; by his side they placed a bowl with\nmerisa, fermented Durra water, a pipe, and a hoe, to cultivate the land;\nalso, according to the wealth of the individual, one or two ounces of\ngold, to pay the ferryman who must convey the deceased across the great\nriver which flows between heaven and hell. The entrance is then filled\nup with rubbish. Indeed, according to Osman, the whole legend of Charon,\neven with a Cerberus, appears still to exist here.\n\nThis custom of burying old people alive also exists, as I afterwards\nheard, among the negro tribes to the south of Kordofan. Invalids and\ncripples, those especially who have an infectious malady, are there\nalso put to death in a similar manner. The family complains to the sick\nman, that because of him, no one will come near them any longer; that\nhe himself is wretched, and death would be only a gain for him; that\nhe would again find his relations in the other world, and would be in\nhealth and happiness there. They charge him with kind messages to all\nthe deceased, and then bury him either as they do in Fazoql, or standing\nupright in a pit. Besides merisa, bread, a hoe, and a pipe, he is there\ngiven a sword and two pairs of sandals, for the deceased live in the\nother world just as they do here on earth, only in greater happiness.\n\nThe dead are buried with loud lamentations, while their actions and good\nqualities are extolled. Nothing is there known of a river and ferryman\nof the lower world, but they are acquainted with the old Mohammedan\nlegend of the invisible angel Asrael, or as he was here called Osra\u00een.\nHe is commissioned by God, as they say, to receive the souls of the\ndead, and to conduct the good to the place of reward, the bad to that\nof punishment. He dwells upon a tree, _el S\u00e9gerat Moh\u00e0na_ (the Tree of\nCompletion), which has as many leaves as there are living men. There is\na name upon every leaf, and a new one grows whenever a child is born.\nIf any one sickens, his leaf fades, and should he die, Osra\u00een breaks it\noff. In former times he used to come in a visible form to those whom he\nwas going to carry away from the earth, and thereby put them in a great\nfright. Since the days of the Prophet he has been invisible, for when\nhe came to fetch the soul of Mohammed, the latter told him that it was\nnot good that he should terrify mankind by his visible appearance; they\nmight then easily die of fright without having previously prayed; for he\nhimself, although very courageous, and a man of enlarged mind, had been\nterrified by his appearance. The Prophet, therefore, prayed to God that\nhe would make Osra\u00een invisible, and the prayer was heard.\n\nOsman Bey told me that among some other tribes in Fazoql, the king was\nobliged to administer justice daily beneath a certain tree. If on account\nof sickness, or from any other mishap, which renders him unfit, he does\nnot make his appearance for three whole days, he is hung up. Two razors\nare placed in the noose, and when this is drawn tight, they cut the\nthroat across.\n\nThe meaning of another of their customs is quite obscure. At a certain\ntime of the year they have a kind of carnival, where every one does what\nhe likes best. Four ministers of the king then bear him on an anqareb out\nof his house to an open space of ground; a dog is fastened by a long cord\nto one of the feet of the anqareb. The whole population collects round\nthe place, streaming in on every side. They then throw darts and stones\nat the dog, till he is killed, after which the king is again borne into\nhis house.\n\nAmidst these and other tales and accounts of those tribes, which were\nbesides confirmed by the old Chief Sheikh Ahmed, we feasted on the\nroasted sheep in the open air in front of the tent. Night was somewhat\nadvanced, and the near and distant camp-fires, with the people busy\naround them, either squatting about, or walking up and down between\ngroups of trees, had an extremely picturesque and unique effect.\nGradually they all became extinguished, with the exception of the\nwatch-fire; the poor prisoners scattered here and there, had their legs\nfastened still more tightly together, and it became quieter in the camp.\n\nOsman Bey is a strong, cheerful man, with natural manners, and at\nthe same time a strict and valued officer. He promised to give me a\nslight proof of the discipline and good order among his soldiers, whose\nexternal appearance did not prejudice me very much in their favour by\nan unexpected reveill\u00e9. I was sleeping on an anqareb in the open tent,\ncovered with a soldier\u2019s cloak. About three o\u2019clock in the morning I was\nawoke by a slight noise; Osman Bey, who lay beside me on the ground,\ngot up, and ordered the nearest drummer of the chief watch to beat the\nreveill\u00e9. He made a few, short, interrupted beats of the drum, quickly\nsinking again into silence. These were immediately repeated at the post\nof the next regiment, then at the third, fourth, and fifth, in various,\nalways more distant, positions of the camp; and suddenly the whole mass\nof 5000 men rose up and stood to their arms. Nothing was to be heard\nbut a soft whispering and rustling of the soldiers, who were rousing\neach other, and the faint clank of the weapons, which were cautiously\nseparated from one another. I went through the camp with Dr. Peney, who\ncame across to me from the adjoining tent, and in a very few minutes we\nfound the whole army under arms, arranged in ranks, the officers marching\nup and down in front. On our return, after we had related to Osman Bey\nthe wonderfully punctual execution of his commands, he allowed the\nsoldiers to separate again, and did not give the signal for the breaking\nup of the camp before four o\u2019clock. That produced a very different\neffect: all were quickly in movement and activity; the abominable\ngurgling and miserable roaring of the camels was heard above everything\nduring the packing up; the tents were taken down, and in less than half\nan hour the army marched southwards with pipe and drum.\n\nI started in an opposite direction. The early morning with the bright\nmoonlight was very refreshing; the birds awoke with the dawn of day, a\ncool wind rose, and we trotted quickly through the thorny sont-trees.\nSoon after sunrise we met a magnificent procession of well-dressed men,\nand attendants, on camels and asses. It was the King Mahm\u00fbd welled\nSchau\u00eesch, whose father, the warlike Schau\u00eesch, King of the Schaiqies,\nis well known in the conquering expedition of Ismael Pascha, to whom he\ndid not submit for a long time, and at whose house in Hellet e\u2019 Solim\u00e2n,\nnear Messelem\u00eeeh, we had stopped a few weeks ago. He had gone with Ahmed\nPascha Menekle to Taka, and followed the army to Halfa\u00ef, where he now\nusually resides. About half-past nine we again reached the Pyramids. My\ncamel, a young one, and very difficult to manage, shortly before, took\nfright in the plain, and ran round in a circle with me as if it was mad;\nat length, stumbling over a tall bunch of grass, it fell on one knee,\nand hurled me far over its head, happily without doing me any serious\ninjury.\n\nOn my return I occupied myself, without interruption, with the Pyramids\nand their inscriptions. I had several more chambers excavated, and made\nan exact description of each individual Pyramid. Altogether, I have\nfound about thirty different names of Ethiopian kings and queens. I have\ncertainly not yet been able to bring them into any chronological order,\nbut from a comparison of the different inscriptions, I have learnt much\nabout the manner of the succession, and form of government. The King of\nMER\u00d6E (whose name in one of the most southern Pyramids is written MERU,\nor M\u00c9RUA,) was at the same time first Priest of Ammon; if his consort\nsurvived him, she succeeded him in the government, and the male heirs\nto the throne only took the second place beside her; if the reverse\nhappened, the son, as it appears, succeeded, who, even in the lifetime\nof his father, bore the royal shields and titles, and was second Priest\nof Ammon. Thus we still see here the domination of the priests, which is\nspoken of by Diodorus and Strabo, and the pre-eminence of the worship of\nAmmon, which is even mentioned by Herodotus.\n\nThe inscriptions on the Pyramids show that, at the period of their\nerection, the hieroglyphic writing was no longer perfectly understood,\nand that the hieroglyphic signs were often only added as a customary\nornament, without wishing to express anything by them. Even the kings\u2019\nnames are thereby rendered uncertain, and this for a long time prevented\nme from recognising the three royal personages who built the chief\ntemples in Naga, Ben Naga, and in Wadi Tem\u00ead, and who undoubtedly\nbelonged to one of the most brilliant periods of the Mer\u00f6itic Monarchy.\nI am now convinced that the Pyramids with Roman arched ante-chambers, in\nthe brick-work of which Ferlini found the treasure concealed, in spite of\nslight alterations in the name, belonged to the same mighty and warlike\nqueen who appears in Naga with her rich decorations, and her pointed\nnails almost an inch long. By the circumstance of their having belonged\nto a well-known, and, as it appears, the greatest of all the queens of\nMer\u00f6e, who built almost all the temples still in tolerable preservation\non the island, Ferlini\u2019s jewels become infinitely more valuable for the\nhistory of Ethiopian art, in which they now occupy a fixed position. The\npurchase of that remarkable discovery is a most important acquisition to\nour museum.\n\nAn _Ethiopian-demotic_ writing was more in use at that period, and\nmore generally understood than hieroglyphics. It was similar to the\nEgyptian-demotic in its characters, although consisting of a very limited\nalphabet of between twenty-five and thirty signs. The writing, like the\nlatter, is read from right to left, but is distinguished by a constant\nseparation of the words by two strongly-marked points. I have already\nfound six-and-twenty similar demotic inscriptions; some of them on\nsteles and libation-tablets; some of them in the ante-chambers of the\nPyramids, over the persons belonging to the processions, who usually go\nto meet the deceased king with palm-branches; some of them on the smooth\nsurfaces of the Pyramids; and indeed always in such a state, that they\nare clearly proved to have belonged originally to the representations,\nand not to have been added at a later period. On a closer examination\nof this writing, it will not perhaps be difficult to decipher, and we\nshould then obtain the first certain sounds of the Ethiopian language\nspoken here at that period, and could decide on its true relation to\nthe Egyptian language, while the almost perfect agreement between the\nEthiopian and Egyptian hieroglyphics have hitherto yielded no conclusive\nevidence that there is an equal accordance between the two languages. It\nseems, on the contrary, and with respect to the later Mer\u00f6itic period\nmay be safely affirmed, that the hieroglyphics, as the sacred monumental\nwriting, were adopted from Egypt without alteration, but also without\nbeing perfectly understood. The few signs which constantly recur,\nprove that the Ethiopian-demotic writing is purely alphabetic, which\nmust very much facilitate the deciphering of it. The separation in the\nwords has perhaps been borrowed from the Roman writing. But its analogy\nwith the Egyptian development of writing went still further; for next\nto this Ethiopian-demotic writing there is an _Ethiopian-Greek_, at a\nlater period, which may be perfectly compared with the _Coptic_, and\nit has borrowed certain letters directly from it. It is found in the\ninscriptions of Soba, and in some others on the walls of the temple-ruins\nof Wadi e\u2019 Sofra. We have therefore now, as in the case in Egypt, two\nmodes of writing, which no doubt sprang up one after the other, and\nreally contain the actual Ethiopian dialect of the country. It is now\nusual to call the ancient Abyssinian Geez language the Ethiopian, which,\nwith the characteristics of a Semetic language that has immigrated from\nArabia, has only a local, but no ethnographic claim on our attention. A\nGeez inscription, which I have found in the chamber of a Pyramid, has\nevidently been written down at a later period.\n\nI hope that we shall obtain many important results from studying the\nnative inscriptions, as well as the present living languages. The\nEthiopian name comprehended much that was dissimilar among the ancients.\nThe ancient population of the whole Nile valley as far as Chart\u00fbm, and\nperhaps, also, along the Blue River, as well as the tribes of the desert\nto the east of the Nile, and the Abyssinian nations, were in former\ntimes probably more distinctly separated from the Negroes than now, and\nbelonged to the _Caucasian_ race. The Ethiopians of Mer\u00f6e (according to\nHerodotus, the parent-state of all Ethiopia) were a red-brown people,\nsimilar to the Egyptians, but darker, as they are at the present day.\nThe monuments also prove this, on which I have more than once found the\n_red_ colour of the skin in the kings and queens preserved. In Egypt,\nespecially in the Old Monarchy, before the mixture with the Ethiopian\nrace, at the period of the Hyksos, the women were always painted yellow;\nand the Egyptian women even now, who are blanched in the harem, incline\nto the same colour. But red women appear even after the 18th Dynasty,\nand the Ethiopian women were always so represented. It appears that much\nEthiopian blood is mingled with the nation of the so-called Bar\u00e2bras, so\nwidely distributed at the present day, and this perhaps will also one day\nappear still more distinctly from their language. This, no doubt, is the\nancient _Nubian_, and has been still retained in somewhat distant regions\nto the south-west under this name; for the Nuba languages in and round\nKordofan, as can be proved, are partly related to the Berber language.\nI have also found indications in the local names that this last, which\nis only now spoken from Assuan to Dar Schaiq\u00eeeh, south of Dongola, in\nthe Nile valley, predominated for a long while also in the province of\nBerber, and still higher up.\n\nMAR\u00dbGA, DANQELEH, and E\u2019 S\u00dbR, are close to the ruins of the city of\nMer\u00f6e, and are situated along the river from south to north; all three\nare comprehended under the name of BEGERAU\u00ceEH, so that we scarcely ever\nhear anything but this last name mentioned. Five minutes to the north of\ne\u2019 S\u00fbr lies the village of Qala, and ten minutes farther on El Gu\u00eas, both\nof which are comprehended under the name of Ghab\u00eene. One hour down the\nriver there are two other villages, not far apart, called MAR\u00dbGA, which\nwere deserted even before the conquest of the country; and still more to\nthe north, close to the Omar\u00e2b Mountains, which project towards the river\non the eastern bank, there is a third village called GEBEL (mountain\nvillage) inhabited only by Fukaras. Cailliaud knew only the most southern\nof the three MARUGAS, situated near the largest temple-ruins. He was\nstruck by the name, on account of its similarity with that of Mer\u00f6e. The\nsimilarity becomes still more evident when it is known that the real name\nis MARU, since -GA is only the universal termination to names, and is\nalways either added or omitted, according to the grammatical combination,\nfor it does not belong to the root of the word. In the dialect of Ken\u00fbs\nand Dongola this termination is -GI; in the dialect of Mahass and\nSukk\u00f4t it is -GA. When I ran over the different local names of the upper\ncountries with one of our Berber servants, I learnt that in one dialect\n_maro_ or _mar\u00f4gi_, in the other _maru_ or _mar\u00fbga_, means \u201cmounds of\nruins,\u201d \u201cdestroyed temples;\u201d thus, for example, the ruins of ancient\nSyene, or those on the island of Phil\u00e6, are called _mar\u00f4gi_. There is\nanother Berber word quite distinct from this, _m\u00e9rua_, which is also\npronounced _m\u00e9raui_, by which all _white rocks_, _white stones_, are\ndesignated; as, for example, such a rock as occurs in the neighbourhood\nof Assuan, on the eastern side of the Nile, at the village of El Gez\u00eeret.\nBy this it is evident that the appellation Mar\u00fbga has nothing to do with\nthe name of Mer\u00f6e, as a town would not be called when first founded\n\u201cruin city.\u201d On the other hand, the name of M\u00e9rua, M\u00e9raui (in German,\n_Weissenfels_, white rock), would be very appropriate for a town, if its\nlocal position gave occasion to it, as at Mount Barkal, but which, again,\nis not really the case here.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXI.\n\n\n                                   _Keli, opposite Mer\u00f6e, the 29th April._\n\nFranke did not return from his expedition to Ben Naga before the 23rd\ninstant. He brought the altar here, on a boat, in sixteen blocks. All\nthe stones taken together, which we must carry along with us on the\ndifficult journey of six or seven days across the desert, form a load\nfor about twenty camels, so that our train will be considerably longer\nthan before. Unfortunately, on account of the difficulty of the means of\ntransport, we have been unable to take anything away with us from NAGA\nin the desert, except a Roman inscription, mentioned above, and a great\n_Clavis Nilotica_, peculiarly carved. Some very strange representations\nare to be seen there; among others, a figure sitting frontways, a crown\nof rays over the floating hair, the left arm raised at a right angle, and\nthe fore-finger and middle-finger of the hand stretching upwards, as is\nrepresented in the old Byzantine figures of Christ. The right hand holds\na long staff resting on the ground, as John the Baptist usually holds it.\nThis figure is totally different from the Egyptian representations, and\nno doubt is borrowed elsewhere, as well as another god who frequently\nappears, also represented frontwise, with a richly curling beard; he\nmight at first sight be compared to a Jupiter, or Serapis, in bearing and\nappearance. The mixture of the religions had made great progress at that\nperiod, evidently of very late date, and it would not surprise me if it\nshould be proved by later researches that the Ethiopian kings had adopted\nChrist and Jupiter also, among their various kinds of gods. The god with\nthe three or four lions\u2019 heads is probably not a native invention, but\nobtained from some other quarter.\n\nOn the 25th we crossed the Nile in boats, in order to set out on the\nleft bank, on our road across the desert to Gebel Barkal. There seemed\nto be difficulties again about procuring camels, but my threat, that if\nthey would not come to a private agreement I should, on the ground of my\nFirman, settle the matter, not with the Sheikh but with the Government,\nhad such a rapid effect, that, even the following morning, we were\nenabled to set out with eighty camels from G\u00f4s Burri in the immediate\nneighbourhood, across the desert.\n\nHere, in Keli, I had again an opportunity of witnessing a funeral\nceremony\u2014this time, for a deceased Fellah\u2014for which purpose about two\nhundred people had collected, the men separate from the women. The men\nwere seated, two and two opposite, embracing each other; they laid their\nheads on their shoulders, raised them up again, beat themselves, clapped\ntheir hands, and wept as much as they were able. The women moaned, sang\nsongs of lamentation, strewed themselves with ashes, walked about in\nprocession, and threw themselves on the ground; everything very similar\nto what we saw in Wed M\u00e9dineh, except that their dance more resembled,\nin its violent movements, that of the Dervishes. The remainder of the\ninhabitants of Keli sat round in groups under the shade of the trees,\nsighing and lamenting, with their heads bent down.\n\nAs we were obliged to wait for the camels, I once more crossed over\nto Beg\u00b4erau\u00eeeh, to search for certain ruins, which were said to be\nsituated somewhat more to the north. Starting from EL GU\u00caS, I arrived in\nthree-quarters of an hour, upon my ass, at the two villages of Mar\u00fbga,\nnot far removed from each other. To the eastward of the first, on the\nlow eminences running along in that direction, there are a number of\nmounds of tombs, which from a little distance looked like a group of\nPyramids standing out from the sky. The elevation turns backwards, in\nthe form of a crescent, towards the south, and is covered with these\ncircular-thrown-up mounds, composed of black desert stone; standing on a\nlarge mound in the centre I counted fifty-six of them.\n\nFive minutes farther on in the desert there is a second group of similar\nmounds, twenty-one in number; but many others lie near it, scattered\non single small pieces of ground. Situated in a still lower position,\nand even within the limit of the thicket, I discovered a third group,\nto the south of the two former ones, containing about forty tombs, in\nsome of which we could still clearly recognise their original square\nform. The tomb in best preservation was between 15 and 18 feet wide on\nevery side; like many others, it had been excavated in the centre, and\nhad been filled up with mud deposited by the rain, in which a tree was\ngrowing; a great square wall of 24 paces enclosing it on every side, was\nstill remaining of another tomb, the lowest layers were built up solidly\nof small black stones, and a mound seemed to have been erected within,\nbut not in the centre. Another still stronger circumvallation, in good\npreservation, was not much smaller in circumference, but appeared to have\nbeen completely filled up with a Pyramid. Nothing was to be seen of an\nactual casing. The mounds continued still more to the south amidst the\nthicket, and altogether there might be about two hundred which could be\ndistinguished. Perhaps, also, they continue still farther on the border\nof the desert, in the direction of Mer\u00f6e, whither I would have ridden\nback had I not sent the boat too far down the river, in quest of which\nI now was obliged to hasten. It appears, therefore, that this was the\nactual cemetery of Mer\u00f6e, and that pyramidal, or, in default of smooth\nsides, conical mounds of stones, were the usual forms of the tombs, even\nof private individuals, at that period.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXII.\n\n\n                                              _Barkal, the 9th May, 1844._\n\nThe desert of GILIF, which we traversed on our road hither, to cut off\nthe great eastern bend of the Nile, derives its name from the principal\nmountain range which lies in the centre of it. On the maps it is\nconfounded with the desert BAHIUDA, which bounds it to the south-east,\nand across which runs the road from Chart\u00fbm to Ambuk\u00f4l and Barkal.\nOur direction was first due east as far as a well, afterwards to the\nnorth-west, and in the midst of the Gilif range to the great Wadi Abu\nD\u00f4m, which then led us across in the same direction to the western bend\nof the Nile.\n\nThe general character of the country here, is not so much that of a\ndesert as between Korusko and Abu Hammed, but more that of a sandy\nsteppe. It is almost everywhere covered with Gesch (tufts of reed-grass),\nand not unfrequently with low trees, chiefly Sont-trees. The rains which\nfall here at certain seasons of the year, have deposited considerable\nmasses of earth on the low grounds, which might be profitably cultivated,\nand this is sometimes traversed, to the depth of three or four feet,\nby torrents occasioned by the rain. The soil is yellow, and composed\nof a clayey sand. The rock forming the subsoil, and the whole of the\nmountains, with the exception of the lofty Gilif range, is a sandstone.\nThe ground is covered to a considerable extent with hard, black blocks\nof sandstone, the road is generally uneven, and undulating. Numerous\ngazelles, and large white antelopes with only a brown stripe down their\nbacks, are to be found on these plains, which are also frequented in the\nrainy season by herds of camels and of goats, on account of the plentiful\nsupply of pasture.\n\nOn the 29th April we left the river, but, as is very customary in\ncaravans of any considerable size, this was only a first start\u2014a trial of\nour travelling powers, such as birds of passage make before their long\nmigration. We had only been two hours on the road when the guide allowed\nthe restless swarm to encamp again, just beyond G\u00d4S BURRI, at a little\ndistance from the river; the camel-drivers were without their provisions;\nsome single beasts were still procured, others were exchanged. It was not\nbefore the following day at twelve o\u2019clock that we got into perfect order\nand in full march. We spent the night in the WADI ABU HAMMED, at which\npoint GEBEL OMARDA was on our right hand.\n\nThe third day we started very early; passed GEBEL QERMANA, and arrived\nat the well of ABU TL\u00caH, which took us far to the east, and detained\nus several hours after mid-day. From this point we were seven hours\ntraversing a wide plain, and encamped about ten at night near GEBEL\nSERGEN. The 2nd May, after proceeding four hours, we reached a district\nwell supplied with trees, to the right of GEBEL NUSF, the \u201cMountain of\nthe Half,\u201d which is situated half-way between the well of Abu Tl\u00eah and\nGaqed\u00fbl, as on all these journeys the wells are the real indicators of\nthe hour in the desert-clock.\n\nThe Arabs from the district of G\u00f4s Burri, who are our guides, belong to\nthe tribe of the \u02beAuad\u00eeeh; they are not nearly as respectable as the\nAbabde Arabs, have a rapid and indistinct mode of speech, and altogether\nseem to have very little capacity. They may have already intermingled\nmuch with the Fellah\u00een of the country, who here call themselves Qale\u00e2b,\nHomer\u00e2b, Gaal\u00een. There are also some Schaiq\u00eeeh Arabs here, probably only\nfrom the time of the conquest of the country by the Egyptians; they carry\nshields and spears like the Ababde Arabs. The wealthy Sheikh, Emin, of\nG\u00f4s Burri, had given us his brother, the Fakir Fadl Allah, as our guide,\nand his own son, Fadl Allah, as overseer to his camels; but even the\nbest among these people make but a miserable and starved appearance in\ncomparison with our desert companions of Korusko. The order of the day\nhere was as follows: that in general we should start about six in the\nmorning, and keep moving till ten o\u2019clock; after that, the caravan rested\nduring the mid-day heat till about three o\u2019clock, and we then proceeded\nagain till about ten or eleven at night.\n\nWe rode across the large plain of EL G\u00d4S the whole afternoon, so called,\nprobably, from the great sand dunes, which are characteristic of this\npart of the country, and which, more especially towards the south, assume\na peculiar form. They are almost all in the shape of a crescent, which\nopens towards the south-west, so that from the road on our right hand\nwe look into a number of tunnels, or semi-theatres, whose precipitous\nwalls of sand rise nearly ten feet from the ground, while the north\nwind, passing over the field within, clears it completely from the sand,\nwhich would gradually fill up the cavity. But the rapidity with which\nthis moveable sand-architecture alters its position is manifested by the\nsingle tracks on the caravan-road, which are frequently lost under the\nvery centre of the highest sand-hills. About eight o\u2019clock in the evening\nwe left GEBEL BARQUGRES on our left hand, and halted for the night, about\nten o\u2019clock, at a short distance from the Gilif range.\n\nThe 3rd May we marched through the WADI GUAH EL \u02beALEM, which is covered\nwith a great many trees, into the heart of the mountains, which are\nchiefly composed of porphyritic rock, and like all primitive mountains,\non account of their longer retention of the precipitated humidity and the\nsmall amount of rain, are more covered with vegetation than the sandy\nplains. In three hours we reached the WADI GAQED\u00dbL, thickly covered with\nGesch and thorny trees of every description, Sont, Somra, and Serha. We\nmet some herds of camels and goats grazing here, especially near the\nwater, which had also attracted numerous birds, among others ravens and\npigeons. The water is said to be retained for the space of three years,\nwithout any fresh accession in this broad, low-situated grotto, about 300\nfeet in diameter, surrounded, and for the most part covered in, by lofty\nwalls of granite. It was, however, so dirty, and had such an abominable\nsmell, that it was even despised by my thirsty ass. The drinkable water\nis situated higher up in the mountains, and is difficult of access.\n\nWe here quitted the northerly direction into which we had been led by\nthe well, since leaving Gebel Nusf, and continued for several hours\nvery much to the west along the Gilif range, into the WADI EL MEHET,\nthen traversing the perfectly dry bed of the valley (Ch\u00f4r) of EL AMMER,\nfrom which the road to Ambuk\u00f4l diverges, we halted past ten o\u2019clock at\nnight in the WADI EL UER, which was named by others the WADI ABU HAROD.\nFrom this point, the Gilif range retreated for some distance farther\ntowards the east, and only left a succession of sandstone hills in the\nforeground, along which we rode the following morning. In the W.N.W. we\nsaw other mountain ranges, which are no longer called Gilif; one single\ntwo-pointed mountain among them, which stood out from the rest, was\ncalled MIGLIK. The great inlet of the Gilif chain, filled with sandstone\nrock, is two hours broad;[47] the road then continues to lead in a more\nnortherly direction, into the midst of the range itself, which is here\ncalled GEBEL EL M\u00c1GEQA, after the well of M\u00c1GEQA.\n\nBefore entering this mountain range, we came to a place covered with\nheaps of stones, which might be supposed to be barrows, though no\none lies buried beneath them. Whenever the date merchants come this\nroad, many of whom we met the following morning, with their large\nround plaited straw baskets, their camel-drivers at this spot demand\na trifle from them. He who will give nothing, has a cenotaph such as\nthis erected to him, out of the surrounding stones, as a bad omen for\nhis hard-heartedness. We met with a similar assemblage of tombs in the\ndesert of Korusko. We reached this well soon after nine o\u2019clock, but\nwithout halting ascended a wild valley to a considerable height, where we\nencamped about mid-day.\n\nThe whole road was amply supplied with trees, and thereby offered an\nagreeable variety. The Sont, or gum-trees, were rare here; the Somra\nappeared most frequently, which begins to spread out directly from the\nground in several strong branches, and terminates with a flat covering of\nthinly-scattered boughs and small green leaves, so that it often forms a\ncompletely regular inverted cone, which at this spot sometimes attains\nto about the height of fifteen feet. Near it grows the HEGLIK, with\nirregular boughs round the stem, and single tufts of leaves and twigs,\nlike the pear-tree. The thornless SERHA, on the other hand, has all the\nbranches surrounded with quite small green leaves, like moss, and the\nTONDUB has no leaves at all, but in their place only small green little\ntwigs, growing zig-zag, and almost as close as foliage, while the S\u00e1lame\nshrub consists of long flexible twigs covered with green leaves and long\ngreen thorns.\n\nAbout four o\u2019clock we set out, and descended very gradually from the\nheights. There are also a number of wells in the WADI KALAS, with very\ngood rain water, about twenty feet in depth; we pitched our encampment\nfor the night at this spot, although we arrived there soon after sunset.\nThe animals were watered, and the skins filled. The whole of the plateau\nis well supplied with trees and shrubs, and inhabited by men and animals.\n\nOur road on the following day preserved the same character, as long as we\nwere wandering between the beautiful and rugged escarpments of porphyry.\nAfter proceeding a couple of hours farther, we came to two other wells,\nalso called KALAS, with little, but good water. From this spot, a road\ndiverged in a north-easterly direction to the well of MER\u00d6E, in the Wadi\nAbu D\u00f4m, probably so called also from a white rock.\n\nThree hours farther, having passed GEBEL ABRAK, we entered the great\nWADI ABU D\u00d4M, which we now pursued in a west north-west direction. This\nremarkable valley passes uninterruptedly by the side of a long mountain\nchain from the Nile at El Mech\u00earef to the village of Abu D\u00f4m, which is\nsituated obliquely opposite Mount Barkal. When we consider that the upper\nnorth-eastern opening of this valley, which traverses the whole Peninsula\nand its mountain ranges, lies nearly opposite the mouth of the Atbara,\nwhich flows into the Nile in the same direction above Mech\u00earef, we cannot\nhelp suspecting that once, though perhaps not in historical times, there\nmust have been a connection by water, which cut off the largest portion\nof the great eastern bend of the Nile, now formed by the rocky elevated\nplateau at Abu Hammed, driving back the stream above a degree and a half\ntowards the south, contrary to its common direction. The name of the\nvalley is derived from the single D\u00f4m Palms, which are here and there\nfound in it. The mountain chain, which passes along the north of the\nvalley, is completely separated from the range, through which we had\nhitherto come. At the entrance of this valley we left the solid ground\nof which the mountain is composed, and the loose sands again prevailed,\nwithout however overpowering the still far from scanty vegetation.\n\nIn the afternoon, after leaving on our left hand a side valley, OM\nSCHEBAK, which contains well-water, we encamped for the night as early as\nnine o\u2019clock. The following morning we came to the deep well of HANIK,\nand halted about mid-day at a second well, which was called OM SAIALE,\nafter the tree of that name.\n\nAt this spot, I left the caravan with Jussuf, to reach Barkal by a\ncircuitous road by NURI, situated on this side of the river somewhat\nhigher up. In an hour and a half we arrived at some considerable ruins of\na large Christian convent in the WADI GAZ\u00c2L, so called from the gazelles,\nwhich dig in great numbers for water here in the Ch\u00f4r (bed of the\nvalley). The church was built as high as the windows of white, well-hewn\nsandstone, and above that of unburnt bricks. The walls are covered with\na strong coating of plaster, and are painted in the interior. The vaulted\napse of the three-naved Basilica is situated, as usual, towards the east,\nthe entrances behind the western transept are towards the north and\nsouth; all the arches of the doors, the windows, and between the pillars,\nare round: above the doors, Coptic crosses are frequently exhibited, more\nor less ornamented, whose most simple form \u2719 may be compared with the\nancient Egyptian symbol of Life. The whole church is a genuine type of\nall the Coptic churches which I have seen in ruins, and I therefore add\nthe small ground plan just as Erbkam took it down.\n\n[Illustration]\n\nThe building is above eighty feet long, and exactly half as broad. The\nouter wall to the north has fallen in. The church is surrounded by a\ngreat court, whose walls of enclosure, as well as the numerous convent\ncells, some of which have vaulted roofs, are built of rough blocks, and\nare in good preservation; the largest of them, a dwelling forty-six\nfeet long, is situated in front of the western side of the church, and\nis only separated from it by a small narrow court; no doubt it belonged\nto the prior, and a special side-entrance led from it into the church.\nTwo churchyards are situated on the southern side of the convent; that\nto the west, about forty paces removed from the church, contained a\nnumber of tombs, which consisted simply of a collection of black stones\nheaped up together. The eastern churchyard was situated nearer to the\nbuildings, and was remarkable from possessing a considerable amount of\ntombstones with inscriptions, partly in Greek, partly in Coptic, which\nwill induce me to pay a second visit to this remarkable convent before\nwe leave Barkal. I counted more than twenty stones with inscriptions,\nsome of which had sustained much injury, and about as many tablets in\nburnt earth, with inscriptions scratched into them, though most of them\nwere broken to pieces. They contain the most southern Greek inscriptions\nwhich have been hitherto known in the Nile region, with the exception of\nthose of Adulis and Axum in Abyssinia. There is no doubt that the Greek\nlanguage following in the wake of Christianity, and the traces of which\nwe might have ourselves pursued in structural remains even beyond Soba,\nwas at one time employed and understood, at least for religious objects,\nby the natives in the flourishing districts, even as far as the interior\nof Abyssinia; nevertheless these monumental inscriptions (none of them,\nas far as I could see in a hasty survey, in the Ethiopian language) allow\nus to infer that the inhabitants of the convent were Greek Coptics who\nhad immigrated.\n\nAbout five o\u2019clock I left my companions, who went direct to Abu D\u00f4m, and\nI immediately set out for NURI. We soon saw MOUNT BARKAL shining blue\nin the distance; it rises singly and precipitously from the surrounding\nplain, and has a broad platform, and, by its peculiar form and position,\nat once attracts attention; about six o\u2019clock the Nile valley, which is\nhere of considerable breadth, lay spread out before us, a sight always\nlonged for after the desert journey, and which, like the approaching\nmisty coast after a sea voyage, keeps the attention of the traveller in a\nstate of joyful expectation.\n\nOur road, however, now turned towards the right, and led among the\nmountains, which stretch out into the plain, and are still composed\nof masses of porphyry. When we stood directly in front of Barkal, I\nobserved on our left hand a great number of black barrows, either round,\nor pyramidal in form, similar to those I previously saw at Mer\u00f6e. It\nwas probably the general cemetery of NAPATA, which even in the time\nof Herodotus was the royal residence of the Ethiopian kings, and was\nsituated on the farther bank; a considerable town must therefore at\none time have been placed on the left bank of the Nile, which would\nalso explain the position of the Pyramids of NURI on the same side of\nthe river. Nevertheless, I have not been able to discover any mound of\nruins in accordance with this surmise. I only saw some similar to these,\nthough not of considerable extent, behind the village of Du\u00eam and at Abu\nD\u00f4m, which were called SANAB. It was not before half-past seven that we\narrived in the neighbourhood of this considerable group of Pyramids, and\nwe quartered ourselves for the night in the house of the Sheikh of the\nvillage.\n\nBefore sunrise I was already at the Pyramids, of which I counted\ntwenty-five. They are some of them grander than those at Mer\u00f6e, but are\nbuilt of soft sandstone, and, therefore, have suffered much from exposure\nto the weather; only very few of them had a portion of the smooth casing\npreserved. The largest shows, again, the same structure in the interior\nwhich I have referred to in the Pyramids of Lower Egypt; a smaller\ninternal Pyramid was enlarged in all its dimensions by a superimposed\nstone casing. In one place, on the west side, the smoothed upper surface\nof the internal structure was most clearly disclosed beneath the\nwell-joined external covering, which is eight feet thick. Little is to be\nseen here of ante-chambers such as there are in Mer\u00f6e and at the Pyramids\nof Barkal; I think I have only found the remains of two; the rest, if\nthey ever existed, must have been completely demolished, or buried\nbeneath the rubbish. Some of the Pyramids, however, stand so immediately\nagainst each other, that, on that account alone, an ante-chamber, at\nleast on the last side where it might have been expected, could not have\nexisted. Besides this, the Pyramids are generally built quite massively\nof square blocks; I could only perceive, on the one situated most to the\neast, that it was filled up with black unhewn stones. There is also a\ntruncated Pyramid like that of Dasch\u00fbr; but here the lower, and not, as\nin that instance, the upper angle of inclination, must have been the one\noriginally intended, as the former is scarcely sufficient for a series\nof steps. Although, unfortunately, I had been unable to discover any\ninscriptions, with the exception of one single small fragment of granite,\nyet much seems to favour the idea that this group of Pyramids is of an\nolder date, while those of Barkal are more recent.\n\nSoon after ten o\u2019clock I reached ABU D\u00d4M, where I found my companions\nalready arrived. The whole of the next day was occupied in crossing the\nNile, and we did not reach Barkal before sunset. Georgi, to my delight,\nhad arrived here some days previously from Dongola. We now more than ever\nrequire his assistance, because drawings must be made of whatever we meet\nwith here. The Ethiopian royal residence of King TAHRAKA, who reigned at\nthe same time in Egypt, and left buildings behind him, the same who in\nthe time of Hezekiah marched to Palestine against Sennacherib, is too\nimportant for us not to exhaust it, if possible, of its treasures.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXIII.\n\n\n                                       _Mount Barkal, the 28th May, 1844._\n\nDuring the next few days I expect the arrival of the transport boats\nwhich I begged of Hassan Pascha, and which set off eleven days ago; they\nare to receive our Ethiopian treasures, and to convey us to Dongola.\nThe results of our researches here are not without importance. Upon\nthe whole, they are quite confirmatory of the opinion that Ethiopian\nart is only a late offshoot from the Egyptian. It does not commence\nunder native rulers before the time of Tahraka. The little which is\nextant from a still earlier period belongs to the Egyptian conquerors\nand their artists. Here, at least, it is confined solely to one temple,\nwhich Ramses the Great erected to Amen-Ra. It is true that the name of\nAmenophis III. has been discovered on several of the granite Rams, as\nwell as on Lord Prudhoe\u2019s Lion in London, but there are good grounds to\nsuppose that these magnificent Colossi did not originally belong to a\ntemple here. They were only brought here at a later period, it appears,\nfrom Soleb, probably by the Ethiopian king whose name is found engraved\non the breast of the above-mentioned lion, and which, from the incorrect\nomission of a sign, has been hitherto read AMEN ASRU in place of MI AMEN\nASRU.\n\nNevertheless, I consider these Rams so remarkable, especially on account\nof their inscriptions, that I have determined to carry away the best of\nthem. The fat wether probably weighs nearly 150 cwt. However, in the\nspace of three sultry days, it has been safely dragged on rollers to the\nriver bank by ninety-two Fellahs, and it there waits for embarkation.\nSeveral other monuments besides are to accompany us from this spot, as\nwe need no longer fear their weight since the desert is behind us. I\nwill only mention an Ethiopian altar, four feet high, with the Shields\nof the king who erected it; a statue of Isis, on whose plinth there is\nan Ethiopian-demotic inscription of eighteen lines; another also from\nM\u00e9raui; as well as the peculiar monument bearing the name of Amenophis\nIII., which was copied by Cailliaud, and was thought to be a foot, but,\nin truth, is the lower portion of the sacred sparrow-hawk. All these\nmonuments are of black granite.[48]\n\nThe town of NAPATA, the name of which I have now frequently found in\nhieroglyphics, and even on the monuments of Tahraka, was situated, no\ndoubt, somewhat farther down the river, near the present town of M\u00c9RAUI,\nwhere considerable mounds of ruins still testify to this. The Temples\nand Pyramids were alone situated near the mountain. This remarkable\nmass of rock bears the name of the \u201cSacred Mount\u201d \ud80c\ude0b\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udfe4\ud80c\udcc2 in the hieroglyphic\ninscriptions. The god who was peculiarly worshipped here was Ammon-Ra.\n\nOn the 18th of May we accomplished our long intended second visit to\nthe Wadi Gaz\u00e2l; we took an impression of all the Greek and Coptic\ninscriptions of the cemetery, and carried away with us such as appeared\nin some degree legible.\n\nWe feel now, more than ever, what the torrid zone will be in the hot\nseason which we are now approaching. The thermometer generally rises\nafter mid-day to 37\u00b0 and 38\u00b0 R. (115-117\u00bc\u00b0 Fahr.), and is occasionally\neven above 40\u00b0 (122\u00b0 Fahr.) in the shade. I frequently found the burning\nsand beneath our feet as much as 53\u00b0 (151\u00b0 Fahr.); and anything made of\nmetal can only be laid hold of in the open air with a cloth. All our\ndrawings and papers are abundantly bedewed with drops of perspiration.\nBut the most oppressive thing is the hot wind, which, instead of cooling\nus, drives a regular furnace heat into our faces, and the nights are not\nmuch more refreshing. The thermometer, towards evening, falls down to 33\u00b0\n(106\u00bc\u00b0 Fahr.), and by the morning is as low as 28\u00b0 (95\u00b0 Fahr.). Our only\nrefreshment is in taking frequent baths in the Nile, which, however, in\nEurope, would be considered warm baths. Between times we have more than\nonce had tempests, with violent storms of wind loaded with sand, and\neven a few drops of rain fell in the midst of them. Yesterday, a gust\nof wind beat our tent down to the ground, and at the same moment, owing\nto its violence, our large arbour, built of solid stems of trees and\npalm-branches, fell upon our heads, while we were eating within it; we\ncould scarcely enjoy our dinner from the strong spicing of sand. Violent\nsqualls and whirlwinds seem to be peculiar to this country, or to this\nseason, for often we see four or five high columns of sand rushing up at\nonce to the sky, at different distances, like great volcanoes. There are\nfew snakes here; but, on that very account, more scorpions and hideous\ngreat spiders, which are dreaded by the natives even more than the\nscorpions. We now sleep, on account of the venomous vermin, on anqarebs,\nwhich we have had brought out of the village.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXIV.\n\n\n                                           _Dongola, the 15th June, 1844._\n\nBefore we left Barkal, I undertook another excursion of three days up the\nNile to the Cataract country, which we had cut off by our desert journey.\nI was anxious to become acquainted with the character of this district\nalso, the only part of the Nile valley through which we had not travelled\nwith the caravan. We went by water as far as KASINQAR, and spent the\nnight there. At this point bold masses of granite rise up majestically,\nwhich divide the river into numerous islands, and impede the navigation.\nThe following morning, before the camels were ready, we reached, not\nwithout difficulty, the island of ISCHISCHI; it is surrounded by violent\nand dangerous currents. We here found ruins of walls, and buildings built\nof bricks, and sometimes of stones, both hewn and unhewn, by which we may\nconclude there were fortifications on the island at different periods of\ntime; but there were no inscriptions, except one single one, consisting\nof a few incomprehensible signs.\n\nWe did not mount our camels in Kasinqar before nine o\u2019clock, and then\nrode along the right bank between the granite rocks, which leave but a\nsmall space for a scanty vegetation. Almost all the numerous, though\ngenerally small, islands refresh the eye by green groups of trees and\ncultivated bits of ground, which are cut up in a variety of ways by the\nblack rocks. There would be scarcely room in this rocky channel for\nvillages of any considerable size, still less sufficient to maintain\nthem. Those that exist are distributed in houses standing singly, and\nsmall groups of houses far apart, but which bear one and the same name\nup to certain frontier points. The village plot of ground belonging to\nKasinqar terminated with a beautiful group of palm-trees. We then entered\nthe territory of K\u00db\u02beEH, after that followed the long tract of HAMD\u00c2B,\nwhich includes the island of M\u00c9RUI or MER\u00d6E, which is a quarter of an\nhour in extent. Here also the name is explained by its appearance. It\nis very lofty, sometimes forty feet above the surface of the water, but\ncompletely barren and uninhabited; and with the exception of the low\nblack rock, which at times is covered by the water, the whole island is\ntotally white. This chiefly arises on account of the dazzling moving\nsands with which it is covered; but, what is still more remarkable, the\nrock which projects from them is also white, either on account of great\nveins of quartz, similar to what I had observed in another strikingly\nwhite rock which lay on our road in the province of ROBATAT, and which\nwas called HAGER M\u00c9RUI by the camel-drivers, or because the weathered\ngranite had here assumed this colour. The name of the town of M\u00c9RAUI,\nnear Barkal, is perhaps derived from the same origin; in that instance\nthe white rocky precipices descending from M\u00e9raui to the river, which,\non our departure, especially struck me by their colour, must have given\noccasion to it. On the opposite bank, GEBEL KONGELI approaches close to\nthe river, which is also called Gebel M\u00e9rui, from the island, and in the\nsame manner the rushing cataract a little above the island has received\nthe name of Schell\u00e2l M\u00e9rui.\n\nAbout four o\u2019clock we arrived at the ruins of HELLET EL BIB, which in the\ndistance looks exactly like a castle of the middle ages. It rises from a\nlow rock, whose ridge intersects the court and the building itself, so\nthat one portion of it looks like an upper story to the other. The whole\nstructure is composed of unburnt, but well and carefully made, bricks,\nwhich were firmly joined together with a little lime, and covered with\na coating of the same. There are various larger and smaller chambers in\nthe interior, some of them furnished with semicircular niches, and arched\ndoors. The walls on the western side were fifteen feet high. The outer\nwall of the court was of unhewn stones, but carefully built up to the\nheight of between five and eight feet; it embraced a tolerably regular\nsquare space, each side of which was about sixty-five paces long.\n\nThis small castle, though of considerable importance in this district,\nreminded us much, by its niches and arched doors, of the Christian\narchitecture of the earlier centuries, but yet did not seem to have had\nany religious destination. Perhaps, therefore, it only belonged to the\nflourishing times of the powerful and warlike Schaiq\u00eeeh tribes, which,\naccording to tradition, are said to have first wandered from Arabia\ninto these parts several hundred years ago. In the time of the Egyptian\nconquest the country was under three Schaiq\u00eeeh princes, one of whom might\nhave resided here. The neighbourhood, besides, was somewhat more favoured\nby nature, the banks more level, and covered with thicket, which here\nand there bordered some of the land capable of cultivation. After I had\ndrawn out the plan of the building we started on our return about nine\no\u2019clock in the evening, by the light of a full moon, and we considerably\nshortened our journey by taking the road through the desert from the\nisland of SAFFI. About eleven o\u2019clock we halted for the night, on an open\nsandy spot of ground of the great granite plain. About five o\u2019clock we\nagain started betwixt moonlight and morning dawn, and, as early as nine,\nwe reached our boat at Kasinqar.\n\nNear this place I met with a new tree in a small Wadi, which led to the\nriver. It was called B\u00c2N, and is said to grow nowhere in this country\nexcept in this Wadi, called after it CH\u00d4R EL B\u00c2N, and in one other\nWadi near M\u00e9raui.[49] A strong stem, with a white bark, not unlike our\nwalnut-tree, with some side stems and branches just as white, rose short\nand knotty from the ground. Most of the branches were now bare; only\na few of them had foliage, if we choose to call the long green twigs\ncollected in little bunches by that name. The fruits are long, roundish,\nfurrowed pods, which split into three parts, when the black-shelled\nnuts contained within (of the size of small hazel nuts), five to ten\nin number, are ripe; the white oily kernel, sweet as a nut, though\nalso somewhat acrid, is good to eat, and is much liked, but it is more\nparticularly used by the inhabitants in the immediate neighbourhood for\npressing oil out of it. The blossoms are said to be yellow, and to grow\nin clusters.\n\nAbout mid-day the Sheikh of Nuri came on board our boat, and I collected\nsome more information from him about the Cataract country. In the\nprovince of SCHAIQ\u00ceEH, and the adjoining one of MONASSIR, eight separate\ncataracts are reckoned; the first, Schell\u00e2l Ger\u00eandid, at the island of\nIschischi; then Schell\u00e2l Ter\u00e2i, at K\u00fb\u02beeh; Schell\u00e2l M\u00e9rui; Schell\u00e2l Dah\u00e1k,\nat the island of Uli; Schell\u00e2l el Ederm\u00eeeh; e\u2019 Kaben\u00e2t; e\u2019 Tanar\u00e2i; and\nOm Der\u00e1s. Afterwards the rocky country continues uninterruptedly to El\nKab, from which point the river has very little fall as far as Schell\u00e2l\nMogr\u00e2t, in the great bend towards Berber.\n\nAt the present day nothing but Arabic is spoken in the whole of this\ndistrict; but some recollection of the earlier Nubian population has\nbeen distinctly retained, since even now a number of villages are\ndistinguished from the others as _Nuba places_. The following were\nmentioned to me as such, above the province of Dongola: GEBEL MAQ\u00c1L and\nZ\u00dbMA on the right bank, and near it the island of MASSAUI, which also\nstill bears the Nubian name of ABRANARTI; then upon the left bank BELLED\nE\u2019 NUBA, between Debbe and Abu D\u00f4m, HALUF or NURI and BELLEL; opposite to\nthese, GERF E\u2019 SCHECH and KASINQAR. Then there is a gap in the statement,\nand it refers to places up the river to CH\u00d4SCH E\u2019 GUR\u00dbF, a little below\nthe island of Mogr\u00e2t, to SALAME and DARMALI, two villages between\nMech\u00earef and D\u00e2mer; lastly, there is another BELLED E\u2019 NUBA to the north\nof G\u00f4s Burri, in the province of Metamme.\n\nOn the 4th of June we at length left Barkal, after having placed the Ram\nand the other heavy monuments on two transport boats specially devoted to\nthat purpose.\n\nWe stopped the first night in Abu D\u00f4m, on the left bank. I had heard of a\nFakir in this place, who was said to be in possession of written records\nabout the tribes of the Schaiq\u00eeeh Arabs. He was an intelligent, and, for\nthis country, a learned man, who would not indeed yield up to me the few\nsheets of his own copy which he actually possessed, but immediately set\nto work to transcribe them for me.\n\nThe following morning we first landed in TANQASSI, situated an hour and\na half below Abu D\u00f4m, where we were told we should find ruins. A Fakir\nDaha, who belonged to the Kor\u00easch, the tribe of the Prophet, accompanied\nus to the, now at least insignificant, mound of bricks. We passed his\nhereditary sepulchre, a small building with a cupola that had been built\nby his grandfather, but had already received in addition to him, his\nfather and several relatives. From this spot I descried some mounds in\nthe distance, which the Fakir pronounced to be natural. We, however, rode\nup to them, and a short half hour from the river found more than twenty\nPyramids of tolerable size, now apparently only consisting of black\nearth, but originally built of Nile bricks. Single stones lay around, and\non the eastern side, at a short distance, there were always two small\nheaps of stones, which seem to have belonged to the ante-chamber, and\nwere perhaps connected with the Pyramid by brick walls; but nowhere could\nwe find hewn stones, and still less inscriptions.\n\nWe also found a field of Pyramids at KURRU, on the farther bank, although\nbut little could be discovered of the ruins of a town. Of the two most\nconsiderable Pyramids, the largest, which still bears the strange name\nof QANTUR, was 35 feet high; and towards the south-east we saw the\nremains of an ante-chamber. Twenty-one smaller ones are grouped round\nthese two, four of which, like the largest Pyramid, were entirely\nbuilt of sandstone, but are now in great part demolished; others only\nconsisted of black field stones. Lastly, to the west of all of them, the\nground plan is still to be seen of a large Pyramid, which was probably\nonce completely massive, and has been on that account demolished; the\nfoundations were laid in the rock. It appears that these Pyramids also,\nwhich, by their solid structure, are quite distinct from those lying\nopposite, belonged to a royal Dynasty of Napata, for which reason the\nabsence of any considerable ruins of a town would be easier to explain\nhere than on the opposite side of the river.\n\nThree-quarters of an hour farther down the river is situated the village\nof Z\u00dbMA, on the right bank. Near it, in the direction of the mountains,\nthere rises an old fortress, with towers of defence, called KARAT NEGIL,\nwhose front walls were only destroyed and thrown down about fifty or\nsixty years ago, when the inhabitants of Z\u00fbma settled here. The name is\nderived from an ancient King of the country, NEGIL, in whose time the\nsurrounding land, now dry, was still within reach of the Nile, and is\nsaid to have been fertile.\n\nThe first thing that I saw on the road to the fortress was again a number\nof Pyramids, eight of which are still 20 feet high; including those which\nare destroyed, and which in general seem to have been those which were\nmost massive, we found above thirty; the ancient stone quarries are still\nto be seen which furnished the material for the Pyramids.\n\nThese three fields of Pyramids, that of TANQASSI, KURRU, and Z\u00dbMA, or\nKARAT NEGIL, whose sites were paced, and carefully noted down by Erbkam,\nare planted on an extent of ground of but a few hours in circumference,\nand indicate the existence of a strong and flourishing population in this\ndistrict in Heathen times; on the other hand, in the district immediately\nsucceeding this, and more or less throughout the whole province of\nDongola, we found numerous remains of Christian churches.\n\nOn the 7th of June we visited three of these, situated at short distances\nfrom each other, all on the right bank of the river. Two hours and a\nhalf from Z\u00fbma we first come to BACH\u00ceT. Here the precipitous rock of the\ndesert advances close upon the river, and bears a fortress, no doubt,\nalso dating from Christian times, with eighteen semicircular projecting\ntowers of defence. In the interior, beneath barren heaps of rubbish,\nthere were still the ruins of a church, which at that time seems to\nhave everywhere formed the central point of the stronghold. Here it was\nonly 63 feet long, and the whole nave rested on four columns and two\npilasters; nevertheless, the plan corresponded perfectly with the general\ntype.\n\nThe church of MAGAL, which is situated only one half hour farther on,\nmust have been considerably larger, as we found beneath the ruins\nmonolithic granite columns 13\u00bd feet high from below the capital, which is\nseparated from it, and is 1\u00bd foot high and 2 feet in diameter; it appears\nto have had five naves.\n\nFrom this point we reached GEBEL D\u00caQA in one hour. Strong, massive\nwalls again surrounded a Christian fortress, which was situated on the\nprojecting sandstone rock, and in the interior exhibited the ruins of\nseveral buildings of considerable size; among them, those of a small,\nthree-naved church, very similar to the one at Bach\u00eet.\n\nThis is the frontier village of the province of Schaiq\u00eeeh, in the\ndirection of Dongola, the last place coming from the south, whose\ninhabitants speak Arabic. Formerly the frontier of the Nubian population\nand language, undoubtedly, was as far up as the cataracts above Barkal.\nThis seems to have occasioned the accumulation of strong posts in this\ndistrict, and probably also the strong fortification of the island of\nIschischi.\n\nChristianity penetrated to the Nubians from Abyssinia as early as the\nsixth century; they were at that time a powerful people, till their\nChristian priest-kings, in the fourteenth century, yielded to the\nencroachment of Islamism. We must date the erection of the numerous\nchurches from those days, the ruins of which we have found scattered from\nWadi Gaz\u00e2l, northwards, throughout the whole province.\n\nThe same day we went as far as AMBUK\u00d4L, at the extremity of the western\nbend of the Nile, and halted here for the night. The following day we\nreached TIFAR, and again visited the ruins of an old fortress with the\nremains of a church.\n\nOn the road we met the boat of Hassan Pascha, which was on its way to\nM\u00e9raui. We each fired many salutes as a mutual greeting, and anchored\nbeside each other. The Pascha inquired with interest about the treasures\nwhich he suspected existed in the Pyramids of Barkal, and with the\ngreatest courtesy promised us all that we could desire to promote our\njourney and its objects. After returning our visit, we parted with fresh\nsalutes.\n\nThe 10th June we reached OLD DONGOLA, the former royal residence of this\nChristian kingdom. The extensive ruins of the town, however, now testify\nto little more than the considerable extent which it once embraced. On\na hill in the neighbourhood, which commanded an admirable panorama, now\nstands a mosque. An Arabic inscription on marble proves that it was\nopened on the 20 Rab\u00ee el auel, of the year 717 (1st June, 1317), after\nthe victory of Safeddin Abdallah e\u2019 N\u00e2sir over the infidels.\n\nAs we have had very little opportunity of improving our monumental\nknowledge since leaving Barkal, and had much leisure in our boat,\nI employed myself specially during this time with a comparison and\nresearch, as far as lay in my power, of the Nubian language, which\nis spoken in this part of the country. It presents very remarkable\nlinguistic phenomena, but does not exhibit the slightest similarity with\nthe Egyptian language. My belief is, that the whole race penetrated into\nthe Nile valley from the south-west at a late period. We have now a\nservant from Derr, the capital of Lower Nubia, who speaks tolerably good\nItalian, is animated and intelligent, and is a great assistance to me in\nacquiring a knowledge of his own dialect, the Mahass. I have sometimes\ntormented him with questions in the boat for five or six entire hours in\none day, for it is no small trouble for both of us to understand each\nother about grammatical forms and inflections. He has, at any rate, at\nthe same time acquired more respect for his own language, here everywhere\nconsidered bad, and inferior to the Arabic, and which it is thought one\nought rather to be ashamed of.\n\nYesterday, after sailing three days from Old Dongola, we at length\nreached New Dongola, usually only called by the Arabs EL ORDE (the Camp);\nwe had the great joy of receiving here the large packet of letters, whose\narrival had already been announced to us on the road by Hassan Pascha.\nWe now look forward with fresh courage and renewed confidence to the\nlast difficult portion of our southern journey. For from this point we\nmust again, alas! quit our boats, and mount the far more uncomfortable\nships of the desert. The Cataract country before us can only be navigated\nduring the short season of the highest flood, and even then not without\ndanger. Nevertheless, our richly freighted stone-boat must undergo this\ndangerous trial, as naturally it is impossible to think of transporting\nour Ram and the other monuments from Barkal by land.\n\nWe shall besides be unable to leave this as soon as we otherwise should\nhave done, owing to the total change in the arrangements for our journey\nduring the next five or six weeks. Yet we shall be obliged to separate\nfrom our boat of burden, as it must seize the proper moments of high\nwater, which first occurs a few weeks hence.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXV.\n\n\n                                           _Dongola, the 23rd June, 1844._\n\nYesterday we returned from an excursion of four days to the nearest\ncataract, which we were able to reach by water. We were rewarded far\nbeyond our expectations, for we found a number of ancient Pharaonic\nmonuments, the only ones in the whole province of Dongola, and some of\nthem of extreme antiquity.\n\nOn the island of Argo we discovered the first Egyptian sculptures from\nthe Hyksos period; and at KERM\u00c2N, on the right bank, the traces of a\ntown extending far across the plain, with an immense necropolis attached\nto it, in which two huge monumental tombs were distinguished above all\nthe others, one of which was called Kerm\u00e2n (like the village), the other\nDEF\u00dbFA. They are not Pyramids, but of an oblong form; the first 150 by\n66 feet, the second 132 by 66 feet in extent, and about 40 feet high,\nbuilt massively of good, solid unburnt bricks of Nile mud; each provided\nwith an outer building, which might have corresponded to the temples in\nfront of the Egyptian Pyramids. Several fragments of statues from the\nbest ancient style scattered round them, some, having good hieroglyphics\nupon them, testify their great antiquity, and lead us to suppose that the\noldest Egyptian settlement of any importance on Ethiopian territory must\nhave been on this spot: it was probably occasioned by the Egyptian power\nhaving been driven back towards Ethiopia during the rule of the Hyksos in\nEgypt. No doubt the enormous granite quarries which we found on the right\nbank, some hours to the north of Kerm\u00e2n, opposite the island of TOMBOS,\nat the entrance of the Cataract country, were connected with this. The\ninscriptions on the rock contain Shields of the 17th Dynasty, and an\ninscription of eighteen lines, mentions the second year of Tuthmosis I.\n\nI have also, here in Dongola, begun to study the Kong\u00b4\u00e2ra language of\nDar F\u00fbr. A negro soldier, a native of that dreaded warlike country, with\nwoolly hair, and thick projecting lips, and who we took with us last year\nfrom Korusko to Wadi Halfa, as a military attendant, instead of Ibrahim\nAga, who had been sent away, found us out here again, and was given\nup to me by the Pascha for my studies in language. He promises well,\nbut in half an hour I am obliged to exchange him with the Nubian. The\nKong\u00b4\u00e2ra language is quite different from the Nubian, and in particular\npoints seems to me to show a stronger analogy with certain South African\nlanguages.\n\nI was rejoiced here to see the fortress built by Ehrenberg in 1822,\nwhich has suffered indeed by the inundations, but still always serves as\na dwelling for the governor, now Hassan Pascha. We shall also leave a\nmonumental structure behind us, for Hassan Pascha has requested Erbkam to\ngive him the plan of a powder-magazine, and to seek out a suitable site\nfor it.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXVI.\n\n\n                                         _Korusko, the 17th August, 1844._\n\nWe did not accomplish our departure from Dongola before the 2nd of\nJuly. We went slowly down the western side of the river. That very\nday we passed over extensive fields of ruins, the dim remains of once\nflourishing towns, whose names have died away. The first we found were\nopposite ARGONSENE, others at KO\u00cf, and at MOSCH. The following day we\narrived at HANNIK, opposite Tombos, in the province of M\u00c1HAS. Here the\nCataract country begins immediately, and a fresh Nuba dialect, which\nextends as far down as Derr and Korusko. The Nile, on the whole, retains\nits northerly direction as far as a high mountain, named after a former\nconqueror, Ali Bersi. Early on the third day we left this on our left\nhand. It is situated on the sharp bend of the river, from north-west to\ndue east, from which point it is usual to cut off the largest portion of\nthe province of M\u00e1has by a desert road running in a northerly direction.\nWe, however, followed the turns of the river, and dismounted near two\nold castles on the bank, at a grove of palm-trees, under whose shade we\nrested during the sultry mid-day hours. The nearest of these castles,\nso romantically situated between the fissures of the rock, I find\ndifferently named on every map, as FAKIR EFFENDI (Cailliaud); FAKIR EL\nBINT, from _Bint_, the girl (Hoskins); FAKIR BENDER, from _Bender_, the\ncapital (Arrowsmith). In the dialect of this place, however, it is called\nFAKIR FENTI, or, in that of Dongola, FAKIR BENTI; and it is so named\nfrom the palm-trees at its foot, _Fenti_, _Benti_, being the names for\npalm and date.\n\nOn the 4th of July we got as far as S\u00caSE, a hill which bears the remnants\nof a fortress. Our servant, Ahmed, from Derr, related to us that, at the\ndeath of every king, his successor was led up to its summit, and there\nadorned with a peculiar royal cap. Castles like that of S\u00ease, many of\nwhich we saw, far and near, on the plateau beyond the river district,\nindicate an early, numerous, and warlike population, which has now\nalmost entirely disappeared. The ruins, situated a quarter of an hour\nsouth of Mount S\u00ease, are called SESEBI. Here stood an ancient temple, of\nwhich only four columns stand erect, with palm capitals. They have the\nShields of SETH\u00d4S I., the most southern we have met with belonging to\nthis king. Near these temple remains are the ruins of a large town, on\nan artificially raised piece of ground, of which the regular encircling\nwalls may still be recognised.\n\nOn the 6th July we arrived at SOLB (Soleb), where a temple of\nconsiderable importance, and still in good preservation, was erected by\nAmenophis III. to his own genius, the deified RA-NEB-MA (Amenophis).[50]\nThe rich representations belonging to this temple\u2014the same to which once\nalso belonged our own Ram from Barkal, and Lord Prudhoe\u2019s Lion\u2014gave us\nmaterials for almost five days\u2019 work. We did not again set off before the\n11th July.\n\nScarcely one hour to the north of this is situated GEBEL DOSCHE, a\nsandstone rock, projecting into the river, in which, on the river side, a\ngrotto is cut, which contains representations of the third TUTHMOSIS.\n\nThe very same evening we arrived at SEDE\u00cfNGA, where AMENOPHIS III.\nerected a small temple to his own wife, TII. In the midst of the\npicturesque heap of ruins, thrown one above another, rises one single\ncolumn, which has remained standing. A great necropolis stretches out\ntowards the west.\n\nOn the 13th of July we halted near a Sch\u00f4na (such is the name given to\nthe station store-houses maintained by government), opposite Mount ABIR\nor QABIR, a little below the northern point of the island of SAI. On the\nother side of the river, not exactly opposite, stands the village of\nAMARA, and near it the ruins of a temple. I was not a little surprised\nto recognise directly on the columns (six of which are still preserved)\nthe fat Queen of NAGA and MER\u00d6E, with her husband. This temple was built\nby them, an important testimony to the widely-extended dominion of\nthat Ethiopian Dynasty. In the necropolis to the south of the temple I\nalso observed fragments of inscriptions in the above-mentioned demotic\nEthiopian alphabetic writing, such as I had also found near Sede\u00efnga.\n\nThe following day, after having visited the island of SAI, where we had\nfound the scanty remains of a temple with inscriptions of Tuthmosis III.\nand Amenophis II., besides the remains of a town and a Coptic church, we\nproceeded farther, and on the 15th of July reached DAL, which forms the\nfrontier between the provinces of Sukk\u00f4t and Batn el hag\u00e9r (Stone-belly);\nat night we encamped at the Cataract of KALFA.\n\nFrom this point our road passed near the hot sulphur spring of OKMEH, to\nwhich I turned off from our caravan road with Abeken. It led us from the\nSch\u00f4na, where we separated, along the rocky bank, above an hour backwards\nto a square tower, which has been erected over the spring, and which is\nnow called after its builder, HAMM\u00c2M SEIDNA SOLIM\u00c2N. The tower, which is\n9 feet in diameter, and in the inside 4 feet wide, is now half filled\nwith sand and earth; the stream of water, about the thickness of a man\u2019s\nwrist, issues from the eastern side of the tower; on the other side,\nwithin the space of a square foot, sixteen little whirlpools rise out of\nthe sand, and here, where the water is hottest, it is not quite 44\u00b0 R.\n(131\u00b0 Fahr.). It tastes sulphureous, and a white substance is deposited\non the earth round the spring. Every year the river rises above it, and\neven over the tower, which stands half-way up the river bank. The surface\nof the water had now only risen to about the height of a man, and had\nnot yet reached the spring. A rough hole is dug into the rubbish for the\nsick who come here, and is covered with branches to keep back the stream.\nSomewhat farther down the river another small spring of water appears,\nwhich has a temperature of 40\u00b0 R. (122\u00b0 Fahr.) when it issues from the\nground. The saying goes, that OKASCHE, a friend of the Prophet\u2019s, was\nkilled in a campaign in the south, his corpse floated down hither, and\nthen disappeared in the rock on the opposite bank; there, even now, at\nsome distance up the river, his grave is shown; a tree marks the spot.\n\nOn the 17th July we encamped at the temple of SEMNEH. The village\nconsists only of a few straw huts, which are shaded by some date palms,\nbut the number of potsherds in the neighbourhood prove that a place of\nsome importance stood here formerly. The temple is surrounded with very\nancient fortifications, of immense dimensions; its erection dates even\nas far back as the Old Monarchy under Sesurtesen III., a king of the\n12th Dynasty. It appears that this king first enlarged the limits of\nthe Egyptian Monarchy as far as this point; indeed it has been found\nthat at a later period he was himself worshipped in these districts as\na divinity of the country. The temple which Tuthmosis III. erected here\nin the New Monarchy, is also dedicated to him, and to the god TETUN. On\nthe right bank, also, at the village of KUMMEH, there are still some old\nfortifications, and within them a still larger temple, which was even\nbegun by Tuthmosis II.\n\nThe most important discovery which we made here, and which I shall only\nmention briefly, because I am at this moment sending a more detailed\naccount of it to Ehrenberg, is a number of short rock inscriptions\nwhich mark the highest rises of the Nile during a series of years\nunder the government of AMENEMHA III. (M\u0152RIS), and of his immediate\nsuccessors. These statements have in some measure a _historical_ value,\nas they decidedly confirm my supposition that the SEBEKHOTEPS followed\nimmediately after the 12th Dynasty, and they are in some measure\npeculiarly interesting for the geological history of the Nile valley;\nbecause they prove that the river, above 4000 years ago, rose more than\n24 feet higher than now, and thereby must have produced totally different\nconditions in the inundation and in the whole surface of the ground both\nabove and below this spot. Our examination of this remarkable locality,\nwith its temples and rock-inscriptions, occupied us twelve whole days.[51]\n\nOn the 29th July we went from Semneh to ABKE, and the following day\nvisited the old castle situated to the north of it, which is called el\nKenissa, the church, and formerly therefore probably contained one. From\nthe top of this castle we had the most magnificent prospect of the chief\ncataracts of the whole country. Three great falls could be distinguished\nfrom the smaller ones in the broad, rocky island valley, and the eye\npassed over several hundred islands, as far as the black mountain range\non the opposite bank. But towards the north the wide plain spread out,\nwhich extends from Wadi Halfa to Phil\u00e6. The succession of the different\nkinds of rock was most distinctly visible as we descended from the\nlast ridge of the rocks on the banks into the great plain, from which\nsome single cones of sandstone alone protruded, as if from the bed of\na primitive ocean. Here undoubtedly are the sources of the everlasting\nsand, which, driven by the northern wind among the primitive mountains,\nrendered our road to Semneh very difficult.\n\nOn the 1st of August we left WADI HALFA in three boats, and from\nthis point again sailed through a country with which we were already\nacquainted. The following morning we came to ABU SIMBEL, where we spent\nnine days, in order to become perfectly acquainted with the copious\nrepresentations on both the rock-temples. I long searched in vain for\nthe remarkable Greek inscription which Leake had found on one of the\nfour great Ramses Colossi, till I fortunately re-discovered it, buried\ntolerably deep, on the left leg of the second Colossus from the south.\nI was obliged to make a great excavation to obtain a perfect impression\nof it on paper. I see no reason why we should not take this antique\ninscription for what it states itself to be, namely, memoranda of the\nGreek mercenaries, who came hither with PSAMMETICUS I. in pursuit of the\nrebellious warriors. Beneath the other inscriptions on the Colossus, I\nalso found some Ph\u0153nician inscriptions.\n\nAfter we had visited from this point some other rock-monuments on the\nopposite bank at ABAHUDA and SCHATAUI, we quitted Abu Simbel on the 11th\nof July, and next halted on the right bank near IBR\u00ceM, ancient PRIMIS,\nthe name of which I have also found in hieroglyphics written P.R.M. Ibr\u00eem\nis situated on the left bank opposite AN\u00ceBE, near which we discovered,\nand made a drawing of, only one private tomb from the period of the 20th\nDynasty, but it was in good preservation. Thence we proceeded to DERR,\nwhere we got the largest despatch of letters we have yet received, so\nthat it was a real holiday for us. With these treasures we hastened past\nAMADA to this spot KORUSKO, whose delightful group of palms had won\nour hearts during our long, though involuntary, detention there last\nyear. We have fixed upon the present Sunday to celebrate with pleasant\nrecollections the happy termination of our southern journey. Our boats\nlie quietly beside the bank.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXVII.\n\n\n                                         _Phil\u00e6, the 1st September, 1844._\n\nI am only now able to finish my journal from Korusko, whence we set sail\non the evening of the 18th August for SEB\u00dbA.\n\nFrom this point, as far as Phil\u00e6, the valley is called WADI KEN\u00dbS, \u201cthe\nvalley of the BENI KENSI,\u201d a tribe of which we read much in the Arabic\naccounts. The upper valley of Korusko, as far as Wadi Halfa, is called\non all the maps WADI NUBA, a name which has indeed been already used by\nBurckhardt, but which must originate in some mistake. Neither our Nubian\nservant, Ahmed, a native of the district of Derr, nor the people who are\nsettled in the country, are acquainted with this name; and even Hassan\nKaschef, above seventy years of age, who governed the country before\nthe Egyptian conquest, could give no answers to my particular inquiries\nabout this name. They all agree in stating that the lower district has\nalways been called WADI KEN\u00dbS. Afterwards, near Korusko, follows the WADI\nEL ARAB, so called from the Arabs of the desert, who have encroached as\nfar as this spot; then WADI IBR\u00ceM; and lastly, WADI HALFA. But since\nthe conquest the official name for the whole province between the two\ncataracts is GISM HALFA, the province of Halfa.\n\nIn Korusko I found a Bisch\u00e2ri, by name ALI, whose animated and pleasant\ndeportment determined me at once to make him my instructor in this\nimportant language. He was quite satisfied with my invitation for him\nto accompany us, and now every moment that is at liberty is employed in\npreparing a grammar and vocabulary of this language. He comes from the\ninterior of the country, from Beled Ell\u00e2qi, which is eight days distant\nfrom the Nile, and twenty from the Red Sea, and gives a name to the\nremarkable Wadi Ell\u00e2qi, which extends, without interruption, through the\nvery midst of the extensive range of country between the Nile and the\nRed Sea. He calls the country of the Bisch\u00e2ri tribes EDBAI, and their\nlanguage, _Mid\u00e2b_ to _Beg\u00b4au\u00eee_, the Beg\u00b4a language, from which may be\ntraced its identity with the language of the mighty Beg\u00b4a nations, so\noften mentioned in the middle ages.\n\nFrom Korusko we next sailed to SEB\u00dbA, where we spent four days; then by\nDAKKEH (Pselchis) and KUB\u00c1N (Contra Pselchis) to GERF HUSS\u00caN, with its\nrock-temple dedicated by Ramses to Ptah. This place is frequently called\nby earlier travellers GIRSCHE, a confusion with the village situated on\nthe farther eastern bank, which is called by the Arabs QIRSCH, by the\nNubians KISCH or KISCHIGA, and which is situated near some considerable\nruins of an ancient city which bear the name of SABAG\u00dbRA. The 25th August\nwe spent in the temple of DEND\u00dbR, first built under the Roman dominion;\nand the following day in KALABSCHEH, the ancient TALMIS, whose temple\nlikewise contains only the Shields of C\u00e6sar (Augustus). Talmis was for\na long time a capital of the BLEMYES, whose inroads into Egypt gave the\nRomans plenty of employment. On one of the columns of the great outer\ncourt there is engraved the interesting inscription of Silco, who calls\nhimself a \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03af\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2 \u039d\u03bf\u03c5\u03b2\u03ac\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f45\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u0391\u1f30\u03b8\u03b9\u03cc\u03c0\u03c9\u03bd.[52] In it he boasts\nof his victories over the Blemyes, who I hold to be a branch of the\nMer\u00f6itic Ethiopians, the Bisch\u00e2ri of the present day. It seems that the\ndemotic Ethiopian inscriptions, one of which is remarkable by its length,\nand perhaps forms a counterpart to the Greek inscription of the Nubian\nKing, can only be ascribed to these Blemyes. I have discovered another\nvery late inscription on the wall to the back of the temple, but in such\nbarbarous Greek that it is almost inexplicable. I send it to B\u00f6ckh for\nhim to decipher.\n\nOn the 30th August we reached DEB\u00d4T, and the following day PHIL\u00c6, where\nwe immediately took possession of the enchanting temple-terrace, which,\nsince that time, has been our chief quarters, and will remain so for\nseveral weeks longer. The great temple-buildings, although the most\nancient of them date only as far back as NECTANEBUS, present an unusual\nnumber of hieroglyphic, demotic, and Greek inscriptions, and, to my\nsurprise, I have also found here a whole chamber in one of the pylones\nwhich contains nothing but ETHIOPIAN representations and inscriptions.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXVIII.\n\n\n                                     _Thebes, Qurna, 24th November, 1844._\n\nOn the 4th of November we reached this last great station of our journey,\nand feel that we have again reached much nearer home. We have selected a\ncharming castle on a rock for our residence here, which will certainly\nbe protracted for several months. It is situated on a hill called ABD EL\nQURNA, and is an ancient tomb enlarged by brick buildings, from which we\noverlook the whole Theban plain at one view. I should be afraid of being\nalmost oppressed by the overwhelming number of monuments, if the mighty\ncharacter of the ruins of this most royal city of all antiquity did not\nmaintain, and daily renew, our interest to the highest possible degree.\nWhile our investigations of the numerous temples, from the Ptolemaic\nand the Roman period, immediately preceding that, had in fact become\nalmost fatiguing, here, where the Homeric forms of the mighty Pharaohs\nof the 18th and 19th Dynasties stand out before me in their dignity and\nsplendour, I feel as fresh again as at the commencement of our journey.\n\nI first had excavations made in the renowned temple of Ramses Miamun,\nlying at our feet, which have led to unexpected results. Erbkam has\nsuperintended the work with the greatest care, and his ground plan which\nis now finished of this most beautiful building of the Pharaonic times,\ndescribed by Diodorus as the tomb of Osymandyas, is the first which can\nbe called perfect, as it no longer rests on arbitrary restorations,\nwhich are too long in the French descriptions and too short in those of\nWilkinson.\n\nI have also had excavations made in the rock-tomb of the same RAMSES in\nBab el Meluk, which was covered over with rubbish, and which Rosellini\nwas mistaken in thinking unfinished; several chambers have already\nbeen opened, and if fortune favours us we shall also still find the\nsarcophagus, not indeed unopened\u2014the Persians had already taken care of\nthat\u2014but perhaps less mutilated than others, as the tomb has been closed\nup by the river mud from very ancient times.\n\nOn our journey from Korusko hither, besides our antiquarian labours,\nI was engaged with the languages of the southern countries, still so\nlittle known. Amidst these, three may be selected as being the most\nwidely-distributed; the NUBA language, that of the Nuba or Berber nation;\nthe KUNGARA language, of the negroes of DAR F\u00dbR; and the BEGA language,\nthat of the BISCHAR\u00ceBAS inhabiting the eastern portion of the Sudan.\nI have prepared the grammar and vocabulary of all three, so fully,\nthat whenever they are published some notion of these languages may be\nobtained. The most important of them is the one last mentioned, because,\nboth with reference to its grammatical construction and by its position\nin the development of languages, it proves itself to be a very remarkable\nmember of the _Caucasian_ stock. It is spoken by the people, for which\nreason I think I can perceive that they were once the inhabitants of the\nflourishing city of Mer\u00f6e, and thus have a peculiar claim, to be called\nin a more exact sense the ETHIOPIAN people.\n\nIt has furthermore been proved, that nothing can be discovered of a\nprimitive Ethiopian civilisation, or indeed of an ancient Ethiopian\nnational civilisation, which is so much held up by modern erudition;\nindeed, we have every reason to deny this completely. Whatever in the\naccounts of the ancients does not rest on total misapprehension, only\nrefers to _Egyptian_ civilisation and art, which had fled in the time\nof the Hyksos rule to ETHIOPIA. The irruption of Egyptian power from\nEthiopia, at the foundation of the new Egyptian Monarchy, and its\nprogress even far into Asia, was mentioned in the Asiatic, and afterwards\nin the Greek traditions, as an event which was transferred from the\nEthiopian _country_ to the Ethiopian _nation_, for no knowledge of a\nstill older Egyptian Monarchy, and of its high but peaceful state of\ncivilisation, had penetrated to the northern nations. I have sent an\naccount of the results of our Ethiopian journey to the Academy, and in\nit I give a cursory survey of the history of Ethiopia from the first\nconquest of the country by Sesurtesen III. in the 12th Manethonic Dynasty\ndown to the most flourishing period of the Mer\u00f6itic Monarchy in the\nfirst centuries of our era, and then through the middle ages down to the\nBischar\u00eebas of the present day, whose Sheikhs we saw in chains marching\nover the ruins of what was once their capital, and passing in front of\nthe Pyramids of their ancient kings.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXIX.\n\n\n                                       _Thebes, Qurna, 8th January, 1845._\n\nA short time ago we received the joyful intelligence that our colossal\nRam and the other Ethiopian monuments had arrived safely in Alexandria.\nWe shall also bring away some valuable monuments from this spot, among\nthem a beautiful sarcophagus of fine white limestone, on parts of which\nare some painted inscriptions, which go back as far as the Old Monarchy\nin the first period of the increasing greatness of Thebes.[53]\n\nI have made another conquest to-day, which gives me double pleasure,\nas it was only effected with indescribable difficulty, and has brought\nout a monument in the most perfect preservation, which will hardly\nfind its equal in our museums. A sepulchral chamber with interesting\nrepresentations of kings of which we have made drawings, opens out of a\ndeep pit which was excavated a short time ago; from this a narrow passage\nleads still deeper into a second chamber, which is painted all over, just\nlike the other. The chambers are hewn out of an extremely friable rock,\nwhich loosens from the ceiling in large fragments at the slightest touch;\nthe rock-caves were therefore vaulted in a circular form, with Nile\nbricks, which were covered with stucco, and then painted. At the side of\nthe inner door, on the right hand, King AMENOPHIS I. is represented, and\non the left, his mother AAHMES-NUFRE-ARI, who even in later times was\nmuch worshipped. Both are about four feet high, painted on the stucco,\nand the colours preserved as fresh as possible. I was anxious to detach\nthese figures from the wall, which they entirely covered; but for this\npurpose I was compelled to break through the brick walls all round, and\nafterwards also to take out the bricks singly from behind the stucco\nwith the greatest care. This at length we have accomplished after great\nlabour. We have taken out the whole stucco, which is only the thickness\nof a finger, with the figures completely uninjured, and, placing it on\ntwo slabs composed of smooth boards covered with skins, linen, and paper,\nwe raised it from the narrow sepulchral cave, which is still half filled\nwith rubbish.\n\nWe have also, to my great delight, got a fresh supply for our plaster\ncasts. A short time ago 5 cwt. of plaster arrived, forwarded to us by\nM. Clot Bey, for which we had sent an order to France, and I have found\nan Arab here, and immediately taken him into my service, who has at\nleast sufficient knowledge to prepare the plaster and to make casts from\nbas-reliefs.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXX.\n\n\n                                        _Thebes, the 25th February, 1845._\n\nWe have now been inhabiting our Theban Acropolis, on the hill of Qurna,\nabove a quarter of a year, every one busily employed in his own way\nfrom morning to evening, in investigating, describing, and drawing the\nmost valuable monuments, taking paper impressions of the inscriptions,\nand in making plans of the buildings; we have not yet been able to\ncomplete the Libyan side alone, where there are at least twelve temples,\nfive-and-twenty tombs of kings, fifteen belonging to the royal wives or\ndaughters, and a countless number belonging to private persons, still to\nbe examined. The eastern side, with its six-and-twenty sanctuaries, in\na certain degree of preservation, will however demand no less time, and\nyet, more has been done by previous travellers and expeditions in Thebes\nitself, especially by the French-Tuscan expedition, than in any other\nspot, and we have everywhere only compared and completed their labours,\nand not repeated them. We are also far from imagining that we have now\nby any means exhausted the infinite number of monuments; whoever follows\nus with new information, and with the results of more advanced science,\nwill also find fresh treasures, and gain fresh instruction from the same\nmonuments. I have always had a historical aim in view, and this has\nespecially determined my selection of the monuments. Whenever I believed\nthat I had attained what was most essential for this end I was satisfied.\n\nThe river here divides the broad valley into two unequal halves. On the\nwest side it approaches close to the precipitous Libyan range, which\nthere projects; on the eastern side it bounds a wide fruitful plain,\nextending as far as Medam\u00f4t, a spot situated on the border of the Arabian\ndesert, several hours distant. On this side stood the actual town of\nTHEBES, which seems to have been chiefly grouped round the two great\ntemples of KARNAK and LUQSOR, situated above half an hour apart. Karnak\nlies more to the north, and farther removed from the Nile; Luqsor is now\nactually washed by the waves of the river, and may even formerly have\nbeen the harbour of the city. The west side of the river contained the\nnecropolis of Thebes, and all the temples which stood here referred more\nor less to the worship of the dead; indeed, all the inhabitants of this\npart, which was afterwards comprehended by the Greeks under the name\nof MEMNONIA, seem to have been principally occupied with the care of\nthe dead and their tombs. The former extent of the Memnonia may be now\ndistinguished by Qurna and Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu, places situated at the northern\nand southern extremities.\n\nA survey of the Theban monuments naturally begins with the ruins of\nKARNAK. Here stood the great royal temple of the hundred-gated Thebes,\nwhich was dedicated to Ammon-Ra, the King of the Gods, and to the\npeculiar local god of the city of Ammon, so called after him (No-Ammon,\nDiospolis). AP, along with the feminine article TAP, from which the\nGreeks made THEBE, was the name of one particular sanctuary of Ammon.\nIt is also often employed in hieroglyphics in the singular, or still\nmore frequently in the plural (Napu), as the name of the town; for\nwhich reason the Greeks naturally, without changing the article along\nwith it, generally used the plural \u0398\u1fc6\u03b2\u03b1\u03b9. The whole history of the\nEgyptian Monarchy, after the city of Ammon was raised to be one of the\ntwo royal residences in the land, is connected with this temple. All\nDynasties emulated in the glory of having contributed their share to the\nenlargement, embellishment, or restoration of this national sanctuary.\n\nIt was founded by their first king, the mighty SESURTESEN I., under the\n1st Theban Royal Dynasty, the 12th of Manetho, between 2600 and 2700\nB.C., and even now exhibits some ruins in the centre of the building\nfrom that period, bearing the name of this king. During the Dynasties\nimmediately succeeding, which for several centuries groaned under the\nyoke of the victorious hereditary enemy, this sanctuary no doubt was\nalso deserted, and nothing has been preserved which belonged to that\nperiod. But after the first king of the 17th Dynasty, Amosis, in the 17th\ncentury B.C., had succeeded in his first war against the Hyksos, his two\nsuccessors, AMENOPHIS I. and TUTHMOSIS I., built round the remains of the\nmost ancient sanctuary a magnificent temple, with a great many chambers\nround the cella, and with a broad court, and pylones appertaining to it,\nin front of which Tutmosis I. erected two obelisks. Two other pylones,\nwith contiguous court-walls, were built by the same king, at a right\nangle with the temple in the direction of Luqsor. Tutmosis III. and his\nsister enlarged this temple to the back by a hall resting on fifty-six\ncolumns, besides many other chambers, which surrounded it on three sides,\nand were encircled by one common outer wall. The succeeding kings partly\nclosed the temple more perfectly in front, partly built new independent\ntemples near it, and also placed two more large pylones towards the\nsouth-west, in front of those erected by Tuthmosis I., so that now four\nlofty pylones formed the magnificent entrance to the principal temple on\nthis side.\n\nBut a far more splendid enlargement of the temple was executed in the\nfifteenth and fourteenth centuries B.C. by the great Pharaohs of the\n19th Dynasty; for SETH\u00d4S I., the father of Ramses Miamun, added in the\noriginal axis of the temple the most magnificent hall of pillars that\nwas ever seen in Egypt or elsewhere. The stone roof, supported by 134\ncolumns, covers a space of 164 feet in depth, and 320 feet in breadth.\nEach of the twelve central columns is 36 feet in circumference, and 66\nfeet high beneath the architrave; the other columns, 40 feet high, are\n27 feet in circumference. It is impossible to describe the overwhelming\nimpression which is experienced upon entering for the first time into\nthis forest of columns, and wandering from one range into the other,\nbetween the lofty figures of gods and kings on every side represented\non them, projecting sometimes entirely, sometimes only in part. Every\nsurface is covered with various sculptures, now in relief, now sunk,\nwhich were, however, only completed under the successors of the builder;\nmost of them, indeed, by his son RAMSES MIAMUN. In front of this\nhypostyle hall was placed, at a later period, a great hyp\u00e6thral court,\n270 by 320 feet in extent, decorated on the sides only with colonnades,\nand entered by a magnificent pylon.\n\nThe principal part of the temple terminated here, comprising a length of\n1170 feet, not including the row of Sphinxes in front of its external\npylon, nor the peculiar sanctuary which was placed by Ramses Miamun\ndirectly beside the wall farthest back in the temple, and with the\nsame axis, but turned in such a manner that its entrance was on the\nopposite side. Including these enlargements, the entire length must have\namounted to nearly 2000 feet, reckoning to the most southern gate of the\nexternal wall, which surrounded the whole space, which was of nearly\nequal breadth. The later Dynasties, who now found the principal temples\ncompleted on all sides, but who also were desirous of contributing their\nshare to the embellishment of this centre of the Theban worship, began\npartly to erect separate small temples on the large level space which was\nsurrounded by the above-mentioned enclosure-wall, partly to extend these\ntemples also externally.\n\nThe head of the 20th Dynasty, RAMSES III., whose campaigns in Asia, in\nthe fifteenth century before Christ, were scarcely inferior to those of\nhis renowned ancestors, Seth\u00f4s I. and Ramses II., built a special temple,\nwith a court of columns and a hypostyle hall, above 200 feet long, which\nnow intersects, in a rather unsymmetrical manner, the enclosure-wall of\nthe external court in front; and he founded, at a little distance from\nit, a still larger sanctuary for the third person of the Theban Triad,\nChensu, the son of Ammon. This last was completed by the succeeding kings\nof his Dynasty, and the priest-kings of the 21st Dynasty, who added to\nit a magnificent court of columns, with a pylon in front. In the 22nd\nDynasty we recognise SCHESCHENK I., the warlike King Shishak of the\nBible, who, about 970 B.C., conquered Jerusalem. His Asiatic campaigns\nare celebrated on the southern external wall of the great temple, where,\nin the symbolic form of prisoners, he leads 140 vanquished towns and\ncountries before Ammon. Among their names there is one which, not without\nreason, is considered to be a designation for the kingdom of Jud\u00e6a, as\nwell as the names of several well-known towns in Palestine.\n\nThe two priests\u2019 Dynasties mentioned above, which followed immediately\nafter the Ramessides, were no longer of the Theban race, but proceeded\nfrom towns in Lower Egypt. The power of the Monarchy sank with this\nchange; and after the short 23rd Dynasty, from which period there are\nstill some remains in Karnak, a revolution seems to have occurred. The\npresent lists of authors name only _one_ king of the 24th Dynasty, who\nhas not yet been re-discovered on the Egyptian monuments. In his reign\nthe invasion of the Ethiopians occurred, who, from the 25th Dynasty,\nSCHABAK and TAHRAKA (the So and Tirhaka of the Bible), reigned in Egypt\nat the commencement of the seventh century B.C. These kings came, indeed,\nfrom Ethiopia, but governed completely in the Egyptian manner, and they\ndid not neglect to worship the Egyptian god-kings. Their names are found\non several smaller temples of Karnak, and on a splendid colonnade in the\ngreat court in front, which seems to have been first placed there by\nTahraka. According to historical accounts, this last king returned of\nhis own accord to Ethiopia, and left the Egyptian kingdom to its native\nrulers.\n\nThe dispossessed Saitic Dynasty now returned to the throne, and once\nmore, in the seventh and sixth centuries, developed all the splendour\nof which this country, as rich in internal resources as in external\npower, was capable of producing under a powerful and wise sceptre.\nIt opened for the first time a peaceful intercourse between foreign\ncountries and Egypt; Greeks settled amongst them, commerce flourished,\nand a new and enormous amount of wealth was accumulated, such as before\nhad only been attained by the spoils of war and tribute. But this was\nonly an artificial height of glory; for the pristine vigour of the\nnation had long been broken, and even art gave more signs of luxury\nthan of intrinsic value. The last flourishing period of the nation soon\npassed away. The country could not withstand the advancing storm of the\nPersians. In the year 525 it was conquered by CAMBYSES, and trodden\ndown with barbaric fanaticism. Many monuments were destroyed, and not a\nsingle sanctuary nor wall was erected during this period; nothing at\nleast has been preserved to our time, not even from the long and milder\ngovernment of DARIUS; one temple only in the Oasis of Kargeh, or at\nleast sculptures with his name, having been discovered from that period.\nUnder Darius II., exactly one hundred years after the commencement of\nthe Persian rule, Egypt became, indeed, once more independent, and we\nthen again find the names of the native kings in the temples of Karnak;\nbut after three Dynasties had succeeded each other in rapid succession,\nduring the space of sixty-four years, it fell a second time under the\ndominion of the Persians, who soon afterwards, in the year 332, lost\nit by the conquest of Alexander of Macedon. Since then the country was\nreduced to the necessity of getting habituated to foreign rulers, it had\nlost its independence for ever, and passed from one hand to another, the\nsucceeding ruler always worse than the preceding, down to the present day.\n\nUnder the Macedonians and Greeks, Egypt still possessed sufficient vigour\nto retain its religion and institutions in the manner that had been\ncarried down from ancient times. The foreign princes in all respects took\nthe place, and followed in the footsteps of the ancient Pharaohs. Karnak\nbears testimony to this. We here find the names of ALEXANDER and PHILIP\nARID\u00c6US, who preceded the Ptolemies in restoring that which had been\ndestroyed by the Persians. Alexander rebuilt the sanctuary behind the\ngreat temple; Philip that to the front; the Ptolemies added sculptures to\nit\u2014restored other parts, and even erected entirely new sanctuaries, at\nno inconsiderable expense, though no longer, indeed, on the grand scale\nof the Egyptian classic style of the olden times. Even the last epoch\nof declining Egypt, that of the Roman dominion, is still represented in\nKarnak by a series of representations which were executed under C\u00c6SAR\nAUGUSTUS.\n\nThus this remarkable spot, which, in the course of twenty-five hundred\nyears, had increased from the small sanctuary in the centre of the\nlarge temple to a complete city of temples, situated on a level space\na quarter of a geographical mile in length, and above 2000 feet in\nbreadth, presents both an almost uninterrupted thread of events, and an\ninteresting scale of measurement for the history of the whole of the\nNew Egyptian Monarchy, from its origin in the Old Monarchy down to its\ndecline under the Roman dominion. The appearance or non-appearance of the\nDynasties and individual kings in Egyptian history is almost uniform with\nthe representation of them in and round the temple of Karnak.\n\nHigher up the river than Karnak, where the stream, which has been divided\nby the fertile island of Ged\u00eedeh, reunites, rises even now to view a\nsecond bright point of the ancient city, the temple of LUQSOR. One of\nthe most powerful Pharaohs of the 18th Dynasty, AMENOPHIS III., who had\nonly built a side temple in Karnak, and had added but very little to the\nprincipal temple, here erected a so much the more splendid sanctuary to\nAmmon, which the great Ramses enlarged still more by a second magnificent\ncourt in front, in the direction of Karnak. For, although a good half\nhour distant from it, this temple must also be regarded as belonging to\nthe space dedicated, from ancient times, to the great national sanctuary.\nThis is proved by a circumstance which otherwise would be difficult to\nexplain: that the temple, though situated close to the bank, has its\nentrance, contrary to custom, away from the river, and directed towards\nKarnak, with which it was, besides, immediately connected by colonnades,\nseries of rams, and artificially-constructed roads.\n\nThe ruins on the eastern bank terminate with Luqsor. The monuments of\n_western_ Thebes offer still greater variety, as here the subterranean\ndwellings and palaces of the dead are added to those above ground. At\none time an uninterrupted series of the most splendid temples extended\nfrom Qurna as far as Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu, which nearly occupied the whole of the\nnarrow strip of desert between the cultivated land watered by the Nile\nand the foot of the mountain range. The immense field of the dead spreads\nout immediately behind these temples, where the sepulchral caves, like\nthe cells of bees, close beside each other, are either dug in the rock of\nthe plain, or hewn in the adjacent hills.\n\nQurna is situated on the angle of the Lybian range, projecting farther\nforward towards the river. As the mountains here suddenly retreat\ntowards the west, they form a great mountain cauldron, the front part\nof which, where it is separated by low hills from the valley, is called\nEL ASASIF. Behind, it is closed in by lofty, steep escarpments of rock,\nwhich display their beautiful stone to the mid-day and morning sun.\nThese precipitous declivities of the limestone range, which, owing to\ntheir solid and uniform texture, are particularly adapted for the finest\nsculptures of the rock-tombs, seem to have been produced by the gradual\nremoval of a bed of clay beneath them, from the wearing effects of\nexposure to the weather, and thus the overhanging masses are deprived of\ntheir foundation.\n\nIn this rock-creek are situated the _most ancient_ tombs, and they belong\nto the Old Monarchy. Their entrances may be seen from a distance, high up\nin the rocks lying to the north, exactly beneath the vertical precipice\nwhich rises from the steep hills of rubbish to the summit of the mountain\nridge. Their external site, and the road up, bounded by low stone walls\nleading to the entrances in a steep and straight line of several hundred\nfeet from the valley, reminded me directly of the tombs of Benihassan,\nwhich belong to the same period. They date from between 2500 and 3000\nB.C., under the kings of the 11th and 12th Manethonic Dynasties, the\nfirst of which laid the foundation of the mighty power of Thebes, and\nmade the town the seat of the government they had rendered independent of\nMemphis; the second elevated it to be the capital of the Monarchy of the\nwhole country.\n\nThese grottoes, of which there are some of a similar age in the adjacent\nhills in the foreground, generally descend, in an oblique angle, deep\ninto the rock, but they have neither paintings nor inscriptions; it was\nonly the stone sarcophagi on which peculiar diligence was bestowed. These\nare usually formed of the finest limestone, and are sometimes above\nnine feet long; they have inscriptions, and are decorated with colours,\nboth internally and externally, in the elaborate and pure style of that\nperiod, very elegantly, though with a certain degree of parsimony. We\nare bringing away with us one of these sarcophagi, as I mentioned once\nbefore. A few days ago it was safely carried down into the plain, after\nthe pit, which had long been completely filled with rubbish, had been\ncleared, and part of the solid rock itself had been cut through, to\nobtain a shorter exit for it. The occupant of the tomb was the son of\na prince, and himself bore the dynastic appellation of the 11th Royal\nDynasty, namely, NENTEF.\n\nIn the outermost angle of this rock-cove is situated the most ancient\ntemple-building of Western Thebes, which belongs to the period of the\nNew Egyptian Monarchy, at the commencement of its glory. One street,\nabove 1600 feet long, adorned on either side with colossal rams and\nsphinxes, led from the valley in a straight line to an outer court, then,\nby means of a flight of steps to another, whose front wall was adorned\nwith sculpture, and had a colonnade before it, and finally, beyond, by a\nsecond flight of steps to a granite gate in good preservation, and to the\nlast temple court, which was surrounded on both sides with beautifully\ndecorated halls and chambers, and terminated behind with a broad fa\u00e7ade,\nplaced along the precipitous rock. Another granite gate, in the centre\nof this fa\u00e7ade, leads at length to the innermost temple-chamber, which\nwas hewn into the rock, and had a lofty, stone-vaulted roof, out of\nwhich again opened several smaller niches and chambers, at the sides\nand the back. All these chambers were covered with the most beautiful\nsculptures, with variegated colours on a grey ground, executed in the\nfinished style of that period. This grand structure, beside which stood\nother series of buildings, now destroyed, seems to have been originally\nconnected with the river, by a street intersecting the whole valley, and\nbeyond, with the great temple of Karnak, which lies exactly in the same\ndirection; I have no doubt that it was with this object that the narrow\nrock-gate was first artificially cut through the hills in front, across\nwhich the temple-street enters into the lower plain. It was a Queen, NUMT\nAMEN, the elder sister of Tuthmosis III., who accomplished this bold\nplan of a structural connection between the two sides of the valley, the\nsame who had erected the two greatest obelisks in front of the temple\nof Karnak. She never appears on her monuments as a woman, but in male\nattire; we only find out her sex by the inscriptions. No doubt at that\nperiod it was illegal for a woman to govern; for that reason, also, her\nbrother, probably still a minor, appears at a later period as ruler along\nwith her. After her death, her Shields were everywhere converted into\nTuthmosis Shields, the feminine forms of speech in the inscription were\nchanged, and her names were never adopted in the later lists along with\nthe legitimate kings.\n\nThere are two peculiar temples, both erected on the border of the desert\nby TUTHMOSIS III., who completed the work of his royal sister during the\nlong period that he sat alone upon the throne. Of these, the northern one\ncan now only be recognised by its ground plan, and by the remains of its\nbrick pylon; the southern one, on the other hand, at Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu, is\nstill in good preservation; and judging by some sculptures, the oldest\npart of the building might perhaps have belonged to an earlier Tuthmosis,\nand have only been completed by him. His second successor, TUTHMOSIS IV.,\nalso built a temple, which has now almost disappeared.\n\nHe was followed by AMENOPHIS III., in whose brilliant and long reign the\ntemple of Luqsor was built. To him are inscribed the two giant Colossi,\nfar out in the fertile plain, near Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu, which once stood at the\ngates of a great temple-building, but whose remains are now for the most\npart buried beneath the crops of the annually accumulating soil of the\nvalley. Perhaps, also, a connecting street, corresponding with that to\nthe north, once led from this point across the valley to Luqsor, on the\nopposite side. Of the two Colossi, the one situated to the north-east was\nthe celebrated sounding statue, which the Greeks connected with their\ncharming legend of the beautiful Memnon, who every morning at sunrise\ngreeted his mother, Aurora, while she moistened him with her tears of\ndew for his early heroic death. This myth, as Letronne has shown, was\nonly composed at a late period; because the actual phenomenon of clear\ntremulous tones produced by the springing of small particles of the\nstone when it became rapidly warm after being cooled during the night,\ndid not become strikingly evident till fragments of the statue had\npartly fallen inwards upon itself, having been previously split by an\nearthquake which happened in the year B.C. 27. The phenomenon of cracking\nand sounding stones in the desert and among great fields of ruins, is\nnot unfrequent in Egypt; but the nature of the hard flinty conglomerate\nof which this statue is composed, is peculiarly favourable to it, as is\nfurther proved by the innumerable large and small cracks now penetrating\nin all directions portions of the statue, which were described even as\nlate as the Greek period, and consequently were then uninjured. It is\nalso remarkable how, even now, several of the pieces that have split\noff, and are only hanging loose, sound as clear as metal if they are\nstruck, while others beside them remain perfectly dumb and without\nsound, according as they are more or less moistened by their reciprocal\npositions. The numerous Greek and Roman inscriptions which are engraved\nupon the statue, and which intimate the visits of strangers, especially\nif they have been so fortunate as to hear the morning greeting, first\ncommence in the time of Nero, and extend down to the time of Septimius\nSeverus, from which period we may probably date the restoration of the\noriginal monolithic statue. Since this restoration of the upper portion\nin single blocks, the phenomenon of the sounding stones seems, if not to\nhave entirely ceased, yet to have become less frequent and less striking.\nThe change of Amenophis (who even then, as the inscriptions inform us,\nwas not forgotten) into Memnon was probably chiefly occasioned by the\nname of this entire western portion of Thebes, MEMNONIA, which the Greeks\nseem to have explained by the \u201cpalaces of Memnon,\u201d while the name in\nhieroglyphics, _Mennu_, meant, speaking generally, \u201csplendid buildings,\npalaces.\u201d At the present day the statues are called by the Arabs Schama\nand Tama, or, both together, the Sanam\u00e2t, _i. e._ the \u201cidols\u201d (not\nSalam\u00e2t).[54]\n\nWhen we came here in the beginning of November, the whole plain, as far\nas the eye could reach, was overflowed, and formed one entire sea, from\nwhich the Sanam\u00e2t rose up still more strangely and more solitary than\nfrom the green but yet accessible corn-fields. A few days ago I measured\nthe Colossi and the elevation to which the soil of the Nile had risen\nupon their thrones. The height of the Memnon statue, calculated from head\nto foot, not including the tall ornament on the head which it once bore,\namounted to about 14 metres 28\u2032, or 45 feet and a half, in addition to\nwhich the base separated from it, a block by itself, measured 4 metres\n25\u2032, or 13\u2032 7\u2033, of which 3 feet were covered by steps placed round. Thus\nthe statues were originally nearly 60 feet in height, including the\nPschent, perhaps 70 feet above the ground on which the temple stood.\nNow the surface of the valley is already 8 feet above that level, and\nthe inundation sometimes rises as far as the upper edge of the base,\ntherefore 14 feet higher than it could ever have risen, at the period of\ntheir erection, without reaching the temple itself. Now, if we compare\nthis fact with our discovery at Semneh, where the surface of the Nile\nduring historical times has sunk above 23 feet, it is proved, by simple\naddition, that the Nile at the Cataracts fell from a greater height by at\nleast 37 feet between this and Semneh than it does at present.[55]\n\nHorus, the last King of that great 18th Dynasty, had also erected a\ntemple near Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu, which has now, however, disappeared in rubbish.\nThe fragment of a colossal statue of the King, of hard limestone,\nalmost like marble, seems to point out the position of what was once\nthe entrance to the temple, the bust carved in the most finished style,\nweighing several hundred-weight, is intended for our Museum.\n\nA large portion of two temples still exist from the succeeding Dynasty;\nthey were built by the two greatest and most renowned of all the\nPharaohs\u2014SETH\u00d4S I. and his son RAMSES II. The temple belonging to the\nfirst is the most northern in the series, and is usually called the\ntemple of QURNA, because the old village of Qurna was grouped round a\nCoptic church at this spot, and was principally situated in the interior\nof the great outer courts of the temple, but which was afterwards\ndeserted by the inhabitants, and exchanged for the rock-tombs in the\nangle of the mountain situated very near at hand.\n\nFarther towards the south, between the temples of TUTHMOSIS III. and\nIV., now totally destroyed, stands the temple of RAMSES II. (MIAMUN),\nin its structural arrangement, and in all its parts, perhaps the most\nbeautiful in Egypt, though inferior in grandeur of scale, and in variety\nof interest, to the temple of Karnak. That portion of the temple to the\nback as well as the lateral halls, belonging to the hypostyle hall, have\ndisappeared, and their original plan could only be explained by the aid\nof careful, protracted excavations, under the direction of Erbkam. All\nround this destroyed portion of the temple the extensive brick halls\nare visible, which are everywhere covered with regular and neatly-built\nwaggon-vaulted roofs, some of them 12 feet wide, which belong to the\nperiod of the erection of the temple itself. This is indisputably proved\nby the stamps, which were impressed on every brick in the royal factory,\nand which contain the Name-Shields of King Ramses. That this temple, even\nin ancient times, attracted much notice, we learn from the particular\ndescription of it, under the name of the TOMB OF OSYMANDYAS, given by\nDiodorus Siculus, according to Hecataeus.\n\nDirectly to the right of the temple, one of the few industrious Fellahs\nhas laid out a small vegetable garden, which affords us some variety for\nour table, and for that reason, yielding to the intercessions of our\ngood-natured dark-skinned gardener, as was but just, it was spared in our\nexcavations, which threatened to extend towards that side, although it is\nover the foundations of a side temple hitherto unnoticed, whose entrance\nI found opening into the outer court of the temple of Ramses.\n\nThe southernmost, and best preserved of all the splendid buildings in\nthe long series, is situated in the midst of the ruins of the houses of\nMED\u00ceNET H\u00c2BU, a Coptic town, now totally forsaken, but once of no small\nimportance. It was founded by RAMSES III., the first King of the 20th\nDynasty, the rich Rhampsinitus of Herodotus, in the thirteenth century\nbefore Christ, and on its walls extols the great campaigns of this King,\nby land and by sea, which might rival those of the great Ramses. In the\ninterior of the second outer court a great church was built by the Copts,\nthe monolithic granite columns of which are still scattered about. The\nchambers to the back are for the most part in a heap of rubbish. But the\nfar projecting sort of pylon building, in front of the temple, is of\npeculiar interest; it contained the private apartments of the King, in\nfour stories, placed one above the other. The Prince is represented on\nthe walls, in the midst of his family, conversing with his daughters, who\nare recognised to be Princesses by the side-plait of their hair; he is\nplaying at drafts, and receiving fruits and flowers from them.\n\nThis building terminates the series of large splendid temples known\nunder the peculiar appellation of MEMNONIA. They comprise the really\nflourishing period of the New Monarchy, for after Ramses III., the\nexternal power, as well as the internal greatness of the Monarchy again\ndeclined. It is only from this, and the immediately succeeding period,\nthat we find the tombs of the Kings in the rock-valleys of the mountain\nrange.\n\nThe entrance to these is situated on the farther side of the promontory\nof Qurna. The escarpments of the rock there rise rugged and barren on\neither side, rounding off above to bare summits, and their golden brows\nare partly covered with coal black stones, as if they had been burnt\nby the sun. The peculiarly solemn and gloomy character of this country\nalways struck me most vividly when I was riding back after sunset over\nthe endless heaps of stony rubbish covering the bottom of the valley\nto a considerable height, and only furrowed by broad chasms, formed in\nthe course of thousands of years, by sudden torrents of rain, which,\nthough of rare occurrence, are not entirely unknown, as we ourselves have\nwitnessed. All is mute and dead around; the rapid tramps of my little ass\nbeing only interrupted occasionally by the dull barks of the jackals, or\nthe gloomy hooting of the night-owls.\n\nAfter long windings, which lead by circuitous paths almost immediately\nbehind the lofty mountain sides of the Asasif valley described above, the\nvalley divides into two branches, the one on the right hand conducting\nto the most ancient of those tombs. Only two of these are opened, both\nbelonging to the 18th Dynasty: the one dedicated to AMENOPHIS III.,\nthe Memnon of the Greeks, the other to a rival King AI, coming very\nsoon after him, who was not admitted into the monumental lists of the\nlegitimate kings.[56]\n\nThe last is situated at the extreme end of the slowly-ascending cleft in\nthe rock; the granite sarcophagus of the King, in the small sepulchral\nchamber, has been destroyed, and his name is everywhere studiously\nerased, with the exception of a few traces on the walls, as well as\nupon the sarcophagus. The other lies farther forward in the valley,\nis of greater extent, and covered with beautiful sculptures, though,\nalas! much mutilated by time and human hands. Besides these two tombs,\nthere are several more here incomplete, without sculptures; others, no\ndoubt, are concealed beneath the high mounds of rubbish, which to clear\naway would have occupied more of our time and means than, after mature\nconsideration, we thought right to bestow on it. In one place where I\nmade them dig, following tolerably certain signs, we found, indeed, about\nten feet beneath the rubbish, a door and chamber, but these also without\nsculpture. Some remains of earthen vases were, however, brought to light\nat the same time, which contained the name of a king hitherto unknown.\n\nThe left branch of the principal valley, which contains the tombs of\nalmost all the Kings of the 19th and 20th Dynasties, seems to have been\noriginally closed by an elevation of the bottom of the valley, and to\nhave been first opened artificially, by a paved ascent to the spot.\n\nHere we find pits with wide openings not far above the bottom of the\nvalley, on the descending slope of the mountain, which pass downwards at\na somewhat oblique angle. Where the overhanging rock has a perpendicular\nheight of 12 to 15 feet, the sharply-carved door-posts of the first\nentrance appear, which was once provided with one or two great\nfolding-doors to close it. There also the painted sculptures generally\ncommence, which, on suddenly approaching, strike one by the wonderful\ncontrast between their sharp lines, brilliant surfaces, and fresh vivid\ncolours, and the jagged rock and rugged rolled stones scattered around,\namong which they are placed. Long corridors of imposing height and width\nnow lead always deeper into the rocky mountain range; the sculptures\non the sides, and the ceiling also, continue in single subdivisions,\nwhich are formed by the contraction of the passages and by additional\ndoors. The King is represented worshipping before different gods, and\ndirects his prayers and justifications for his earthly life to them; the\npeaceful occupations of the justified spirits are represented on one\nside, the punishments of Hell for the wicked on the other; the Goddess\nof Heaven is represented extended lengthways on the ceiling, as well\nas the hours of the day and night, with their influences on mankind,\nand their astrological signification, all accompanied by explanatory\ninscriptions. Lastly, we arrive at a great vaulted hall of pillars, whose\nwalls generally exhibit the representations on a golden yellow ground,\nfor which reason it also bore the name of the Golden Hall. This was\nintended for the royal sarcophagus, which stood in the centre, and was\nfrom six to ten feet high. But often if the King, after the completion of\nthe tomb, in its first and most necessary extent, felt his vigour still\nunimpaired, and promised himself a prolonged life, the central passage\nof this hall of pillars was cut out in a still more steep descent, for\nthe commencement of a new hall; new corridors and lateral chambers were\nattached, sometimes they deviated from the first direction into another,\ntill the King, for the second time, fixed upon a goal, and terminated the\nbuilding with a second hall of pillars, almost more spacious and splendid\nthan the first; smaller chambers on both sides were then added to this,\nif the time still allowed, destined for particular sacrifices for the\ndead, till at length the last hour struck, and the royal corpse, having\nundergone the process of embalming for seventy days, was entombed in the\nsarcophagus. It was then closed up, in such an artificial manner that\nthe colossal granite tomb, as the cover could not be raised, was always\nobliged to be destroyed by the plunderers of the corpses, who, at a\nlater period, penetrated into every spot.\n\nThe tombs of the PRINCESSES also, which are collected together in a\nsmaller valley behind Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu, at the southern end of the Memnonia,\nbelong exclusively to the period from the 18th to the 20th Dynasties,\nas well as the most important of the innumerable tombs of private\nindividuals, which extend over hill and valley, from beyond Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu\nto the entrance of the King\u2019s valley. The priests of rank, and the great\nofficers, liked to have represented on the walls of their tombs their\nwhole wealth in horses and carriages, herds, boats, and implements, as\nwell as their hunting-ground and fish-ponds, their gardens and hall, for\ncompany, even the artists and artisans they employed, actively engaged\nin various ways; all this renders these tombs much more interesting than\nthose of the Kings, where the representations almost exclusively refer to\nthe life after death.\n\nAmong the later monuments, the tombs from the 26th Dynasty of the seventh\nand sixth centuries before Christ are especially worthy of notice. The\ngreatest proportion of these are dug in the flat ground, in the front\npart of the rocky creek between Qurna and the hill of Abd el Qurna, where\nwe reside, and they are called specially EL ASASIF. The rocky plain alone\nafforded room at that time for sepulchral buildings of any considerable\nsize, and was therefore employed for that purpose on a vast scale.\nEven in the distance a number of lofty gates and walls built of black\nbricks are seen. These enclosed great sunken courts within an oblong,\nto which the entrance led by immense arched pylon gates, resembling at\na little distance Roman triumphal arches. Stepping through this within\nthe enclosure wall, we look directly into a court cut 12 or 15 feet deep\ninto the rock, into which we descended by a staircase. This uncovered\ncourt belongs to the largest sepulchral building now accessible; it was\nbuilt for a royal scribe, Petamenap; is 100 feet long, and 74 broad.\nFrom this we stepped through an outer hall into a great rock-chamber,\nhaving an extent of from 65 to 52 feet, supported by two rows of pillars,\nwith some lateral chambers and corridors on either side; then through\nan arched entrance into a second hall, from 52 to 36 feet large, with\neight pillars; and into a third, 31 feet both ways, with four pillars;\nand lastly, into a chamber from 20 to 12 feet large, terminating with a\nniche. From this chamber, at the head of the first series of rooms, a\ndoor on the left hand leads into an immense chamber; and on the right,\nanother to a continuous series of six corridors, with two staircases of\nnine to twenty-three steps, and a chamber in which a perpendicular pit,\n44 feet deep, led at the bottom to a small lateral chamber. This second\nrange of chambers and passages which run at right angles with the first,\namounted in its whole length to 172 feet, while the first, including the\nexternal court, amounted to 311 feet. Finally, from the chamber with the\nwell, a corridor turns off again to the right, which leads to a diagonal\nchamber, extending altogether 58 feet in this third direction. But before\narriving at the two staircases in the second range, a fourth line of\npassages again opened to the right, running on 122 feet in one and the\nsame direction, to which, on the left hand, is attached a great passage\nrunning round in a square 60 feet long on every side, along with other\nlateral chambers; the central part of which is decorated on its four\nsides like a huge sarcophagus. The sarcophagus of the deceased rests\nalso, in fact, in the centre beneath the great square, which, however,\ncan only be reached by means of a vertical pit 18 feet deep, opening into\na fourth range, which conducts to a horizontal passage 58 feet long;\nthen to a third pit, through this to more chambers; and lastly, through\nthe ceiling of the last to a chamber placed above it, which contains\nthe sarcophagus, and which is situated exactly beneath the centre of\nthe above-mentioned square. The whole of the ground covered by this\ntomb, that of a private individual, amounts accordingly to 21,600 square\nfeet, and calculated with the pit chambers, to 23,148 square feet.[57]\nThis enormous work appears still more colossal if we consider that all\nthe surface of the walls, the pillars, and the doors are covered from\nabove downwards with innumerable representations and inscriptions, which\nastonish us still more by the care, sharpness, and elegance with which\nthey are executed.\n\nThe few remains which are found from the period of the later foreign\ndominion are far less important. We can only mention two small temples\nnear Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu among those erected under the Ptolemies, and a third\nat the end of the great Lake circumvallation, which extends from Med\u00eenet\nH\u00e2bu towards the south. The oldest sculptures in this last are from\nthe time of C\u00c6SAR AUGUSTUS, yet the Cella, now the only part in good\npreservation, was built by Antoninus Pius. The outermost gate of the\ntemple district contains the only representations found in Egypt of the\nEmperor OTHO, the discovery of which was once a most joyful event to\nChampollion and Rosellini. They had, however, overlooked the circumstance\nthat on the opposite side the name of the Emperor GALBA, hitherto equally\nunknown in Egypt, was also to be found.\n\nEven in Strabo\u2019s time ancient Thebes had crumbled into several villages,\nand Germanicus visited it, as we are doing, from a thirst for knowledge,\nand with reverence for the great antiquity of its monuments, _cognoscend\u00e6\nantiquitatis_, as Tacitus informs us. The latest hieroglyphic imperial\nname that I have found in all Egypt, is that of DECIUS (A.D. 250); it\nappears in a representation on the temple of Esneh. A hundred years later\nthe holy ATHANASIUS retires to the Theban desert among the Christian\nhermits there resident. The edict of THEODOSIUS against Paganism (391)\ndivested the Egyptian temples of their last authority, and greatly\nfavoured the development of monkish and recluse habits, to which Egyptian\nChristianity was always peculiarly inclined.\n\nAfter that period numerous churches and convents spring up throughout\nthe country, even in the upper districts of the Nile; and the sepulchral\ncaves of the desert become troglodytic habitations for an ascetic hermit\npopulation. The Thebaic necropolis, above all other places, presented\nthe greatest variety of means to satisfy these new wants. Both the\nkings\u2019 tombs, as well as the tombs of private individuals, were very\nmuch employed for Christian cells, and still bear traces on their walls\nof this new purpose to which they were applied. A letter of the holy\nAthanasius, the archbishop of Alexandria, to the orthodox monks of\nThebes, still exists in a tomb at Qurna, in beautiful untial characters\non the white stucco, but unfortunately in a very fragmentary condition.\nIt was a favourite practice to convert ancient temples into Coptic\nchurches or convents.\n\nThe largest church seems to have been erected in the temple of Med\u00eenet\nH\u00e2bu (town of H\u00e2bu). Monolithic granite columns of considerable size\nstill cover the ground in great numbers, in the second outer court at\nthis spot; in order to obtain room for the niches in the choir, an\nancient Egyptian pillar was taken away on the northern side, and a\nseries of doors from the chambers which were arranged for the priests\u2019\ncells were broken through the external wall of the temple to the back.\nThe convent appertaining to it, called the DER EL MED\u00ceNET\u2014\u201cbelonging to\na town\u201d\u2014was placed in the Ptolemaic temple behind the hill of Qurnet\nMurr\u00e2i, situated close at hand. Another church stood in the temple of\nOld Qurna, and the convent of DER EL BACH\u00ceT, situated on the heights of\nQurna, probably belonged to it. The ruins of a third convent occupy the\nchambers of the temple of the Queen Numtamen, in the angle of the Asasif\nvalley, and bear the name of DER EL BAHRI, the northern convent.\n\nSuch transformations of the ancient magnificent buildings were partly\nagainst, and partly in favour of, their preservation. Single walls were\nfrequently demolished, or broken through, to enable them to make new\narrangements; upon others the heathen images were destroyed to obtain\nbare walls, or at least, the human figures and even those of animals\nin the inscriptions, especially the heads, were studiously picked out,\nand mutilated, as high up as the loftiest ceilings. Not unfrequently,\nhowever, the same zealous, pious hands also served to preserve the\nancient splendour in a most successful manner, for sometimes, instead of\nlaboriously destroying the representations with a hammer, they preferred\ncovering them over from the top to the bottom with Nile mud, which had\ngenerally afterwards an additional white coating, in order to receive the\nChristian paintings. In time this Coptic loam again fell off, and the\nancient paintings came out once more, with a brilliancy and surprising\nfreshness, which they could hardly have retained on uncovered walls,\nexposed to the air and sun. In the niche of an ancient cella I found St.\nPeter, in the ancient Byzantine style, holding the key, and raising his\nfinger, but beneath the half-decayed Christian casing, the cow\u2019s horns\nof the goddess Hathor, the Egyptian Venus, peeped forth from behind the\nglory; to her, originally was given the incense and sacrifice of the\nking who is standing by her side, which now are offered to the venerable\napostle. I have often with my own hands assisted time in the work of\nrestoration, and still further loosened the stucco, which is generally\ncovered over with totally uninteresting Coptic paintings, that I might\nrestore the splendid sculptures of the Egyptian gods and kings concealed\nbeneath them once more to their older and greater claims on our attention.\n\nA great part of the population of Thebes on both sides of the Nile is\nstill Coptic; our Christian cook Siri\u00e2n was born here, and a Coptic\nwoman of good means, Mustaf\u00eeeh, who lives at a short distance from us,\nsupplies us daily with excellent wheaten bread. For a long time past,\nhowever, the Arabic Mohammedan population has gained the upper hand here,\nas throughout the country, and the Copts can only oppose this by the\ninfluence derived from ancient days, by their knowledge of arithmetic,\nand their privilege of filling the most important financial offices in\nthe country.\n\nThe small church in which the Theban Christians are now in the habit of\nassembling every Sunday, is situated alone in the great gravelly plain\nto the south of Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu. It has an Arabic cupola, and is surrounded\nby the wall of a court. I entered it a few days ago from noticing that\nthe black turbans, which are only worn by Copts, were proceeding in\ngreater numbers than usual to the chapel. It was the feast of the holy\nDonadeos, who had founded the church. The service was over. I only found\nthe old priest, who inhabits and takes charge of the church, inside with\nhis numerous family. The compartments were covered with mats; I was\nshown the division for the men and women, the small chapels decorated\nwith variegated carved work attached to it, the square cistern for\nbaptisms and holy water. A large old Coptic book still lay open on the\nreading-desk, with extracts from the Psalms and Gospels, and an Arabic\ntranslation beside it. I asked the old man whether he could read Coptic;\nhe answered in the affirmative, but thought that his children could read\nbetter than himself; his eyes had already become feeble. I sat myself\ndown upon the mat, and the whole troop of great and small yellow-brown\nchildren and grandchildren of the old priest squatted down around me.\nI asked the eldest lad to read a little, and he immediately began not\nto read, but to sing with the greatest fluency\u2014that is to say, to chant\nin rough grumbling tones. I interrupted him, and asked him now to read\nslowly in his usual voice; he did it with far greater difficulty, and\nwith many mistakes, which his younger brother sometimes corrected over\nhis shoulder; but when I went so far as to inquire the meaning of the\nindividual words, he pointed coolly to the Arabic translation, and\nthought it was explained there, and wanted to read this aloud to me;\nhe could tell me nothing as to the single words, not even about the\nvalue of the single letters over the paragraphs, nor, indeed, could the\nold man have done that at any time. Afterwards I made them show me the\nother treasures in the way of books belonging to the church, which were\nimmediately brought in a great cloth tied together at the four corners,\ncontaining some prayer-books very much worn, some of them in Coptic,\nsome in Arabic. I left a small present behind for the good of the church,\nand had rode on a little farther, when one of the boys overtook me,\nbringing me breathless a small consecrated kind of biscuit cake, stamped\nwith a Coptic cross and a Greek inscription, which gift I was obliged to\nrepay by a second bakschisch. These are the Epigoni, the most genuine,\nunmixed descendants of the old Pharaonic nation that once conquered Asia\nand Ethiopia, and led its prisoners from the north and south into the\ngreat hall of Karnak before Ammon; in whose wisdom Moses was educated,\nand with whose priesthood the Greek sages went to school.\n\n_O Aegypte, Aegypte! religionum tuarum sol\u00e6 supererunt fabul\u00e6, \u00e6que\nincredibiles posteris; solaque supererunt verba lapidibus incisa tua\npia facta narrantibus, et inhabitabit Aegyptum, Scythes, aut Indus, aut\naliquis talis, id est vicina barbaria._[58]\n\nWe now know the meaning of this _aliquis_ which Hermes Trismegistus then\nknew not how to explain; it is the Turks, who at present dwell in the\nfields of Osiris.\n\nAt the foot of our hill, in the direction of the green plain, stands\na single group of Sont-trees, which overshadow a pleasant reservoir\nnicely lined with stones; here the sheep and goats are daily brought\nto water, and every evening and morning the dark girls and veiled\nwomen descend from their rock-caves, returning afterwards with a slow\nstep, their tall water-jugs on their heads; a lovely picture from the\npatriarchal times. But close to where the refreshing element is found\nthere is a bare white spot in the middle of the fertile plain: on this,\ntwo lime-kilns are erected, in which, as often as they are wanted, the\nvery best blocks of the ancient temples and rock-grottoes, with their\nimages and inscriptions, are pounded and burnt into lime, that they\nmay again cement together other blocks, which are extracted from these\nconvenient and inexhaustible stone-quarries, for some cattle-stall or\nother structure for government purposes.\n\nThe same day that I visited the Coptic church, I was desirous of riding\nfrom that spot to the village of K\u00d4M EL BIR\u00c2T, which is situated on the\nother side of the great lake of H\u00e2bu, now dry. To my no small surprise,\nmy guide, the excellent old \u02beAuad, who I have engaged to be my servant\nwhile here, on account of his great knowledge of the locality, informed\nme that he could not accompany me thither, he even almost shrank from\npronouncing the name of the village, and could not be persuaded to give\nme any information about it, and about his strange behaviour. It was only\nwhen I got home that I learnt the ground of his refusal from others, and\nafterwards also from himself. Above seven or eight years ago a man was\nkilled in the house of the Sheikh of Qurna, to whose household \u02beAuad then\nbelonged; how it happened is not yet made out. In consequence of this\ncircumstance, the whole family of the murdered man emigrated from this\nplace, and settled in K\u00f4m el Bir\u00e2t. Ever since the law of vengeance for\nblood has hung over the two families. Not a single member of that family\nhas from that time trod the ground of Qurna; and if \u02beAuad, or any other\nindividual from the Sheikh\u2019s house were to be seen in that village, any\none of the injured family would be justified in killing him openly. This\nis the ancient Arabic custom.[59]\n\nI turn from my wanderings through the ruins of the great royal city, and\nthrough the changes of thousands of years which have passed over them,\nto our castle on the detached hill of Abd el Qurna. Wilkinson and Hay\nhave rendered an essential service to later travellers by building up\nthe habitable rooms, which, from our being desirous of spending a long\ntime in Thebes, we have profited by. A broad, convenient road leads by\nwindings from the plain to a spacious court, the left side of which\n(the mountain side) is formed by a long shady colonnade; beyond this\nthere are several habitable rooms. At the end of the court stands a\nsingle watch-tower, on which the Prussian flag waves, and beside it a\nsmall house with two rooms, one above the other, the lowest of which I\noccupy myself. There is no want of accommodation either for the kitchen\ndepartment, the servants, and the asses.\n\nThe wide, boundless prospect across the Theban plain over the wall of\nthe court, low on the inner side, but with a deep fall externally, is\nmost beautiful and enchanting. The eye from this point, and still more\nperfectly from the summit of the tower, or from the top of the hill\nrising directly behind our dwelling, commands all, that still remains of\nAncient Thebes. In front of us the splendid ruins of the Memnonia, from\nthe angle of the hills at Qurna on our left, to the lofty Pylones, which\ntower up above the mounds of ruins of Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu on our right; then the\ngreen meadow encircled by the broad Nile, from which the solitary Colossi\nof Amenophis rise on the right hand, and beyond the river the groups\nof temples at Karnak and Luqsor, behind which the lower plain extends\nseveral hours farther to the clear outline of the slightly undulating\nArabic ranges, which every morning were lit up by the first rays of the\nsun casting a wonderful richness of colouring over the valley and rocky\ndesert all around us. There is no other spectacle in the world that I can\ncompare with this, a scene which daily impresses us with fresh wonders\nand delight; but it reminds me perhaps of the view, for two years before\nmy window, looking down from the Tarpeian Rock, which comprised the whole\nof Ancient Rome from the Aventine, with the Tiber at its foot, to the\nQuirinal, and beyond that the undulating Campagna, with the beautiful\nprofile of the Alban hills (strikingly like those we now behold) in the\nbackground.\n\nWe never, however, look out into the distant country without being\npeculiarly attracted to the silvery water-highway, and without our eyes\nfollowing the pointed sails, which may bring us letters or travellers\nfrom the North. Winter here, as in all other places, is the season of\nsociability. Not a week passes that we do not see several guests among\nus. A stranger\u2019s book, which I have placed here for future travellers,\nand furnished with an introduction, was inaugurated on New Year\u2019s Day\nby our own signatures. Since then above thirty names have been added,\nalthough the book has hitherto been kept exclusively in our castle, and\nwill only be handed over to our faithful castellan \u02beAuad on our departure.\n\nOn Christmas Eve we for the third time selected a palm for our\nChristmas-tree. This symbol, still more beautiful than our fir-tree,\nwas decorated with lights and small gifts. Our artists celebrated the\ncheerful festival in other imaginative ways, and an illuminated Christmas\ncrib, executed in the typical manner, and placed at the end of the long\nrock-passage, was most successful.\n\nAs it is natural to expect, England is by far the most numerously\nrepresented among travellers; the French are more rarely seen, but among\ntheir numbers I must mention the well-known and amiable savant Amp\u00e8re,\nwho, as he told me, intends to spend several months in this country, in\norder to make some solid progress in his Egyptian studies.[60] We are\nnot, however, without some of our German countrymen, and one beautiful\nSunday morning, at the close of the year, we had the pleasure of seeing\nLic. Strauss, the son of the court chaplain in Berlin, and his cousin\nDr. Krafft. We were just about to begin our simple Sunday service, which\never since Abeken, our dear friend and former preacher of the desert, has\nquitted us, I have been in the habit of conducting myself. I therefore\nimmediately resigned my place to one of these two rev. gentlemen, which\nmore befitted them than me; and as it happened that we had with us the\nvery sermons written by the two fathers of our dear guests, one of these\nwas selected for a discourse.\n\nMessrs. SEUFFERHELD and Dr. BAGGE, from Frankfort, visited us almost\nsimultaneously with them, and soon afterwards our friend Dr. SCHLEDEHAUS\nfrom Alexandria, with the Austrian painter SATTLER, and when Messrs.\nStrauss and Krafft called on us a second time, on their journey back,\nthey met some other guests here, Messrs. TAMM, STAMM, SCHWAB, and the\nAssessor von ROHR, from Berlin. This very day twelve Germans (nine of\nthem Prussians) sat down to dinner with us.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXXI.\n\n\n                 _On the Red Sea, between Gebel Ze\u00eft and T\u00f4r. Good Friday.\n                       The commencement of Spring. 21st March, 1845._\n\nOur vessel lies motionless in the midst of the sea, in sight of the\ndistant coast of T\u00f4r, which we hoped to have reached in the course\nof last night. I sit down to write in order to divest myself of the\nannoying state of impatience necessarily resulting from an exceedingly\ninconvenient and protracted calm, under a sultry mid-day sun, in a\nsailing vessel, adapted only for bales of goods.\n\nOn the 20th of February we changed our abode in Thebes from the western\nto the eastern bank, from Qurna to Karnak. We settled ourselves here\nin some chambers of the great royal temple; but as I was desirous of\nsetting out on my journey to the Peninsula of Sinai as soon as possible,\nI limited myself for the time, to merely taking such a survey of the\nmonuments as was absolutely necessary, in order to enable me to appoint\nthe work that was to be done during my absence.\n\nThe 3rd of March I set out on my journey. The younger Weidenbach\naccompanied me, in order to give me some assistance in the drawings,\nwhich would be absolutely required: besides him, I took our Dragoman\nJussuf along with me, the Kawass Ibrahim Aga, Gabre M\u00e1riam, and two\nadditional servants. We first went down the Nile as far as Qeneh. After\nit became dark and the stars had risen, the conversation, which had\nhitherto been animated, ceased, and, lying on the deck, I watched the\nstar of Isis, the sparkling Sothis (Sirius), this Polar star of Egyptian\nchronology, as it gradually ascended over our heads. Our two oarsmen were\nonly too musically inclined, and went through their whole stock of songs,\nquivering them with innumerable repetitions, sometimes interrupted by the\nshort cry of _Scherk_, _Gharb_ (East, West), which was softly answered by\nthe feeble and obedient boy\u2019s voice of our little steersman. Half waking,\nhalf dreaming, we then glided down the river till about midnight, when\nthe Arab quivering also ceased; the strokes of the oar became fainter,\nand at length the boat was left entirely to the waves. The rising of the\nmoon in her last quarter, and dawning day, first aroused them to renewed\nactivity.\n\nWe arrived early in Qeneh, where we were very kindly received in the\nhouse of the illustrious Se\u00efd Huss\u00ean. He is the important man through\nwhose hands all our letters pass, both going and coming, and who is\nthus highly deserving of our gratitude. He and his two sons were of\ngreat assistance to us in obtaining the innumerable things which were\nrequisite for our departure for the desert, which we were desirous of\naccelerating as much as possible. Meanwhile, I was delighted with the\npatriarchal manners which prevailed in this most estimable Arabian\nfamily. All business was carried on there, as it is throughout the East,\nin public, and most commonly in the street. In front of each house there\nis a long divan, another in the room; friends come in, make a short\nsalutation, sit down almost unnoticed, and business goes on as usual.\nGuests of higher rank are offered coffee, or the long pipe. Slaves stand\nround, ready at the slightest sign. Acquaintance of inferior rank kiss\nthe hand of the master of the house, even if they are only passers by;\nthey do it all seriously and quietly, without the least demonstration of\nfeeling, but with the usual greetings, frequently murmured for a long\ntime from one to another. If there is no more space left on the divan,\nor if it is occupied by persons of higher rank, the new comer squats\ndown on the ground beside it. Every one rises and goes at his pleasure,\nand, what strikes us as very singular, without any parting words, though\nthe forms of greeting are so long. The master of the house, also, quits\nhis guests without any salutation, if the visitor is not a person of\ndistinction; when such is the case, he is frequently detained for a\nlong while by the monotonous, and almost always empty, conversation.\nThis domestic life in the street, such as prevailed more or less among\nthe ancient Greeks and Romans, and which is so fundamentally different\nfrom the life in our studies and offices, is closely united with the\nEastern character in general. Individuals always deport themselves with\npropriety and reserve, but they are compliant, and ready for anything\nthat occurs. In respectable families, such as this, there also exists an\namiable religious feeling, originating in a true and kindly disposition.\nOld Huss\u00ean is above seventy, with a white beard, but, in spite of his\nage, taking a lively interest in all that occurs, and meeting every one\nin a friendly manner. The two sons, who are nearly fifty, carry on the\nbusiness. They treat the old man with extreme reverence. Both are great\nsmokers, but they never smoke in the presence of their father; this\nwould be regarded as a want of the respect which is due to him; they\nimmediately lay aside their pipes when he enters. In the evening after\nsupper, when it would have been too great a privation to resign them, the\nsons sit in front of the threshold to smoke; while we, as the guests, sit\nwith the old man in the room, they only take part in the conversation\nthrough the open door.\n\nThe evening before our departure we visited a manufactory of the\ncelebrated Qulleh (cooling vessels), 200,000 of which are annually made;\nand also the field from which the clay of which they are made is taken.\nIt is only one Feddan (160 square roods) in extent.\n\nAfter spending a couple of days at Qeneh, we quitted it, on the 6th\nMarch, with fifteen camels. The first day we only rode three hours, as\nfar as the copious spring of BIR AMBAR, charmingly situated between Palms\nand Nebek-trees,[61] and provided by Ibrahim Pascha with a dome-shaped\nbuilding for the caravans. We also reached early on the following day the\nsecond night-encampment, at the station of Leq\u00eata. The ancient road to\nKoss\u00ear from Koptos, the present Quft, the mounds of which we saw in the\ndistance on our right hand, leads immediately to the projecting mountains\nof El Qorn (the Horns). We did not descend into the broad Koss\u00ear road\nuntil we approached these mountains, and after a march of six hours\narrived at LEQ\u00caTA at the junction of the roads from Qeneh, Quft (Koptos),\nQ\u00fbs (the ancient \u2c95\u2cb1\u2ca5 or _Apollinopolis parva_), and a fourth road, also,\nleading direct from Luqsor hither. Five wells furnish here a supply of\ntolerably good water; two buildings, with domes half fallen down, are\ndestined for the reception of travellers.\n\nI here noticed a trait of Arabian hospitality which I must also mention.\nAt our last repast at Qeneh a fresh draught of the delicious Nile water\nwas brought me in an ornamental gilt cup, decorated with pious sayings\nfrom the Koran. I was pleased with its simple and yet agreeable form,\nthe segment of a sphere, and expressed this to old Huss\u00ean, without\nanticipating the answer I immediately received:\u2014\u201cThe cup belongs to\nyou.\u201d As I had nothing about me which I could give in return for the\ngift, I went away shortly after, declining the civility, and left the\ncup standing unnoticed. That night, when I went to rest, I found it\nplaced beside my bed, but the following morning I gave express orders\nthat it should not be packed up. We started on our journey, and in\nLeq\u00eata, where for the first time I opened my travelling-bag, my surprise\nwas great when the first thing I beheld was the cup carefully placed\nwithin it. Gabre M\u00e1riam had closed my baggage, and in reply to my almost\nangry inquiry how it was that the cup was here, contrary to my order, he\nconfessed that he had been obliged to place it at the top, by the express\nwish of old Se\u00efd Huss\u00ean. I was now, indeed, compelled to yield, and to\nthink of some present for him, on my return.\n\nWe again started from Leq\u00eata the same evening, and rode three hours\nfarther to an old station, at the GEBEL MA\u00c1UAD, very little used now, and\ndeficient in water. Our Arabs, from the tribe of the Ag\u00b4a\u00efze, are not so\nanimated as the Ababde, or Bischari\u00een, and their camels are also inferior.\n\nAfter Gebel Ma\u00e1uad, we entered the hilly, sandy plain of QSUR EL BENAT,\nand after another pass, the plain of RESCHRASCHI. At the end of this,\nGebel ABU GUEH rises on the left, upon which we turned our backs and went\nto the right, round an angle of rock, on the precipitous sides of which,\ncomposed of sandstone, I found engraved the Shields of the sun-worshipper\nAmenophis IV., along with his consort, and over it the Sun, with rays\nspread out like hands around it. Their names, as everywhere else, were\npartly erased, although the King had not yet altered his name into that\nof BECH-EN-ATEN. Towards mid-day we entered the primitive mountain range,\nand in three-quarters of an hour arrived at the well of HAMAM\u00c2T.\n\nThere appears to have been an ancient Coptic settlement here, and the\nbroad well, about 80 feet deep, lined with stones, into which there is a\ndescent by a winding staircase, is even now ascribed by the Arabs to the\nNazarenes (the Christians). The ancient stone-quarries, which were our\nmost immediate object, were situated another half hour from the well.\n\nI pitched my head-quarters here, in a spacious grotto covered with\nEgyptian and Greek inscriptions, as, by a hasty survey, we easily\nperceived that we should find work which would occupy us for several\ndays. The ancient Egyptians, who were great lovers and eminent\nconnoisseurs of remarkable kinds of stone, had here found a bed of\nprecious green breccia, and beside it, also, some beautiful dark-coloured\nveins of granite, which were worked as early as the 6th Dynasty, rather\nmore than B.C. 2000. There are numerous memorial inscriptions engraved\non the surrounding rocks since that period. Among them there are several\nespecially deserving notice, from the time of the Persian Government. The\nhieroglyphic shields of Cambyses, Darius, Xerxes, Artaxerxes, are indeed\nalmost alone known in this spot; and a royal state architect from the\nDynasty of the Psammeteci, has displayed his whole pedigree, no less than\ntwenty-three families, who, _without one exception_, held this important\npost, and some of them also, in connection with high priestly honours.\nAn ancestral mother stands at the head of the long series, who must have\nlived nearly 700 years before the last link of the chain. A great number\nof Greek Proskynemata allow us to infer that the stone-quarries were\nstill used in the time of the Greeks and Romans. For five whole days we\nwere occupied from morning to night with copying and taking impressions,\nto the continual wonder of the small caravans which we saw almost daily\npass before us, as the principal road by which the pilgrims of Upper\nEgypt, and a great part of the Sudan, pass to Koss\u00ear and Mecca, leads\nthrough this valley.\n\nMy original plan had been to go from Qeneh to Koss\u00ear, and to embark\nthence for T\u00f4r. As the voyage, however, occupies a great deal of time, I\nwas very glad to learn in Qeneh that there is also a road from Hamam\u00e2t,\nacross the mountain chain to Gebel Ze\u00eft, nearly opposite T\u00f4r. I therefore\ndetermined to take that road, difficult, indeed, but interesting, and far\nshorter. At the same time I sent a messenger in advance to Koss\u00ear to give\norders that a vessel should start for Gebel Ze\u00eft without delay, and await\nus there.\n\nIn Hamam\u00e2t I had also a severe contest with the Arabs, who suddenly\nbecame apprehensive of the long road, but little known and almost devoid\nof water, and who wanted rather to guide us by Koss\u00ear along the coast.\nBut as my principal object was to visit certain ancient stone-quarries\nin the lofty mountain range, I threatened, if they did not keep their\nword, to write to the Pascha, and I made them responsible for all the\nconsequences. Thus after long capitulations I accomplished my plan.\nNevertheless, it was still very nearly upset, as, on the evening before\nour departure, we were almost poisoned by the carelessness of our cook,\nwho had allowed some vinegar to stand in copper vessels. However, we\nrecovered happily after a night of great suffering, and on the 13th March\nstarted from Hamam\u00e2t.\n\nWe had brought with us six barrels full of water from Qeneh; the\ncamel-drivers were worse provided, and must consequently have suffered\nmuch from thirst. Besides Sel\u00e2m, our old trustworthy guide of the\ncaravan, I had brought with me in addition a special guide from Qeneh,\nSel\u00eem, who was said to be well acquainted with the mountainous district\nbetween Hamam\u00e2t and Gebel Ze\u00eft, although he had only made the journey\nonce before, above twelve years ago; and under his guidance, we got in\ntwo days as far as GEBEL FATIREH. After great labour and long searching,\nwe re-discovered the remains of the ancient colony of workmen, who\nquarried here a beautiful black and white granite. From this point,\nhowever, the ignorance of the guide was manifested in many ways. On\nthe evening of the 15th of March we arrived at a high water-shed, and\nwere compelled to pass the night on the hard rocky ground, there being\nno possibility of pitching a tent. The following day, Palm Sunday, we\nsuddenly came early in the morning upon a steep precipice, which descends\nabout 800 feet between the two chains of the MUNF\u00ceEH mountain range. It\nseemed impossible to pass the steep and dangerous path with a caravan.\nThe Arabs one and all protested in the most decided manner against\nattempting it, and poured forth the most violent curses upon Sel\u00eem. He\nwas in a difficult position. He had evidently not known the difficulties\nof this pass; the roads that are passable, though it is true they are\nvery circuitous, lead either by NECHEL DELFA, eastward, or by SCHAIB\nEL BENAT, westward of this spot. To strike into one of these two roads\nnow, would have at least cost us two more days, and as we had already\nlost a great deal of time at Gebel Fatireh, we should have run into\nstill greater danger of a deficiency of water, as our supply had been\ncalculated very exactly, and between Hamam\u00e2t and Gebel Ze\u00eft we had only\nthe prospect of one single spring, which was said to be situated near\nGebel Doch\u00e2n. I therefore gave orders, and carried my point in spite\nof the most violent protestations to the contrary, that all the camels\nshould be unloaded on the height, and that the whole of the baggage\nshould be carried down on the shoulders of the Arabs. My own servants\nhad to begin, and we all set to work together. Chests and trunks were\ntaken singly from one point of rock to another; we had most difficulty\nin managing the great water-casks, which could only be moved by three or\nfour people at once. The unloaded beasts were then carefully led down,\nand thus the bold enterprise terminated successfully without any accident\nor injury, amid loud and fervent appeals to Abd el Qader, the sacred\npatron of the camel. After three toilsome hours, all was over, and the\nbeasts were again loaded.\n\nSoon after, however, we were to encounter a far more serious danger. I\nwas as usual riding in advance with Max and some of the servants, and\nhad charged the caravan to follow the footmarks of my ass in the sand.\nTowards mid-day we saw GEBEL DOCH\u00c2N, \u201cthe Smoking Mountain,\u201d on our\nleft hand, rising deep blue beyond the Munf\u00eeeh chain, and several hours\nafterwards, when we emerged from the higher mountains into an undulating\nand more open country, on the farther side of the wide plain, and beyond\nthe sea, we, for the first time, saw the distant mountains of T\u00f4r, like\nrising mist, situated in the third quarter of the globe, which we were\nnow about to enter.\n\nSoon after three o\u2019clock we came to two Bedouin huts made of mats, in\nwhich we found a woman, and a dark-skinned boy, with beautiful eyes, who\ngave us some milk. On my inquiring whether there were ancient walls in\nthe neighbourhood, the boy conducted us to a piece of granite rock, one\nhour distant, standing isolated, surrounded by a rough, but well piled\nup, wall, about 10 feet high. The square, in which the above-mentioned\nrock formed the acropolis, was 70 paces long, and 60 broad; the entrance\nfrom the south was furnished with two circular bastions; and similar\nones stood at the four corners, and in the centre of the three remaining\nsides. In the interior single chambers were partitioned off, and in the\ncentre there was a well of burnt bricks, but which was now covered with\nrubbish.[62]\n\nAccording to the statements of our guide, we ought now to have been\nnear the water that was said to be only one half day\u2019s journey distant\nfrom our last night\u2019s encampment. But the sun went down without our\nhaving reached the desired goal. By the dim light of the moon in her\nfirst quarter, we at length turned into a lofty rock-valley, which Sel\u00eem\nassured us would certainly lead to the spring. We ascended for a long\ntime between bare granite precipices; the moon set, no well appeared, and\nthe guide confessed that he had missed the right valley. We were obliged\nto turn back. The same thing occurred in a second and a third valley into\nwhich the guide conducted us, who was now evidently quite lost, having\naltered his direction more than once. He excused himself on the plea\nof uncertain moonlight, and assured us that at break of day he would\nimmediately discover the right path. Nothing, therefore, remained but\nto lie down on the hard ground, in our light riding-dresses, to take a\nshort disturbed sleep, without eating or drinking; for our water-bottles\nhad long been emptied, and we had each of us, some time before, devoured\nour small provision of four biscuits. Some camel-saddles were our only\nprotection from the cold north wind. Thus, with the stars above and the\nstones beneath us, we placed our hopes in the following morning.\n\nWith the dawn of day we again mounted. My ass, who had taken the last\nscanty ration of water that had been measured out for it, more than\nfour-and-twenty hours back, and could not endure thirst like the camels,\nwould scarcely go a step farther. Sel\u00eem, however, was in good heart, and\nthought we should soon get back to the right road. We found innumerable\nmarks of camels. \u201cOnly a little while longer,\u201d exclaimed the guide, \u201cand\nwe shall be all right.\u201d Our hope was again revived.\n\nBeautiful variegated blocks of granite and porphyry, which I saw lying\namong the loose stones, were joyful signs to me of the vicinity of the\n_Mons porphyrites_. Meanwhile, the broad valley into which we had turned\nconstantly became narrower, and divided into two branches, the right of\nwhich we ascended. But this also divided once more, and like the valleys\ndescribed above, everything round us led to the sad conviction that\nhere we were again upon the wrong path; I made a halt to give some rest\nto our tired animals, and sent the guide forward alone to find out his\nright road. Hungry, and above all, thirsting for a draught of water,\nwe encamped in the shadow of a rock-precipice. We were in a critical\nposition. I had begun to doubt whether our guide would ever find the\nspring in this desert and uniformly barren mountainous region. And where\nwas our caravan? Had it found its way to the water? If, as hitherto\nhad been the case, it had followed the footmarks of my ass, which were\ndistinguished singly among the innumerable tracks of camels, then it was\nlost like ourselves. We waited impatiently for Sel\u00eem; he could at least\nlead us back to the Arab huts, which we had seen the previous day. But\none hour after the other passed away: Sel\u00eem did not come. The sun rose\nhigher, and deprived us of the narrow shadow of the mountain precipice,\nbeside which we had halted. We sat silent upon the burning stones. We\ndid not venture to leave the spot for fear of missing Sel\u00eem. Had he met\nwith an accident, or could he have forgotten himself so far as only to\nthink of his own preservation, and to leave us to our fate, which is said\nto have happened some years ago to three Turks, in this same desert, who\nwere never seen again? Or was Sel\u00eem too weary to return back to us? He\nhad been on foot almost all the way, and must consequently be much more\nexhausted than we were.\n\nFrom time to time we mounted the nearest heights, and fired off our\nguns. All in vain! We were at length compelled to yield to the cheerless\nconviction that we should not see our guide again. After waiting four\nhours, mid-day had arrived, and with it the latest time to start, if we\ncould still cling to the faint hope of again finding out the Arab huts,\nwhich must be about six hours distant from us. To search any longer for\nthe spring of water would have been madness, as even Sel\u00eem had not found\nit; Gebel Ze\u00eft, where our vessel lay, was two and a half days\u2019 journey\ndistant, and the Nile, on the other side of the mountain range, five\ndays\u2019 journey off: the camels had drank nothing for four days, and the\nass was already completely exhausted.\n\nWe, therefore, started once more. My companions had done everything\nthat I proposed, but I never felt more severely the responsibility I\nwas under for others, whose lives were at stake with my own, than when\nforming that lingering determination. It seemed foolhardy to think of\ntravelling without our guide, only directed by the stars, in this totally\nuninhabited and barren mountainous land, lost as we already were, and\nbrought still more out of our right direction by the crossed and crooked\npaths we had pursued during the night; nevertheless, it was our last\nresource.\n\nAfter deliberating for some time, we determined to ride back to the\nprincipal valley, which we had passed through that morning so full of\nhope; the endless variety of bare, jagged mountain precipices, however,\nand the valleys without a tree or bush, filled only with rubbish and\nloose stones, leave such a completely uniform impression, that none of us\nwould ever have recognised this principal valley, had we not felt sure\nthat we were right by the direction and probable distance. At the outlet\nof this valley we were obliged again to enter the region of the lower\nhills, between which, towards the south, it seemed at least there was a\npossibility of finding the Arab huts, as I had taken the position of the\nmagnet, with reference to the highest point of Doch\u00e2n, from the mountain\nfortress, which was not too far removed from that spot. The huts, indeed,\nwere so concealed, that we might ride past them at a short distance\nwithout observing them; perhaps, even the mats might to-day be set up in\na different place. Thus we were lost in the wide, burning desert, without\na guide, tormented by increasing hunger and thirst, and so far as human\ncalculation went, wholly in the hands of chance. Silently we descended\nin the burning, mid-day heat, each occupied with his own reflections,\nwhen suddenly\u2014I shall never forget that moment\u2014two men emerged from the\nnearest angle of the rock; they rushed towards us, embraced our knees,\nkissed our hands, offered us water from their pitchers, and continued to\nrepeat their congratulations and salutations with touching joy. \u201cEl hamdu\nl\u2019illah!\u201d Praised be God! sounded from all sides. We were saved.\n\nOur caravan, from which the two Arabs came, had as usual followed our\ntraces, and therefore, like us, got into the wrong road; but Ibrahim Aga,\nsoon perceiving our error, had halted early in the day, and during the\nnight kindled small fires on some of the hills with the scanty materials\nfor burning which had been collected with difficulty, and he had almost\nfired off all his powder. But the wind blew towards the opposite\nquarter, and we heard none of the signals of our anxious comrades. The\nfollowing morning they had proceeded onwards, and owing to Sheikh Sel\u00e2m\u2019s\nsurprising knowledge of the locality, though he had only once been\nhere above five-and-twenty years before, they reached the road to the\nspring. Nevertheless, Ibrahim Aga made the caravan encamp one hour before\narriving at it, as all traces of us had disappeared, and anxious about\nour fate, he sent patrols of Arabs into the mountains in search of us.\n\nHow strange, then, that during this very quarter of an hour we should\nhave again struck into the great valley, where we could not fail to\nmeet this message. As we had reached our side valley over the mountain,\nno marks of our beasts could lead thither, as here these generally\ndisappeared upon the stones; had we therefore started but a few minutes\nlater, they would certainly have passed us, and had we descended the\nvalley earlier than this, we should have forthwith bent our steps to the\nright towards the huts, and turned our backs on the caravan, encamped far\naway on our left hand.\n\nAbout two o\u2019clock we reached the encampment, which we entered amidst\nuniversal cries of joy. The greatest surprise was expressed at not\nfinding Sel\u00eem with us\u2014he was given up by all. I would not, however, allow\nthe camp to break up, but had the camels at once led alone to the spring.\nThe Arabs were again sent into the mountains in search of Sel\u00eem, and I\nremained the rest of the day quietly in my tent.\n\nTowards evening some Arabs returned from the spring, bearing with\nthem, upon a camel, Sel\u00eem, hardly in possession of his senses, his\nfeet bleeding and bound up. He had been found speechless, lying beside\nthe reservoir of water, his mouth open, his body swollen from having\ntaken an immoderate draught of the water. How he came there we could\nnot immediately learn, for he answered none of our questions. He\nmust, however, have at length found his way out of the high mountains\naccidentally, or by the wonderful faculty possessed by the Arab of\nfollowing tracks. At present, perhaps, it was rather his fears of the\nserious consequences which might ensue from the wretched trick he had\nplayed us which rendered him speechless. When he observed that he had\nexcited our compassion, he very soon recovered. I no longer, however,\nretained him near my person, but for the remainder of the journey took\nthe old, trustworthy Sheikh Sel\u00e2m as our guide in front, and left the\nformer behind with the caravan.\n\nGEBEL DOCH\u00c2N, the porphyry mountain, our real object in this district,\nand which had occasioned the whole enterprise, now after all lay\nfar behind us. We had been riding for several hours continuously\nat its base, as I had suspected even the day before, in spite of\nSel\u00eem\u2019s assurance to the contrary, for we had incorrectly fancied the\nspring was in its neighbourhood. None of the caravan had ever seen\nthe stone-quarries and the remains of the ancient colony of workmen.\nNevertheless, I determined to venture upon a second attempt the following\nday, which was successful.\n\nI set out at daybreak with Max, the Sheikh Sel\u00e2m, and a young, active\nArab. The huts had not been observed by the caravan, and were also\nsituated too much towards the east for us. We therefore rode straight\ntowards the highest point of the group of Doch\u00e2n. It so chanced, that\njust as we were in the neighbourhood of the river, we met an Ab\u00e2di from\none of the huts with some camels, for which he was seeking out some\npasture ground. With his assistance we soon attained our object.\n\nWe first found the large opening to a well built up with unhewn stones;\nit was 12 feet in diameter, but was now fallen to pieces and filled\nup with rubbish. Five pillars were still standing on the western\nside, most likely formerly belonging to a covered hall; a sixth was\ndemolished. Three hundred paces farther up the valley a temple, now in\nruins, was erected on a granite rock projecting from the left side of\nthe valley. The walls were formed of unhewn stones, the finer parts of\nthe architecture were, however, very delicately chiselled out of red\ngranite. A staircase of twenty steps led from the north to the paved\nouter court, which was surrounded by a wall, and in the middle stood a\nrough granite altar. On the left hand four cell-chambers were attached\nto this court, the most southern of which, however, had partly fallen\nwith its rock-basis. Another small chamber had been joined to these as\nthe rock offered space for it, in which stood a tolerably large altar,\nbut also without inscriptions. In front of these chambers, in the centre\nof the court, at an elevation of several feet, and with a foundation of\nsharply-cut blocks of granite, rose an Ionic portico, which consisted\nof four monolithic slender and swelling granite columns, whose bases\nand voluted capitals, with the blocks of the gables and architraves, lay\nscattered around in ruins. The long dedicatory inscriptions mentioned\nthat the temple had been consecrated under the Emperor HADRIAN to ZEUS\nHELIOS SERAPIS, by the Eparch, Rammius Martialis. To the left of the well\nthe ruins of the town are situated on an elevated spot. It was in the\nform of a square, and, as usual, fortified with towers. In the centre\nthere was another well, the chief requisite of every station, built of\nburnt bricks, and covered with a coating of lime. Eight rough, slender,\ngranite pillars form the entrance to the well.\n\nAn ancient precipitous road leads to the adjoining mountain, and conducts\nto the porphyry quarries, which were situated immediately beneath\nits summit; they furnished the beautiful deep red porphyry which is\ndisplayed in so many monuments of the imperial time. Broad veins of it,\nwhich were worked to a considerable depth, passed between another kind\nof rock of a blue colour, sprinkled with white, and a rock of almost a\nred brick colour. We found five or six quarries beside each other, the\nlargest about 40 paces square. I could nowhere discover wedge-holes\nfor splitting; on the contrary, the bluish rock immediately beside the\nquarry, which was pulverised nearly as fine as sand, seemed to indicate\nthe application of fire. In the town, also, I found lofty and peculiar\nheaps of ashes.\n\nFrom the quarries I ascended to the summit of the mountain, affording\nan extensive and glorious prospect over the mountains in the immediate\nvicinity to the plain, which declined rapidly from the hilly district to\na sandy level extending to the sea; and on the opposite side of the blue\nsurface of the water, we descried the lofty range of T\u00f4r. After I had\ntaken a number of observations with the compass I re-descended, and after\nsunset once more reached our camp at the MOIE MESS\u00c2ID.\n\nThe 19th of March we crossed the plain to the ENNED mountains, stretching\nalong the sea-coast, which we traversed by a valley running diagonally\nacross them. An abundant spring here came to the surface, whose rippling\nwaters accompanied us for a long while. It might be considered the _Fons\nTadnos_ of Pliny, as its water has only recently become brackish and\nundrinkable, from the bed of natron on the surface. We left the ruins\nof ABU SCHAR, the ancient _Myos hormos_ or _Philoteras portus_, on our\nright, and encamped on the peninsula of GIMSCHEH, which is called by the\nArabs, KEBRIT, from the sulphur which is there obtained.\n\nYesterday morning we rode to the Bay of Gebel Ze\u00eft, between the Enned\nmountains and the sea-shore. The Range of T\u00f4r, which floated before\nsunrise in a milky blue colour over the surface of the sea, stood out\nfaintly from the sky; its outline only disappeared with the rising sun.\n\nAfter mid-day we arrived at GEBEL ZE\u00cfT, the oil mountain. Our vessel,\nwhich had been appointed to meet us from Koss\u00ear, made the voyage from\nthence in six days, and had already waited four days for our arrival. The\ncamels were dismissed here, and returned the same evening.\n\nOne quarter of an hour north of our anchorage were the ZEITIEH; such is\nthe name given to five or six pits, hollowed out in the sandy shore, or\nin the rock, and which fill with blackish-brown naphtha, like syrup. A\nfew years ago researches were set on foot by Em Bey, who was in hopes of\nfinding coal beneath, though hitherto they have had no success.\n\nYesterday evening it was a perfect calm. It was only during the night\nthat a light wind rose from the north, which we immediately availed\nourselves of, for setting sail. With the wind in our favour we might have\naccomplished the passage across in one night; but now the day is again\ndrawing to a close, and we have not yet reached the port. The ship of\nburden scarcely stirs, though the long oars have been at length set in\nmotion.\n\nThe sailors of this sea are very different from those on the Nile.\nTheir deportment is more reserved, less sly and subservient. Their\nsongs, which commence at the first stroke of the oar, consist of\nfragmentary short lines, which are sung first by one, and are taken up\nby another, while the remainder utter short and deep grunting sounds,\nas an accompaniment, at equal intervals. The Rais, on an elevated seat,\nrows along with the others. He is a negro, as well as several others\namong the sailors, but one of the handsomest and strongest Moors that I\never saw\u2014a real Othello; when making his athletic movements, he rolls\nhis yellow-white eyes, shows his dazzling teeth, and gives the tone to\nthe song, leading it for a length of time, with a shrill, piercing, but\nskilful voice.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXXII.\n\n\n            _Convent on Mount Sinai, the 24th March, 1845. Easter Monday._\n\nOn the evening of Good Friday we landed in T\u00f4r by moonlight. The harbour\nis now so much sanded up, that our vessel was obliged to lie off several\nhundred paces, and we were landed in a boat. We were met on shore by\nthe old Greek NICOLA JANNI, who had before received EHRENBERG, LEON DE\nLABORDE, R\u00dcPPELL, ISENBERG, and other well-known travellers; and he had\nfavourable testimonials to produce of the reception they had met with\nfrom him. After long negotiations with the insolent Arabs, who, when they\ndiscovered we were in a hurry, and that they were indispensable to us,\nendeavoured in all ways to overreach us, we started early the day before\nyesterday from T\u00f4r, limiting ourselves to what was absolutely necessary\nfor the land journey; and we sent the vessel to await us at Cape ABU\nZEL\u00ceMEH.\n\nOur road led in a due northerly direction to the mouth of WADI HEBR\u00c2N,\nacross the plain of EL G\u00b4E\u02beAH, which, being five or six hours broad, is\nsituated between the sea and mountain. On first starting, however, I\nmade a digression to the hot springs of GEBEL HAMM\u00c2M. They are situated\nat the southern end of the isolated line of mountains, which, commencing\none hour to the north of T\u00f4r, extends to the sea-shore. I again met\nthe caravan at the well of EL HAI, which is pleasantly situated, on\nthe direct road, between gardens of palm-trees. The ground gradually\nrises from the sea-coast to beyond this well. As soon as we got an open\nprospect over the whole plain, and to the lofty range which descends\ntowards the south-west in a steep and regularly declining chain to the\nextremity of the Peninsula, I took the points of the compass, with\nreference to all the places of any note, the mouths of valleys, and\nsummits of mountains, which the guides were able to name. About half-past\nfive I reached the foot of the mountain range. Here already, at the\nentrance of the valley, I observed the first SINAITIC Inscription on the\nblack blocks of stone. A little farther on we came to the small piece of\nwater shaded by some palm-trees, where we spent the night.\n\nYesterday we traversed the WADI HEBR\u00c2N, which separates the group of\nSerb\u00e2l from the principal range of Gebel M\u00fbsa, crossed over NAKB EL\nEGAUI, which forms the water-shed between the west and east, and turning\nfrom this point southwards, over NAKB EL HAUI, the wind-saddle, we\nreached the CONVENT on Easter Sunday, as the sun was setting. We were\ndrawn, like other travellers, up the high wall of the fortification, to\nthe entrance, although there is another entrance through the convent\ngarden, or more level ground, but which they are only in the habit\nof using from within. The aged and worthy prior, who is mentioned by\nRobinson, had died that year in Cairo, and had been replaced by another,\nDemetrius Nicodemus, who is said to hold the rank of a bishop.\n\nAs it is a Greek convent, instead of Easter rejoicings we came to a\nstrict season of fasting. But independently of that, the whole life and\nhabits of the four priests and twenty-one lay brothers made by no means\nsuch an edifying impression as we might have expected to witness in\nthis spot. A gloomy spirit of wearisome sloth and ignorance hangs like a\ncloud of mist over their discontented countenances. Yet these fugitives\nfrom this world of cares are wandering beneath an ever cheerful sky of\nmoderate temperature, are alone able, of all the inhabitants of this\nsultry wilderness, to refresh themselves beneath the dark shade of the\ncypress, palm, and olive-tree, and have besides in their possession a\nlibrary of 1500 volumes, not in the smallest degree considering the best\npurpose for which they are intended\u2014viz., a \u1f30\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd \u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u1fc6\u03c2.[63]\n\nTo-day we ascended GEBEL M\u00dbSA. In my own imagination, and by the\ndescriptions of former travellers, it formed the actual centre of the\nwhole range; but this is not the case. Both in elevation and in the\nplanimetrical projection of the whole mass of the primitive range, it\nforms part of the north-eastern slope. The convent in a direct line is\n_three times_ as near the eastern border of the range as the western.\nEven Gebel Kather\u00een, situated immediately to the south, is loftier than\nthe almost concealed summit of Gebel M\u00fbsa, which is invisible to the\nwhole of the surrounding country. Still higher mountains rise on the\nfarther side of Kather\u00een, but in steps, as for example, UM RIGLIN, ABU\nSCHEGERE, QETT\u00c2R, &c., as far as UM SCH\u00d4MAR, which towers up over all\nthe others, and stands in the centre of the eastern and western slope of\nthe whole elevation, forming the principal and most northern vertebra\nof the long backbone of the range, which passes down to the south, and\ndetermines the direction of the whole Peninsula. All the way up Gebel\nM\u00fbsa, along with the various spots which are connected with holy legends,\nwas a walk amidst the wildest and grandest natural features; it reminded\nme of being led through a castle of historical renown, where the places\nof rest and study, &c., of some great king are exhibited.\n\nOn our return from Gebel M\u00fbsa, we ascended the actual brow of the\nso-called HOREB, which Robinson regards as the TRUE SINAI instead of\nGebel M\u00fbsa, which has hitherto been viewed as such. We passed several\nhermit\u2019s huts and chapels, till we at length reached one, situated in a\nrocky basin, behind which the principal mass of Horeb rises up abruptly\nand grandly. There is no accessible road to it. We clambered up, first\nthrough a precipitous cleft in the rock, then over the brows of the rock\ntowards the south. About half-past five we reached the summit, just\nabove the great plain of R\u00e2ha, on the immense round-formed mountain top,\nwhich has such a grand appearance from the plain. Robinson seems to have\nattempted this road at first, but to have given it up afterwards, and\nmounted to the top of Sess\u00e2f, which certainly is loftier, but situated a\nlittle to the westward, and does not project into the plain as the actual\ncentral point, like the knob which we ascended.[64] Our companions, with\nthe exception of one active Arab boy, had remained behind, as it was, in\nfact, a dangerous ascent. Even this site did not allow me to entertain\nthe view that Moses ever stood upon a rock that was visible from this\nvalley, if the narrative is to be understood in so literal a manner. We\ndid not ascend Gebel Kather\u00een, as it has fewer historical claims even\nthan Gebel M\u00fbsa.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXXIII.\n\n\n                                    _On the Red Sea, the 6th April, 1845._\n\nI shall employ our tranquil sea voyage, which will last for several days\nlonger, in arranging the various materials I have collected on the\nPeninsula, and combining the principal events of this episode in our\njourney. I shall send a more detailed account of it from Thebes.[65]\nThese lines, however, shall be handed over to Se\u00efd Huss\u00ean in Qeneh, and\nshall be forwarded to the north by the first opportunity.\n\nWe left the convent on the 25th March, towards evening, and passed\ndownwards through the broad WADI E\u2019 SCHEIKH. I selected this roundabout\nway, as formerly, before the wild defile of Nakb el Haui was rendered\npassable, this valley was the only way by which the Israelites, if they\nwere desirous of marching to the plains of R\u00e2ha, could have reached that\nspot.[66] We spent the night in the upper part of the valley, near the\ntomb of the holy SHEIKH SALIH, from whom it receives the name of WADI\nE\u2019 SCHEIKH. In the lower portion of the valley we first meet with the\nmanna-yielding shrubs of Tarfa,[67] and the Sinaitic inscriptions on\nthe sides of the valley become more frequent. But before reaching the\noutlet of the valley, we quitted it and climbed over to our left into\nthe WADI SEL\u00c2F, which lower down joins the Wadi e\u2019 Scheikh, in order to\nreach the foot of SERB\u00c2L, by the shortest road from this. We had already\nfrequently seen at every opening on the road the huge rocky summit rising\nabove the surrounding mountainous district, and the accounts given us by\nthe Arabs, of the fertile and irrigated WADI FIR\u00c2N at its base, had long\nmade me desirous of becoming better acquainted with it. I had resolved to\nascend the mountain, and therefore made them lead us into the WADI RIM,\nthat runs down from the mountain into the Wadi Sel\u00e2f, which passes along\nSerb\u00e2l. After riding upwards of an hour in this valley, we came to an\nold stone hut, which might have once sheltered a hermit; soon afterwards\nwe found some Arab tents, and at a short distance beyond these, several\nSittere-trees, which we selected for our place of encampment.\n\nOn the 27th March we rose early to ascend the mountain Derb e\u2019 Serb\u00e2l.\nThe true road to Serb\u00e2l leads from WADI FIR\u00c2N through Wadi Aley\u00e2t to\nthe mountain. We were forced to go round its south-eastern extremity,\nand ascend behind from the south, as it would have been far beyond our\npowers to clamber up the heights through the Rim ravine, which descends\nprecipitously, and in a direct line between the two eastern summits. One\nquarter of an hour above our encampment we came to a spring, shaded by\nNebek, Ham\u00e2da, and Palm-trees, whose fresh, pure water, was walled round\nto the depth of several feet. We then climbed over a small rib of the\nmountain, on which there again stood several ancient stone houses, down\ninto another branch of the Rim valley (Rim el meh\u00e2sni), and in an hour\nand a half reached the south-eastern angle of the mountain. From this\npoint we pursued a paved road of rock, which was even sometimes supported\nby masonry work. This led us to an artificial terrace and a wall, the\nremains, as it appeared, of a house that had been destroyed, and to\na cool spring, shaded by tall reeds, a palm-tree, and several Jassur\nbushes[68] (from which the Moses rods are cut); the whole mountain is\nhere overgrown with Habak, and other sweet-smelling herbs. Some minutes\nfarther on we came to several caves in the rock, which once served as\nhermit\u2019s cells; and after wandering for almost four hours we reached a\nsmall plateau spreading out between the summits, where we again found\na house with two rooms. A road led over this level ground to the edge\nof the western side of the mountain, which sinks at first steep and\nrugged, then in more gently-inclined wide ribs, to the sandy plain of EL\nG\u00b4E\u02beAH, and here disclosed to me across the sea a glorious prospect of\nthe opposite coast, and the Egyptian chain of mountains bounding it. From\nthis point the rock-path suddenly descended along the ragged mountain\ndeclivity into a wild, deep basin, round which the five summits of Serb\u00e2l\nmeet in a semicircle, forming one mighty crown. In the middle of this\nbasin, called WADI SI\u02beQELJI, are the ruins of an old convent, to which\nthe mountain path leads, which unfortunately we had not time to visit.[69]\n\nI therefore returned across the level space, and then began to ascend\nthe most southern of the summits of Serb\u00e2l. When I had almost got to\nthe top of the precipitous height, I thought I observed that the second\nsummit was somewhat higher, and therefore hastened down again, and sought\nout a way to reach this. We passed a small piece of water, and were\nobliged to go almost round the whole basin, till we at length succeeded\nin clambering up it, from the north-east side. Here, to my astonishment,\nbetween the two points into which the summit is divided, I found a small\nlevel valley, plentifully supplied with shrubs and herbs, and from this\nI first ascended the one, then the other point, and by the assistance\nof my guide, who was conversant with the spot, I took the points of\nthe compass with reference to all the places of note which might here\nbe surveyed in the wide horizon. For instance, I could clearly perceive\nhow the mountain summits beyond Gebel M\u00fbsa continue to rise higher, and\nthat the distant UM SCH\u00d4MAR rose above all the others. We did not set\nout on our return till four o\u2019clock, so that we were obliged to avoid\nthe circuitous road by which we had ascended, unless we were desirous of\nbeing overtaken by darkness. We therefore determined to leap down, from\nblock to block like chamois, and follow the precipitous rocky ravine,\nwhich led almost in a straight line to our camp in Wadi Rim, and in two\nhours and a half, with trembling knees, we reached our tent by this\nimpracticable path, the most difficult and the most fatiguing that I ever\ntrod in the whole course of my life.\n\nThe following day we proceeded farther, and passing through Wadi Sel\u00e2f,\nand the lowest part of Wadi e\u2019 Scheikh, we reached the WADI FIR\u00c2N\u2014this\nmost precious jewel of the Peninsula, with its Palms and groves of Tarfa,\non the banks of a lovely rushing stream, which, winding among shrubs and\nflowers, conducted us to the old convent mountain of the town of PHARAN,\nthe FIR\u00c2N of the present day. Everything that we had hitherto seen, and\nwhat we afterwards saw, was naked, stony desert compared to this fertile\noasis, abounding in wood and water. For the first time since we had left\nthe Nile valley, we once more walked on soft black earth, obliged to\ndefend ourselves with our arms from the overhanging leafy branches, and\nwe heard singing birds warbling in the thick foliage. At the point where\nthe broad Wadi Aley\u00e2t, descending from Serb\u00e2l, enters Wadi Fir\u00e2n, and\nwhere the valley spreads out into a spacious level tract, there rises\nin the centre of it a rocky hill called HERERAT, on the summit of which\nare the ruins of an ancient convent building. At its foot stood once a\nmagnificent church, constructed of well-hewn blocks of sandstone, the\nruins of which are built into the houses of the town situated on the\nslope of the opposite mountain.\n\nThe same evening I went up Wadi Aley\u00e2t, passing innumerable\nrock-inscriptions, to a well, surrounded by Palm and Nebek trees, where\nI enjoyed the entire prospect of the majestic mountain chain. Apart\nfrom all the other mountains, and united into one single mass, Serb\u00e2l\nrises, at first in a slope of moderate inclination, afterwards in steep\nprecipices, with chasms, to the height of 6000 feet (above the sea).\nNothing could equal the scene when the valleys and low mountains around\nwere already veiled in the shadows of night, and the summits of the\nmountain still glowed above the colourless grey, like a fiery cloud in\nthe sinking sun.\n\nThe following morning I repeated my visit to Wadi Aley\u00e2t, and completed\nmy observations of the whole of this remarkable district, the principal\nfeatures of which I had already noted down from the summit of Serb\u00e2l.\n\nThe most fertile district of Wadi Fir\u00e2n is enclosed between two hills\nwhich rise from the centre of the valley; the upper one of these two\nis called EL BU\u00caB, the lower, situated at the outlet of Wadi Aley\u00e2t,\nMEHARRET or HERERAT. In very ancient times the valley appears to have\nbeen closed in here, and the waters rushing down from all sides, even\nfrom Gebel M\u00fbsa, into this basin, appear to have united into a lake. It\nis only in this manner that we can explain the very remarkable deposit\nof earth, which extends along the sides of the valley to between eighty\nand a hundred feet high, and no doubt it is this remarkable position\nof Fir\u00e2n, as the lowest point of a large mountainous district, which\noccasions the unusual supply of water that issues forth at this point.\n\nDirectly behind the convent hill we found the narrow bed of the valley\nas stony and barren as the more elevated valleys, although the brook was\nstill visible by our side for half an hour. The violent irruption of\nthose primitive waters permitted no more deposits of earth in this spot.\nIt was only at the next still more decided bend of the valley, called EL\nHESSUE, that a few more groups of palm-trees appeared. Here the brook\ndisappeared in a cleft of the rock, as suddenly as it had burst forth\nbehind Bu\u00eab, and we did not see it again.\n\nAfter being five hours on the road, we quitted Wadi Fir\u00e2n, that here\nturned off to the left hand towards the sea, and we emerged from the\nprimitive mountains into a more level region of sandstone. The loftier\nrange retreated towards the north-west, and encircled in a great bow\nthe hilly, sandy district that we traversed. We next came to the WADI\nMOKATTEB, the \u201cvalley with inscriptions,\u201d which derives its name from the\nimmense numbers of inscriptions which are to be found here in several\nplaces. It is easy to perceive, that it is those places sheltered from\nthe mid-day sun, which invited passing travellers on the road to Fir\u00e2n\nto engrave their names and short mottoes in the soft rock. We took\nimpressions on paper of as many of them as we could obtain, or copied\nwith the pen those which were less adapted for an impression. We found\nthese inscriptions scattered singly, in the most various, and frequently\nvery remote places of the Peninsula, and taking them altogether, I have\nno doubt whatever that they were engraved by the inhabitants of the\ncountry during the first centuries before and after Christ. I sometimes\nfound them cut over more ancient Greek names, and not unfrequently\nChristian crosses are connected with them. These inscriptions are\nhabitually called SINAITIC, which would not be inappropriate, if thereby\nthe whole Peninsula of Sinai was intended to be designated as the spot\nwhere they are found. But we must observe, that on Gebel M\u00fbsa itself,\nwhich is regarded as Sinai, very few single and short inscriptions\nof this kind have been found, such as those which, after careful\nobservation, are to be met with in almost all spots adapted to them, but\nthat, on the contrary, their actual centre was rather PHARAN, at the foot\nof SERB\u00c2L.\n\nOn the 31st of March we again reached the lofty chain which turns\nback from the east, and marched through Wadi Qeneh into the small\nWADI MAGH\u00c2RA, which branches off from it, and in which the sandstone\nand primitive rock border on one another. Here we found, high up in\nthe northern sandstone precipices, the remarkable Egyptian rock stele\nbelonging to the earliest monuments generally known to us among Egyptian\nantiquities.[70] As early as the 4th Manethonic Dynasty, the same which\nbuilt the great Pyramids of Gizeh, in Egypt, more than 3000 years before\nour era, _copper mines_ were discovered in this wilderness, which were\nworked by a colony of labourers. Even then the Peninsula was inhabited by\nAsiatic, probably Semetic races, for which reason we frequently see the\nPharaoh represented in those rock-images as conqueror over the enemies of\nEgypt. Almost all the inscriptions belong to the Old Monarchy; we only\nfound one from the period when King Tuthmosis III. and his sister reigned\ntogether.\n\nFrom this point I was anxious to take the shortest road to the second\nplace in the Peninsula, where there are ancient Egyptian monuments,\nSARBUT EL CH\u00c2DEM. But there was no direct road over this lofty range\nto its slope on the other and north-easterly side, so we were obliged\nto return to WADI MOKATTEB, and get across the mountains by a very\ncircuitous route through WADI SITTERE and WADI SICH. As we again emerged,\nwe had the immeasurable plateau in front of us, which includes the whole\nof the north of the Peninsula, and consists of one single vast bed of\nsandstone. This, however, descends towards the south by two steps, so\nthat the prospect seems as if it were bounded by two lofty mountain\nprecipices retreating at about equal distances into the far distance. The\ndescent nearest to the south, called E\u2019 TIH, sinks to a flat, broad sandy\nvalley, DEBBET E\u2019 RAMLEH, while the masses of sandstone rock, on this\nside, seem to be as high as the general plateau.\n\nOn a terrace protruding far into the broad valley, which we climbed with\ngreat difficulty, are the wonderful monuments of SARBUT EL CH\u00c2DEM, which\nappear no less so, even to those who are prepared to behold them. The\noldest representations led us also here into the Old Monarchy, but only\nas far back as its last dynasty, the twelfth of the Manethonic list. In\nthis period, under AMENEMHA III., a small rock-grotto was excavated,\nand furnished with an ante-chamber; lofty steles were erected outside,\nat different distances, and without any determined arrangement, the one\nlying most remote being a short quarter of an hour distant on the highest\npoint of the plateau. During the New Monarchy, TUTHMOSIS III. enlarged\nthe building towards the west, and added a small pylon with an outer\ncourt. The later kings had built an additional long series of chambers,\none in front of the other, in the same direction, solely, as it appears,\nfor the purpose of protecting the memorial stele erected upon them from\nthe weather, especially from the sharp wind, often loaded with sand,\nwhich has now almost totally destroyed the ancient steles, which were\neven at that time unprotected. The latest stele exhibits the Shields of\nthe last king of the 19th Dynasty, therefore since that time, or soon\nafterwards, the place was probably deserted by the Egyptians.\n\nThe divinity who was here peculiarly worshipped in the New Monarchy,\nwas HATHOR, with the epithet which is also found in the Wadi Magh\u00e2ra,\n\u201cMistress of MAFKAT\u201d\u2014_i. e._ of the _copper country_, for _mafka_ in\nhieroglyphics, as well as still in the Coptic language, meant \u201ccopper.\u201d\nTherefore no doubt copper was also obtained here. This was confirmed by\na peculiar appearance, which, strange to say, seems to have been left\nunnoticed by all previous travellers. To the east and west, namely of the\ntemple, may be seen great mounds of slag, which, by their black colour,\nform a strong contrast with all that surrounds them. These artificial\nelevations, the largest of which is 256 paces long, and from 60 to 120\nbroad, are situated on a tongue of land forming a terrace that projects\ninto the valley; they are coated over with a solid crust of slag between\n4 and 5 feet thick, and are covered to their base with separate fragments\nof slag to the depth of 12 to 15 feet. The ground shows that the mines\ncould not have been situated in the immediate neighbourhood, their site\nmight, however, easily be discovered by the ancient roads, which are\nstill visible, leading to the mountain range, but unfortunately we had\nnot sufficient time to accomplish this. Hence it appears that this open\nspot was probably selected merely for smelting the ore, on account of the\nkeen draught of wind, which, as we were assured by the Arabs, is here\nalmost incessantly blowing.\n\nThe 3rd of April we rode on farther, visited the Wadi Nasb, in which we\nalso found the traces of ancient smelting places, and the following day,\ntowards evening, reached our ship, which had been waiting for us several\ndays, in the harbour of ABU ZEL\u00ceMEH.\n\nWe here, to our no small surprise, found four German journeymen; two of\nthem Prussians, from the district of the Neisse, in Silesia. They had\nstarted from Cairo with the intention of visiting Sinai, and reached\nSuez safely; had there waited in vain for a ship, and at length, like\ngenuine modern Crusaders, started alone to attain their bold object. They\nhad been told (hardly in good German) that the way was short, and could\nnot be missed, and that there was no want of water. Possessed with this\nhappy belief, their pilgrim\u2019s bottle filled to the brim, they entered the\nwilderness. But the footsteps of the children of Israel had long since\ndisappeared, and no pillar of smoke went before them. The third day they\nlost their way, their bread was consumed, they had missed the wells,\nhad several times been stopped by Arabs, and only escaped being robbed\nbecause they possessed nothing worth robbing; and thus they certainly\nwould have been starved in the wilderness, had they not looked down from\nthe mountains and beheld our vessel on the coast many hours distant,\nand fortunately reached it before our arrival. On my inquiring about\nthe trades, to perfect which, they had undertaken this journey to the\nEast, and also whether they hoped to find employment with the monks on\nMount Sinai, as they had no money with them, it appeared that one was\na carpenter, who was in hopes of making himself very useful there; I\nwas, alas! compelled to inform him, that he would have to compete with a\nlay-brother in that department; the other was a shoemaker, the third a\nstocking-weaver, and the fourth, after some hesitation, confessed that he\nwas a woman\u2019s tailor. Nothing remained but to take these strange people\nalong with us in the vessel, although they were regarded with a jealous\neye by the sailors, as we began to feel some scarcity in the supply of\nwater. I landed them at T\u00f4r, and arranged that some one should accompany\nthem thence to the convent.\n\nBesides the remarkable _Egyptian_ monumental sites of this copper\ncountry, and the so-called _Sinaitic_ inscriptions, I was chiefly\noccupied during the journey with geographical inquiries in connection\nwith the sojourn of the _Israelites_ on the Peninsula. I think I have\narrived at some results with respect to this, deviating, indeed, in\nessential points, from what has hitherto been admitted; but if they\nare correct, they furnish some important features for the historical\nand geographical background of that most important event in the Old\nTestament. I will here only point out briefly some of the chief points,\nof which I will say more when I write from Thebes.\n\nI became doubtful, even in the convent at GEBEL M\u00dbSA, whether the holy\nmount of the law-giving could have been situated here. Since I have seen\nSERB\u00c2L and WADI FIR\u00c2N at its base, besides a great part of the rest of\nthe country, I have become convinced that SERB\u00c2L must be recognised as\nSINAI, in preference to the other.[71]\n\nThe monkish tradition of the present day is of no value to the\nunprejudiced inquirer.[72] Whoever has once occupied himself earnestly\nwith such matters is aware of this. Even in Jerusalem it is for the\nmost part useless, and has not the slightest weight, if unsupported by\noriginal authorities, how much more so in the Peninsula of Sinai, where\nfar more remote questions, both as to time and place, are treated of. In\nthe long interval of time between the law-giving and the first centuries\nof the Christian era, Sinai is only once mentioned in a passage referring\nto a later historical event, as the \u201cMount of God, HOREB,\u201d to which\nElijah retires.[73] It would, in fact, be most strange if the tradition\nhad never received an interruption during this period, although the\npopulation of the Peninsula had meantime changed so much that we are no\nlonger able to point out with certainty a single Old Testament name for\na locality; and even the Greeks and Romans were unacquainted with those\nancient designations.[74] We are, therefore, referred solely to the\nMosaic narrative to prove the correctness of our present assumptions.\n\nWe must further premise with respect to this, that the general\ngeographical conditions of the Peninsula have not essentially altered\nsince the days of Moses. Whoever takes refuge in the opposite\nsupposition, may indeed prove everything, but for that very reason proves\nnothing. It is, however, just as important to bear in mind distinctly the\n_historical_ conditions of the different periods, because these indeed\nwere calculated to produce partial alterations of particular districts.\n\nAccordingly, no one will be able to deny that WADI FIR\u00c2N, abounding at\nall times, and therefore in the time of Moses, in water, and possessing\na rich soil, must, in consequence of its incomparable fertility and\nits inexhaustible rapid stream, have been the most important and the\nmost desirable central spot of the whole Peninsula. For this wonderful\nOasis, in the centre of the ever barren wilderness, was subject even\nthen, as now, to the general conditions of the surface of the ground in\nthat country. On the other hand, it is however no less certain, that the\nvicinity of the present convent of GEBEL M\u00dbSA was formerly, in spite\nof the scanty springs of water also appearing on the surface there,\nbut which merely moisten the ground immediately surrounding them, just\nas barren as all the other parts of that mountainous wilderness, only\nfurnishing sufficient water for the inhabitants of the convent by means\nof a draw-well dug into the rock;[75] and after more than a thousand\nyears of artificial irrigation, the most careful employment of every\nmeans of cultivation only enabled them to make small plantations, such\nas exist there at the present time.[76] In ancient times there was not\nthe slightest reason for making that wilderness habitable by artificial\nmeans, the rather as it was situated away from the great roads connecting\nthe different parts of the Peninsula, and formed an actual _cul de sac_,\nwith only one single entrance through the Wadi e\u2019 Scheikh.\n\nOn the other hand, there is another spot in the Peninsula which was a\nposition of great importance long before the time of Moses, and even\nin his days, but has lost it since that time: it is the harbour of\nABU ZEL\u00ceMEH. It was to this point that the roads led from the three\ndifferent mines that hitherto we have become acquainted with. They\nproceeded from WADI MAGH\u00c2RA, SARBUT EL CH\u00c2DEM, and WADI NASB. There was\nno more convenient landing-place than this, to connect Egypt with those\ncolonies; indeed, our sailors decidedly affirmed that it was the best\nharbour on the whole coast, not excepting that of T\u00f4r. The Egyptians\nwere therefore compelled to provide, above all things, for a copious\nsupply of water, in the most immediate neighbourhood of that spot. As\nthis was neither furnished by the sandy sea-coast, nor by valleys,\nwhich had their outlets here, wells no doubt were made at the nearest\nspots which offered a likelihood of yielding water from below ground.\nSuch a spot was discovered at the lower outlet of the Wadi Scheb\u00eakeh\n(called by others T\u00e2ibeh), where even now, there are a number of Palms,\nand many other trees, consequently a moist soil, although there is no\nappearance of a spring.[77] This, therefore, would have been the most\nsuitable point to dig for water, and to make a well. No one now differs\nin opinion that the place of encampment at the RED SEA, mentioned after\nElim in the Book of Numbers,[78] was near ABU ZEL\u00ceMEH. In Exodus this\nstatement is omitted, and the _twelve wells_ and _seventy palm-trees_\nof ELIM are alone mentioned.[79] What, therefore, can be a more natural\nconclusion, or indeed an almost unavoidable one, than that the wells\nand palms of Elim were situated about an hour distant from the outlet\nof the valley whose entrance was at the harbour of Abu Zel\u00eemeh, and for\nthat very reason in Exodus, the encampment on the sea, is related as\nbeing not specially separated from ELIM, the watering station of the\nharbour, which probably bore the same name. According to the statements\nthat have been hitherto admitted, as well as those of Robinson, the\ntwelve wells of Elim were situated in the WADI GHARANDEL, by the latest\ncalculations[80] between eight and nine hours distant from the port, a\nlong day\u2019s journey, therefore useless for the supply of that important\nspot. It is not easy to perceive what could have occasioned twelve wells\nto be made precisely in Wadi Gharandel, where even now the brackish\nwater of that whole district appears on the surface in somewhat greater\nabundance than elsewhere. In addition to this, we should further be\ncompelled to transfer the station of MARA, which immediately preceded\nit, to an insignificant spring not more than an hour and a half, or\ntwo hours distant from Wadi Gharandel, while the succeeding station is\nassumed to be at the distance of eight hours. To me, it seems scarcely\npossible to doubt that the first three desert marches conducted as far as\nWADI GHARANDEL, _i. e._ MARA, the fourth, to the harbour station of ABU\nZEL\u00ceMEH, _i. e._ ELIM.\n\nIt is only in this manner that we can understand their progress, when\nit is said, \u201cAnd they took their journey from Elim\u2014and came unto the\nwilderness of _Sin, which is between Elim and Sinai_.\u201d[81] The boundary\nof two provinces at Wadi Gharandel would geographically be just as\ninconceivable, as it is natural at Abu Zel\u00eemeh. The harbour, with its\nsmall plain situated between the Nochol rock and Gebel Hamm\u00e2m Fara\u00fbn,\nforms in fact, by the rock protruding into the sea, the most important\ngeographical section of the whole coast.[82]\n\nThe northern plateau sinking uniformly towards the sea was called the\nWilderness of S\u00dbR; the southern mountainous district rising higher, and\nsoon passing into the primitive rock, totally different in character,\nis called the Wilderness of SIN. There would be no meaning in the remark\nthat this last was situated _between_ Elim and Sinai, if by this it were\nnot meant that the Wilderness of Sin extended as far as Sinai, or even\nfarther. The next departure, therefore, from the Wilderness of Sin to\nRaphid\u00eem, is not to be understood as if they had quitted this wilderness;\non the contrary, they remained in it till they reached Sinai, whose\nname SINI, _i. e._ \u201cthe Mount of SIN,\u201d was evidently first derived from\nthis district, and for this very reason should not be sought for beyond\nits limits. The same conclusion may be deduced from the account about\nthe _Manna_ which was given to the Israelites in the Wilderness of Sin;\nfor this is first met with in the valleys in the vicinity of Fir\u00e2n, and\nappears as little in the sandy districts near the sea, as in the more\nelevated regions of Gebel M\u00fbsa.[83]\n\nNow, if we already here put the preliminary question, which of the\ntwo mounts, SERB\u00c2L or GEBEL M\u00dbSA, was so situated as to be peculiarly\ndesignated as SINI, the \u201cSINIC,\u201d \u201cthe Mount of the Wilderness of\nSIN,\u201d there cannot be a moment\u2019s doubt which to select. Gebel M\u00fbsa,\ninvisible from every quarter, almost concealed and buried,[84] neither\ndistinguished by height, form, position, nor any other peculiarity,\npresented nothing which could have induced the native tribes, or the\nEgyptians who had settled there, to give it the peculiar designation of\nthe \u201cMount of Sin,\u201d while Serb\u00e2l, attracting the eye to itself from all\nsides, and from a great distance, unequivocally commanding the whole of\nthe northern portion of the primitive range, has always been the central\npoint for the widely-scattered inhabitants of the country, and the goal\nof travellers, not only from its external aspect, but also on account of\nWadi Fir\u00e2n, situated at its base; therefore it might very appropriately\nbe designated the \u201cMount of Sin.\u201d But if any one were to conclude from\nthe expression the departure from the Wilderness of Sin to Raphid\u00eem,\nthat the broad tract of sea-shore to the south of Abu Zel\u00eemeh, which the\nIsraelites were obliged to traverse, was alone called the Wilderness\nof Sin, which is Robinson\u2019s view of the question,[85] Serb\u00e2l, which\ncommands and also comes into immediate contact with this district, and\nis accessible from this point by the old convent of Si\u02beqelji, might even\nthen have been designated Mount Sin, for instance by the sailors on the\nRed Sea; but Gebel M\u00fbsa, situated exactly on the opposite and eastern\nside of the great range, could not possibly have been named after the\nwestern Wilderness of Sin, nor have given the smallest ground for the\nstatement that the Wilderness of Sin was situated between Abu Zel\u00eemeh and\nGebel M\u00fbsa. One other view might still be adopted: for instance, that the\nwhole of the primitive mountain range\u2014that is to say, the whole of the\nPeninsula to the south of Abu Zel\u00eemeh\u2014was called the \u201cWilderness of Sin,\u201d\nand consequently included Gebel M\u00fbsa. Even this would not necessarily\nprevent our assuming that Serb\u00e2l, as the mountain best known, and nearest\nat hand, must especially have appeared of more importance to the Egyptian\ncolonists than the southern range, and might have been distinguished by\nthat name; whilst in the principal southern range Um Sch\u00f4mar, as the\nloftiest central point, would have alone justified such a distinction,\nand not the entirely subordinate Gebel M\u00fbsa, still less the insulated\nrock Sefs\u00e2f, which is regarded as such by Robinson.\n\nAll that has been here said about SINAI as the \u201cMOUNT OF THE WILDERNESS\nOF SIN,\u201d is also applicable to the still more remote question, which of\nthe two mountains, Serb\u00e2l, or Gebel M\u00fbsa, possessed such qualifications\nas to have been regarded by the native tribes of the Peninsula, even\nbefore the great event of the Law-giving, as a \u201cHOLY MOUNT,\u201d A MOUNT\nOF GOD.[86] For Moses drove the sheep of Jethro from Midian beyond\nthe wilderness to the \u201cMOUNT OF GOD, CHOREB,\u201d[87] and Aaron met him,\non his return to Egypt, at the MOUNT OF GOD.[88] If we maintain that\nthe necessary centre of the Sinaitic population must have been, at\nall events, the Oasis of FIR\u00c2N, we may also suppose that those tribes\nfounded a sanctuary, a common PLACE OF WORSHIP, in the vicinity of that\nspot, either at the base, or, still more naturally, on the summit of\nthe mountain which rises up from that valley.[89] This also was the\nmost appropriate place for the meeting between Moses, who came from\nMidian in the East, and Aaron, who came from Egypt. In such a barren and\nuninhabited country there was no occasion to search for any peculiarly\nsecret and remote corner among the mountains for such an interview.\n\nIn addition to this, the _Sinaitic inscriptions_, which, as mentioned\nabove, are found in the greatest numbers, especially on the roads to Wadi\nFir\u00e2n, and in Wadi Aley\u00e2t, which leads up to Serb\u00e2l, seem to indicate\nthat in much later times also considerable pilgrimages were undertaken\nthither to solemnise religious festivals.[90]\n\nIf we now pass at once to the principal point, which must appear as\nmost decisive to those who look attentively at the general conditions\nconnected with the march of the Israelites, it must be allowed that\nif Moses desired to lead his numerous people to the Peninsula, the\nfirst and chief task he had to perform, in accordance with his wisdom,\nand his knowledge of the country, was to _maintain_ them. For however\nwe may explain the given numbers of the emigrants, which according\nto Robinson amounted to two millions, by Lane\u2019s account equal to the\npresent population of Egypt, we must always admit that there was a\nvery considerable mass of people who were suddenly to be maintained\nin the Sinaitic wilderness without any importation of provisions. How\nthen can we imagine that Moses would not have kept in view, above\nall other places, the only spot in the Peninsula that was fertile and\namply supplied with water; and that he would not have endeavoured to\nreach it by the shortest path; but that in place of this, a remote\nnook in the mountains should have been sought out, which at that time\ncould not possibly have supplied the daily necessity of water and other\nnourishment, even for only 2000 emigrants and their belongings\u2014I mention\na high number intentionally. Moses would have been wrong to have trusted\nhere to miraculous aid from God; for this is never manifested until\nhuman wisdom and human counsel, which is not intended to be rendered\nsuperfluous through it, can go no further.\n\nIt appears to me that we should not relinquish this inevitable opinion\nrespecting the position of Sinai, which is opposed to the view hitherto\nentertained, and becomes stronger the longer we reflect upon it, and we\nought not to disclaim any more particular historical consideration of\nthis wonderful occurrence, unless other grounds, as urgent, should afford\nproofs against our mode of acceptation. Let us therefore pursue the\nnarrative still further.\n\nFrom Elim, Moses reached Raphid\u00eem in a march of three days. Modern\nscholars generally agree that the march from Abu Zel\u00eemeh did not pass\nagain through the same Wadi Scheb\u00eakeh or T\u00e2ibeh through which they had\ndescended, back to the eastern sandy plain of E\u2019 Raml, but followed the\ncustomary caravan road which leads to Wadi Fir\u00e2n. How should Moses then\nhave selected the far longer upper road devoid of water, or even the\nstill longer, and still more arid, circuitous route along the sea-coast\nby T\u00f4r and Wadi Hebr\u00e2n, instead of at once entering the less arid valleys\nof the primitive range which abounded in manna?\n\nHe was obliged therefore to go to Wadi Fir\u00e2n; no third way was possible.\nThis is the urgent reason why Raphid\u00eem (except by Robinson[91]) has\nalmost as unanimously been transferred to FIR\u00c2N. It seems, however,\nimpossible that this oasis, if it was traversed, should not have been\nonce mentioned; therefore even Josephus,[92] Eusebius,[93] Jerome,[94]\nand, as it appears, all the older authors and travellers,[95] place\nRaphid\u00eem near the town of PHARAN. No spot in the whole land could have\nbeen of greater value for the native tribes who were menaced by Moses\nthan these orchards of Pharan. We may, therefore, perfectly conceive that\nMoses was attacked at this very spot in Raphid\u00eem by the Amalekites, who\nwere about to lose their most precious possession. He repulsed them, and\nMoses could now first say that he had got possession of the Peninsula.\nHis nearest object was attained. What could have attracted him still\nfarther from this point?\n\nIt is also said, however, in distinct terms, that the people had arrived\nhere at the MOUNT OF GOD; consequently at the MOUNT OF THE LAW. For it\nis said, after the victory at Raphid\u00eem, that Jethro, the father-in-law\nof Moses in Midian, heard of all that had happened. \u201cAnd Jethro, Moses\u2019\nfather-in-law, came with his sons and his wife unto Moses into the\nWilderness, WHERE HE ENCAMPED AT THE MOUNT OF GOD.\u201d[96] And even before\nthat, the Lord had said to Moses, \u201cBehold, I will stand before thee there\nupon the rock in CHOREB; and thou shalt smite the rock, and there shall\ncome water out of it, that the people may drink,\u201d[97] words which could\nonly have alluded to the wonderful spring of Fir\u00e2n, as has been already\nsupposed long before my time.[98] It may still further be deduced, that\nMoses really found repose here in Raphid\u00eem, because now, by the advice\nof Jethro, he organises the hitherto disorderly mass of people to enable\nhim to govern them.[99] He selects the best qualified men, and places\nthem over a thousand, over a hundred, over fifty, and over ten; these\nare appointed judges of smaller matters while he only retains the most\nimportant for himself.\n\nAll this evidently indicates that the journey was past, and the period of\nrepose had commenced.\n\nThe beginning of the following chapter (Exodus xix. 1-3) certainly\nseems to contradict this, for it is said, \u201cIn the third month, when the\nchildren of Israel were gone forth out of the land of Egypt, the same\nday[100] came they into the wilderness of SINAI. For they were DEPARTED\nFROM Raphid\u00eem, and were come to the desert of Sinai, and had pitched in\nthe wilderness; and there Israel camped BEFORE THE MOUNT, and Moses went\nup unto God, and the Lord called unto him OUT OF THE MOUNTAIN,\u201d &c.\n\nAccording to this, they decamped between Raphid\u00eem and Sinai. This\nfavoured the tradition which believed that the Mount of the Law might\nbe re-discovered in Gebel M\u00fbsa beyond Fir\u00e2n. At the same time, however,\nit was not considered that by admitting this we encounter much greater\ncontradictions with the text. In the first place, the words mention no\nmore than one day\u2019s journey,[101] not even in the Book of Numbers,[102]\nwhere, nevertheless, between Elim and Raphid\u00eem, not only Alus and Daphka,\nbut the Red Sea (though this last was near Elim) are particularly\nmentioned. From Fir\u00e2n to Gebel M\u00fbsa there were, however, at least two\nlong days\u2019 journeys, if not more. The \u201cMOUNT OF GOD\u201d has likewise been\nalready mentioned in Raphid\u00eem, it was there called a rock in CHOREB; and\nit is therefore impossible to understand by the Mount of God any other\nthan \u201cTHE MOUNT OF GOD\u201d to which Moses drives the sheep of Jethro.\n\nWe should, thus, be obliged to admit that there were _two_ \u201cMounts of\nGod;\u201d one, the \u201cMOUNT OF GOD, CHOREB,\u201d in Raphid\u00eem, which would be\nSERB\u00c2L, and a \u201cMOUNT OF GOD, SINAI,\u201d on which the law was given, which\nwould be GEBEL M\u00dbSA.[103]\n\nTo admit this would, however, in itself not only be scarcely\nconceivable, but most distinctly self-contradictory, inasmuch as it\nmaintains that the Mount of God, CHOREB, where God first appears to\nMoses, is even in anticipation designated as the Mount of the Law (Exodus\niii. 1-12); that further, the general designation, the \u201cMOUNT OF GOD,\u201d\nwhich appears so frequently without a name being appended (Exodus iv.\n27, xviii. 5, xxiv. 13; Numbers x. 33), could only have been employed if\nthere were no more than _one_ such Mount; and, finally, because the name\nof SINAI, or MOUNT SINAI, and CHOREB, or MOUNT CHOREB, are continually\nmentioned with exactly the same meaning as Mount of the Law-giving.\n\nThis evident difficulty has indeed been felt strongly at all times.[104]\nJosephus (Ant. iii. 2, 3) forwarded his view by transposing the doubtful\ncommencement of the xix chapter from its present position _after_ the\nvisit of Jethro, to _before_ it, so that Moses does not receive his\nfamily in Raphid\u00eem, but in Sinai. By this means certainly the double\ndifficulty is avoided; on the one hand, because two Mounts of God do not\nappear, on the other, that the organisation of the people does not occur\nduring the journey. He also deliberately omits the statement that in\nCHOREB was situated the rock which Moses strikes for the spring of water.\n\nModern scholars have, on the contrary, proposed either to make Sinai the\ngeneral name for the whole of the range, and Choreb the individual Mount\nof the Law-giving, or _vice vers\u00e2_, Choreb for the more extended, and\nSinai for the limited designation,[105] while the tradition of the monks\nrefer both names to different mountains situated immediately beside each\nother.[106] It seems to me that the comparison of the individual passages\nadmits of none of these views; in my opinion it is rather clearly proved,\nby the names of Choreb and Sinai being used alternately, but with perfect\nequality, that _both_ designated _one and the same mountain_ together\nwith the district immediately surrounding it,[107] so that Choreb\nperhaps was the more precise Amalekitish local name, Sinai the more\nindeterminate one, derived from its position in the Wilderness of Sin.\n\nBut with respect to the departure from Raphid\u00eem, many might think it very\nprobable that those words, which so strikingly interrupt the natural\nsequence of circumstances as to have been intentionally transposed either\nby Josephus, or prior to his time, did not originally belong here, but\nwere placed at the commencement of the account of the Law-giving; if, as\nno doubt frequently occurred, this was to be understood by itself alone,\nseparate from all that preceded and succeeded it.[108] The unusual manner\nin which they are connected, since the arrival at Sinai is mentioned\npreviously to the departure from Raphid\u00eem, and the expression \u201cthe same\nday,\u201d which is so difficult to explain, while in the other statements of\ntime a particular day is mentioned, would support the supposition.[109]\nWhoever, however, may consider it too bold to assume that we no longer\npossess the original composition, can only explain the fresh departure to\nbe a last and insignificant removal of the encampment, such as we were\nobliged to admit to be the case at the departure from Elim to the sea\ncoast. This removal was either while they advanced from El Hessue (where\nthey first beheld the water) towards Fir\u00e2n, or from Fir\u00e2n into the upper\nportion of Wadi Aley\u00e2t, where the camp might have extended far and wide\nat the foot of the Mount.[110]\n\nWhoever endeavours to realise the whole progress of the event, with\nits essential and necessary characteristics, can only be satisfied by\ncomprehending it in this manner. He will not be able to blind himself\nto the conviction that Serb\u00e2l, on account of the oasis at its base,\nmust have been the necessary object and centre for the pouring in of\nthe new people, and that the wise Man of God, so well acquainted with\nthe country, could never have intended to lead the multitude into a\nmountain enclosure like the plain at Gebel M\u00fbsa, where they would find\nno water, no trees bearing fruit, nor manna, and where they would have\nbeen more easily cut off from all connection with the other parts of\nthe Peninsula than anywhere else. He will be compelled to acknowledge\nthat the designation of SINAI as the chief mountain of the Wilderness\nof SIN, and the sanctity with which it was regarded, not merely by the\nIsraelites, but by the native tribes of the country, decidedly points\nto Serb\u00e2l; further, that the Raphid\u00eem defended by the Amalekites was\nundoubtedly situated, together with the spring of Moses in Choreb, in\nthe Wadi Fir\u00e2n; that consequently the Mount of God at Choreb, where God\nappeared to Moses, and the Mount of God at Raphid\u00eem, where Moses is\nvisited by Jethro, and organises the people, could also be no other than\nSerb\u00e2l, from which, finally, we must as necessarily deduce that unless we\nadmit that there were two Mounts of God, the Mount of the Law was also\nnear Raphid\u00eem, and is recognisable in Serb\u00e2l, not in Gebel M\u00fbsa.\n\nIn conclusion, if we now once more look back and observe how the\npresent tradition bears on our account of the event, we perceive that\nit refers at once to the foundation of the convent, by Justinian, in\nthe sixth century.[111] This, however, was by no means the first church\nof the Peninsula. At a far earlier period we already find a bishopric\nin the town of Pharan, at the foot of Serb\u00e2l.[112] Here was the first\nChristian centre of the Peninsula, and the church founded by Justinian\nalso remained dependent on this for the space of several centuries. The\nquestion therefore is, whether the tradition which regards the present\nGebel M\u00fbsa as Sinai can be referred to a time prior to Justinian.[113]\nThe remoteness of that district, and its distance from frequented roads\nof communication, though from its position in the lofty range offering\nsufficient subsistence for the trifling necessities of the single,\nscattered monks, rendered it peculiarly applicable for individual\nhermits, but for the same reason inapplicable for a large people, ruling\nthe land for a certain period of time, and exhausting all its resources.\nThe gradually increasing hermit population might have drawn the attention\nof the Byzantine emperors to that particular district, and, as it\nappears, have fixed the previously wavering tradition to that spot for\nfuture times.[114]\n\nI have, indeed, been in need of a learned foundation for what I have here\nsaid about the position of Elim, Raphid\u00eem, and Mount Choreb or Sinai, but\nthis I shall not be able to supply even in Thebes; it would, however,\nchiefly refer to the history of the earliest tradition before Justinian,\nwhich, even were it to agree in all its parts with the tradition of the\npresent day, would still hardly suffice to decide anything conclusively.\nIt seems to me that these questions will always remain unsolved, if\nthe elements which were at my command\u2014namely, the Mosaic account, a\npersonal view of the locality, and acquaintance with the history of that\nperiod\u2014should not be considered sufficient to explain them. We shall\nonly obtain a correct idea of the whole of the external character of the\nevent, by simultaneously observing these three most essential sides of\nthe investigation, while, on the other hand, an endeavour to obtain an\nindifferent and equal confirmation of each individual feature in the\naccount now under our consideration, must necessarily lead to the wide\nroad of false criticism, which always sacrifices the comprehension of the\nwhole, to the comprehension of the individual part.\n\n[Illustration: MAP OF THE PENINSULA OF MOUNT SINAI TO EXPLAIN THE MARCH\nOF THE ISRAELITES FROM ELIM TO HOREB\n\nby R. Lepsius 1845.\n\nG. ERBKAM del\u1d57.\n\nEngraved by J. & C. Walker.]\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXXIV.\n\n\n                                         _Thebes, Karnak, the 4th of May._\n\nOn the 6th of April we quitted T\u00f4r, where we had only spent one night.\nDuring our farther voyage we landed every evening on the shelly and\ncoralline coast of Africa, till, on the 10th, we arrived at Koss\u00ear, where\nexcellent Se\u00efd Mohammed of Qeneh was waiting to furnish us with camels\nfor our return to Thebes. In four days we passed over the broad Rossafa\nroad, crossing the mountain range, passed Hamam\u00e2t, and on the 14th of\nApril once more reached our Theban head-quarters.\n\nWe found everything in the most desirable order and activity; but our old\nand faithful castellan, \u02beAuad, met me with a bandaged head, and saluted\nme in a feeble voice. A short time previously he had a narrow escape from\ndeath. I mentioned in a former letter that many years ago he, together\nwith the whole house of the Sheikh of Qurna, burdened themselves with\na crime of blood, which had not yet been expiated. The family of the\nman who had been killed in K\u00f4m el Bir\u00e2t, had, soon after our departure,\nseized an opportunity when \u02beAuad was returning home from Luqsor one\nevening with a relation, to fall upon the two unsuspicious wanderers. The\nattack was more aimed at the companion of \u02beAuad than at himself, they\ntherefore called out to him to go away; however, as he did not do this,\nbut vigorously defended his relation, he received an almost deadly blow\non his head from a sharp weapon, which stretched him insensible on the\nground; the other man was murdered and thrown into the Nile, sacrificed\nto the revenge for bloodshed, which had remained unsatisfied seven years.\nSince that time there has been peace between the families.\n\nA longer account of our Sinai journey will be despatched to-day, to which\nI have also added two maps of the Peninsula, by Erbkam, drawn from my\nnotes. I now contemplate the difficult task of finishing my account with\nThebes, which, however, I hope to accomplish in about ten or twelve days.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXXV.\n\n\n                                          _Cairo, the 10th of July, 1845._\n\nThe first place we halted at after we left Thebes on the 16th of May,\nwas DENDERA, whose magnificent temple is the last towards the North,\nand although of later date, almost confined to the Roman period, it\nyet presented an unusual amount of subjects for our portfolios and\nnote-books. We then spent nine additional whole days upon the remarkable\nrock-tombs of AMARNA, from the time of the fourth Amenophis, that royal\nPuritan who persecuted all the gods of Egypt, and would only permit the\nworship of the sun\u2019s disc.\n\nAs we approached Beni-suef, we saw a magnificent steamer of Ibrahim\nPascha\u2019s hastening towards us. We hoisted our flag, and immediately the\nred Turkish flag, with the Crescent, appeared on board the steam-boat\nin return for our salute. It then altered its course, steered directly\ntowards us, and stopped.\n\nWe were eager for the news which we were about to hear: a boat pushed\noff, and pulled to beside our ship. It was, indeed, a joyful surprise\nwhen I recognised my old university friend, Dr. Bethmann, in the fair\nFrank who came on board, and who had come hither from Italy to accompany\nme on my journey back by Palestine and Constantinople. Ali Bey, the right\nhand of Ibrahim Pascha, who was steaming to Upper Egypt, had kindly\ntaken him into his vessel, and told me he unwillingly parted with his\nagreeable travelling companion, to whom he had become much attached even\nin their short acquaintance.\n\nHis presence, and the assistance he affords me, have become still more\nvaluable since my other travelling companions have left me behind\nalone. They started from hence yesterday. Willingly indeed I would have\naccompanied them, as to-day is the third anniversary of my departure from\nBerlin, but the taking to pieces of the Pyramid tombs still detains us.\nThe four workmen, able young men, who were sent to assist me from Berlin,\nhave arrived, and I immediately took them with me to the Pyramids. We\nmade ourselves a lodging in a tomb which was in a convenient situation.\nA travelling blacksmith\u2019s forge was constructed, some scaffolding was\nraised for the windlass, and we set to work vigorously.\n\nThe difficulties of the whole affair, however, rest still more in the\npetty jealousies, by which we are here surrounded on every side, and in\nthe different diplomatic influences, which are not unfrequently rendered\nabortive by Mohammed Ali\u2019s distinct orders. Herr von Wagner therefore\nconsidered it absolutely necessary that I should by no means quit Egypt\nbefore the transport and embarkation of the monuments was completed, and\nI therefore shall be obliged to wait here patiently for several weeks\nlonger.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXXVI.\n\n\n                                             _Cairo, the 11th July, 1845._\n\nWill you permit me to communicate briefly some ideas which have of late\nconsiderably occupied my attention.[115] I have never lost sight of your\nwish to decorate the New Museum in harmony with the monuments which it\ncontains, and I hope that you continue to entertain these views. I have\nhad great pleasure in the account Herr Hertel has given me respecting\nthe arrangement of the Egyptian saloons, and have heard from him that\nthe facing of the columns is still _in suspenso_. It is very improbable\nthat such a favourable opportunity will ever recur of having such means\nat our disposal on the first formation of a museum as we have in the\narrangement of this Egyptian one, when we shall be able to furnish a\ncomplete whole, and at the same time offer to the public so much that\nis new and important in plan, materials, and arrangement. If I remember\nrightly, you have expressed a desire to form an _historical_ museum,\nsuch, in fact, as all such museums should be, in conformity with their\npurpose and idea, and yet such as nowhere exists. This view, however, in\nan Egyptian museum, is at all events attainable in a degree which, even\nunder the most favourable circumstances, can be but remotely approached\nin all other museums, because in no other nation can the date of each\nindividual monument be so precisely and surely presented as in this, and\nbecause no other collection is distributed throughout so long a period\nof time (above 3000 years). I therefore presume that, as a whole, you\nwish to arrange the principal saloons historically, so far as this can\nbe accomplished, and by some method to combine what belongs to the Old,\nwhat to the New, and what to the Greek-Roman Monarchy, in such a manner\nat least, that each chamber of any size should have a definite historical\ncharacter. I have always borne this in view in forming the collection,\nalthough I by no means believe that this principle should be carried out\npedantically in details. With respect to the plaster casts which you will\nprobably wish to incorporate as a whole with the existing collection of\ncasts, it would be very desirable to have a few duplicates made of these\nfor the Egyptian saloons, for the sake of rendering them complete.\n\nBut what especially induces me to write from hence on such matters, is\nthe notion that even now, or perhaps very soon, you may have made such\nprogress in the edifice as to be desirous of coming to a decision with\nreference to the architectonic and pictorial decoration of the saloons,\nand in that case a few observations may not perhaps be unacceptable from\nme.\n\nYou will, no doubt, select _Egyptian architecture_ for the Egyptian\nsaloons; this should by all means be carried out in every part, and by\nwhat I hear from Hertel, there is still ample time for this. I think,\nfor instance, that to produce a general harmonious impression the\narchitectural style of ranges of columns, which is characteristic of\ndifferent periods, should be retained in their historical succession of\nseries, as well as with all their rich decoration of colouring.\n\nThe coloured paintings on the walls are, however, then indispensable.\nEvery temple, every tomb, every wall in the palaces of the Egyptians\nwas decorated from top to bottom with painted sculptures or paintings.\nThe first inquiry must be, in what style these paintings should be\nexecuted. They might either be _free compositions in the Greek style_,\nor strictly _Egyptian representations, avoiding, however, Egyptian\nperspective_, therefore a kind of translation, somewhat in the manner of\nthe frieze on the wall in the _Mus\u00e9e Charles X._; or, lastly, they might\nbe simple _copies of genuine Egyptian representations_ drawn by us, and\nonly adapted for this particular purpose. With respect to the _first_\nview, I think that a man like CORNELIUS, if he chose to enter on such a\ncompletely new field, would be capable of forming a beautiful and great\nwork out of such a task; but then, the public would most likely be much\nmore interested in the master than in the subject of the representation\nderived from a history of which they are still so ignorant. The _second_\nmethod would perhaps deserve a trial; it might succeed once, in a single\ncase, and would certainly then not be devoid of interest. But I am firmly\npersuaded that a series of any length of such bastard representations\nwould not fulfil the requisite demands, presupposing, as they would,\na double mastery of two artistic languages, and that they would also\nbe decidedly contrary to the taste of the public. All attempts of this\nnature that I have occasionally seen have, in my opinion, been completely\nunsuccessful, and have appeared ridiculous to connoisseurs; although,\nas I have already said, I do not believe that such an attempt might not\nsucceed in an individual case, if the subject were carefully selected. It\ntherefore appears to me, that the _third_ method is the only one left,\nalthough it has least pretension; but it unites so many advantages, that\nI believe, indeed, it will also meet with your approval.\n\nThere can scarcely be any doubt with respect to the subject of the\nrepresentations. They ought to place before us in characteristic features\nthe highest point of Egyptian history, civilisation, and art, and I was\neven astonished at the great number of most suitable subjects which\nimmediately present themselves, if we allow all that has been hitherto\ndisclosed of Egyptian history to pass before us. Merely to give you a\nhasty notion of this, I will communicate the individual points, which I\nwrote down when I was still doubtful whether one of the two first modes\nof representation might not be executed. A more diffuse commentary than\nI can now give ought indeed to be appended to this, but it only refers\nto a very preliminary notion. The names within brackets indicate where\nmaterials could be found for single compositions.\n\n                       PRE-HISTORICAL.\n\n  The elevation of the god HORUS upon OSIRIS\u2019 gods\u2019 throne.\n    (Dendera.) To be placed with reference to the last number.\n\n                        OLD MONARCHY.\n\n  Dyn. I. The removal of MENES from This, the city of Osiris.\n\n  Foundation of MEMPHIS, the town of Phtha by Menes.\n\n  Dyn. IV. The Pyramids built by CHEOPS and CHEPHREN.\n\n  Dyn. VI. The union of the two crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt\n    during the reign of APAPPUS, which lasted a hundred years.\n\n  Dyn. XII. The Temple of Ammon in THEBES, the city of Ammon,\n    founded by SESURTESEN I. in the 12th Dynasty.\n\n  Immigrating HYKSOS. (Benihassan.)\n\n  The LABYRINTH and LAKE M\u0152RIS, the works of AMENEMHA III. of the\n    12th Dynasty.\n\n  Dyn. XIII. The INVASION OF THE HYKSOS into Lower Egypt, occurring\n    shortly after.\n\n  Expulsion of the Egyptian rulers to Ethiopia.\n\n  The rule of the Hyksos.\n\n                        NEW MONARCHY.\n\n  Dyn. XVII.-XVIII. AMENOPHIS I. and the black Queen Aahmesnefruari.\n\n  TUTHMOSIS III. expels the HYKSOS from Abaris. JERUSALEM founded\n    by them.\n\n  AMENOPHIS III. Memnon and the sounding statue.\n\n  Persecution of the Egyptian gods, and introduction of the worship\n    of the sun, under BECH EN ATEN. (Amarna.) King HORUS, the\n    Revenger.\n\n  Dyn. XIX. SETH\u00d4S I. (Seth\u00f4sis, Sesostris.) Conquest of CANAAN.\n    (Karnak.) Joseph and his brethren.\n\n  RAMSES II. the Great. Miamun. War against the Cheta. (Ramesseum.)\n\n  The (brick-making) Israelites (Thebes) build Pithom and Ramses,\n    under Ramses II.\n\n  Colonisation of GREECE from Egypt.\n\n  MENEPTHES. EXODUS OF THE ISRAELITES to Sinai. Moses before\n    Pharaoh. Commencement of the new SIRIUS PERIOD, B.C. 1322.\n\n  Dyn. XX. RAMSES III. A battle from Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu.\n\n  The king among his daughters. The riches and luxury of\n    Rhampsinitus. (Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu.)\n\n  Dyn. XXII. SCHESCHENK I. (Shishak) takes possession of Jerusalem.\n    (Thebes.)\n\n  Dyn. XXV. SABAKO, the Ethiopian, rules in Egypt.\n\n  Dyn. XXVI. PSAMMETICUS, the friend of the Greeks, elevates art.\n    Removal of the warrior caste to Ethiopia.\n\n  Dyn. XXVII. CAMBYSES rages; he destroys temples and statues.\n\n  Dyn. XXX. NECTANEBUS. (Phil\u00e6.)\n\n  ALEXANDER, the son of Ammon, conquers Egypt; builds Alexandria.\n\n  Ptolemy PHILADELPHUS founds the library.\n\n  CLEOPATRA and C\u00c6SARION. (Dendera.)\n\n  Coronation of C\u00c6SAR AUGUSTUS. (Phil\u00e6.)\n\n  CHRIST at Heliopolis.\n\nThis selection would not, indeed, be so great, if we had only to deal\nwith existing representations. The Old Monarchy would first commence with\nthe 4th Dynasty, and would entirely omit the Hyksos period, since nothing\nhas been preserved before the former period, or from the time of the\nHyksos.\n\nOn the other hand, the Egyptian conceptions of art might be more\ncompletely represented, and each single representation would at the same\ntime have a scientific interest. The following provisional selection\nwhich occurred to me might, however, be increased, and altered in all its\nparts from the ample supply of subjects in our drawings, which are 1300\nin number.\n\n                          MYTHOLOGY.\n\n  1. The great and minor gods; the 1st and 2nd Dynasty of the gods.\n    (Karnak.)\n\n  2. OSIRIS undertakes the government of the lower world. HORUS\n    that of the upper. (Dendera.)\n\n  3. Triad of the gods from THIS and ABYDOS. Osiris, Isis, Horus.\n\n  4. Triad of the gods from MEMPHIS. Phtha, Pasht, Imhotep.\n\n  5. Triad of the gods from THEBES. Ammon Ra, Mut, Chensu.\n\n                        OLD MONARCHY.\n\n  King CHUFU (Cheops) beheading his enemies. (Peninsula of Sinai.)\n\n  Scenes from private life of the 4th and 5th Dynasties. (Giseh and\n    Saq\u00e2ra.)\n\n  APAPPUS unites the two crowns. (Koss\u00ear road.)\n\n  SESURTESEN I., of the 12th Dynasty, beats the Ethiopians.\n    (Florence.)\n\n  Scenes from private life of the peaceful flourishing period of\n    the 12th Dynasty. Asiatic attendants. Precursors of the Hyksos;\n    wrestlers, games, a hunt, &c. (Benihassan.) The Colossus dragged\n    by men. (Berscheh.)\n\n  Immigrating HYKSOS who seek for protection. (Benihassan.)\n\n                        NEW MONARCHY.\n\n  The working of the stone quarries of Memphis. (Tura.)\n\n  AMENOPHIS I. and Aahmesnefruari. (Thebes.)\n\n  TUTHMOSIS III. and his sister. (Thebes; Rome.)\n\n  TUTHMOSIS III. Tribute. Erection of obelisks. (Thebes.)\n\n  AMENOPHIS III. (Memnon) and his consort Tii before Ammon Ra.\n    (Thebes.)\n\n  March of an Ethiopian queen to Egypt under AMENTUANCH. (Thebes.)\n\n  AMENOPHIS IV. (Bech-en-aten), the SUN-WORSHIPPER. His procession\n    with the queen and four princesses drawn in a chariot to the\n    Temple of the Sun in Amarna. (Grottoes of Amarna.)\n\n  A favourite is borne on the shoulders of the people before\n    Amenophis IV. Distribution of wreaths of honour among the whole\n    of the royal family.\n\n  HORUS running to Ammon. (Karnak.)\n\n  SETH\u00d4S I. makes war upon Canaan. (Karnak.)\n\n  RAMSES II. Battle against the Asiatic Cheta. (Ramesseum.)\n\n  The same in the Tree of Life. (Ramesseum.)\n\n  The same triumphant. Royal procession. (Ramesseum.)\n\n  RAMSES III. Battle against the Robu. (Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu.)\n\n  The same among his daughters; he plays with them. (Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu.)\n\n  RAMSES XII. Procession of great pomp to Ammon. (Qurna.)\n\n  PISCHEM, the Priest King. (Karnak.)\n\n  SCHESCHENK I. (Shishak) brings the prisoners from Palestine\n    before Ammon (Karnak), King of JUDAH.\n\n  SABAKO, the Ethiopian. (Thebes.)\n\n  TAHRAKA, the Ethiopian. (Barkal.)\n\n  PSAMMETICUS, Amasis. (Thebes.)\n\n  NECTANEBUS. (Thebes.)\n\n  ALEXANDER. PHILIP ARID\u00c6US. (Thebes.)\n\n  PTOLEMY PHILADELPHUS. (Thebes.)\n\n  CLEOPATRA and C\u00c6SARION. (Dendera.)\n\n  Coronation of C\u00c6SAR AUGUSTUS. (Phil\u00e6.)\n\n  Ethiopian subjects from MER\u00d6E.\n\nThis selection of representations, or one similar to this, as large as\nthe partitions in the walls permit, executed in the strict Egyptian\nclassic style, with the full, splendid colouring of the original,\nwould have the great advantage, beyond all other methods, of giving\nthe spectator some idea on a great scale of Egyptian art; the subjects\nwould force themselves on his criticism, and the study of them, in\nconjunction with the smaller and isolated original monuments, would be\nmore complete. For, with the exception of the tombs which we are now\ntaking to pieces, and which only offer the most simple subjects, no\nmonument is of sufficient size to give a notion of Egyptian temples, and\nof wall decoration in general, in which grandeur of idea and dexterity of\ncomposition is frequently displayed with a feeling for general harmony\nin the distribution and arrangement of the whole, most astonishing to\nthe attentive observer. Such a selection of what is most beautiful\nand characteristic, in large representations, capable of being easily\nsurveyed, would perhaps be of more service than any other thing in\nimparting Egyptian science to a larger proportion of the public, and\nat the same time offers the advantage, which is hardly sufficiently\nconsidered at the present day, of averting all invidious criticisms of\nthe representations regarded as modern works. All hasty critics would,\nby this method, be referred to the original, which cannot be robbed of\nits most important position in the artistic history of the human race,\nby a miserable journalist. They would all learn that before venturing to\ncriticise the faithful copy, they must first study the original, for if\nwe can turn the attention of those young artists who have studied for\nthree years to record these things, I am certain that the classic purity\nof their style will not easily be attacked. The novelty of the idea,\nand the effect on a large scale, and as a whole, could not fail to make\na considerable impression on the learned and unlearned public, and the\nseries of subjects mentioned above, independent of their execution, would\nafford satisfaction to intellectual men, and more especially to the King.\nLastly, in addition to this, it might be executed at a comparatively\nsmall expense, on account of the perfect simplicity of the design and\ncolouring, and because all expenditure on the artistic composition has\nbeen previously borne by the ancient Egyptians themselves.\n\nThe representations should only commence at a certain height, according\nto the manners of the Egyptians, and as is most convenient to our own\npurpose, and should rest on a deep band below, the colour of which ought\nto be an imitation of wood or stone. The lofty walls should probably be\npartly divided one above the other into several sections, and perhaps\nthe whole series of the Egyptian Pharaohs, or their Name-Shields only,\nmight be introduced in the frieze. The ceilings in the ante-chambers\nmight be blue, with gold stars, the usual representation of the Egyptian\nheavens; and in the historical saloons there might be the long series of\nvultures, with outspread wings, the symbol of victory, with which most of\nthe ceilings of the temples and palaces are decorated, in an incomparably\nsplendid manner. Finally, a certain amount of hieroglyphic inscriptions\nmust not be absent, which are so essentially connected with all Egyptian\nrepresentations, and make a splendid impression in variegated colours.\nModern hieroglyphic inscriptions might be easily composed for the doors,\nand the central stripes of the ceilings, which would refer in the\nancient Egyptian fashion to the munificence of the king, the locality,\nthe period, and the purpose of the building. How magnificent the two\nEgyptian rows of columns would then look in the centre of all, with their\nsimplicity and rich colouring!\n\nFinally, another idea might be carried out, perhaps, in the\nante-chambers. Views of the Egyptian localities at the present day might\nbe introduced upon the walls, to give a notion of the country to a person\non first entering, and of the state of the buildings from which the\nancient monuments, by which they are surrounded, are taken. These views\nmight be also arranged historically, according to the principal places in\nthe different epochs of time. But here we must presume that the spectator\npossesses some of the historical knowledge which we may hope to see\ngenerally diffused. On that account it would be more useful to attempt\na geographical sequence, and we might embrace the views of Alexandria,\nCairo, the Pyramids of Giseh, Siut, Benihassan, Abydos, Karnak, Qurna,\nthe Cataracts of Assuan, Korusko, Wadi Halfa, Sede\u00efnga, Semneh, Dongola,\nBarkal, Mer\u00f6e, Chart\u00fbm, Senn\u00e2r, and Sarbut el Ch\u00e2dem, in Arabia Petr\u00e6a.\n\nBesides all this, a most rich, interesting, and at the same time useful,\nselection of the subjects and occupations of private life might be\nintroduced in the lateral chambers, all of them copied from the original,\non a large scale, by which means we might facilitate and excite both\nan inviting and effective mode of comprehending that portion of the\ncollection of antiquities which refer to private life.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXXVII.\n\n\n                                               _Jaffa, 7th October, 1845._\n\nWe proceeded rapidly in taking the tombs to pieces; nevertheless, as\nwas to be expected, the most manifold obstacles were thrown in the way\nof the transport and embarkation. The export of the whole collection\nof monuments even then required a special permit from the Viceroy; I\ntherefore set out on the 29th of August for Alexandria, in order to take\nleave of Mohammed Ali, and availed myself of this opportunity to give an\nofficial termination to our mission.\n\nThe Pascha received me with his former kindness, and immediately issued\nthe most distinct commands with respect to the export of the collection,\nwhich he presented to H.M. our King in a special letter, which was handed\nto me. As soon as all the preparations were accomplished I returned to\nCairo, and there made the last arrangements respecting the transport of\nthe stone-boat to Alexandria, and then, on the 25th September, started\nwith Bethmann for Damietta. On the road thither I visited several ruins\nof towns in the eastern part of the Delta, such as those of ATRIB\n(Athribis), SAMAN\u00daD (Sebennytos), BEHB\u00c9T EL HAG\u00c9R (Iseum), but except\nthe high mounds of rubbish, composed of Nile mud and potsherds, which\ngenerally indicate historical sites, we everywhere found only a few\nblocks, all that remained of the ancient temples. In SAN, the ancient\nrenowned TANIS, whither I made a last excursion from Damietta across Lake\nMenzaleh, the foundation of a temple of Ramses II. alone remains, and\nabout twelve or fourteen small granite obelisks, belonging to the same\nking, are preserved, some entire and some in fragments.\n\nOn the 1st of October we went from Damietta, and embarking in the roads\nof Ezbe, the following morning set sail for the Syrian coast. We had an\nalmost incessant contrary wind, and cruised for a whole day in front\nof Ascalon, situated picturesquely on lofty sea cliffs; we only landed\nyesterday in the Holy Land, on the beach of Joppa.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXXVIII.\n\n\n                                           _Nazareth, 9th November, 1845._\n\nYou will not, I am sorry to say, receive my last letter of the 26th\nOctober from Jerusalem, as the courier of our consul, Dr. Schulz, in\nwhose charge I gave it, with five other letters, was attacked by robbers\nat C\u00e6sarea, on the road to Berut, maltreated, and robbed of all the\ndespatches, as well as of a small amount of money which he had on his\nperson. There is great disorganisation in this country. The Turkish\nauthorities, to whom the land has been again handed over by Christian\nvalour, are both lazy, malevolent, and impotent, while Ibrahim Pascha\nknew at least how to preserve order and security, so far as his own\ngovernment extended.\n\nWe spent nearly three weeks in Jerusalem, part of which time I passed in\nbecoming better acquainted with the state of religious matters at the\npresent day, a subject daily becoming of greater importance; partly in\nmaking some antiquarian and topographical researches. These delightful\ndays were rendered peculiarly valuable and instructive by the extreme\namiability of Bishop Alexander, who overtook us with Abeken from Jaffa,\nand was willing to impart all that he knew; and by the scientific ability\nof Dr. Schulz, with whom I had been on terms of friendship since our\nmutual residence in Paris, in the years 1834 and 1835. An excursion to\nJericho, the Jordan, and the Dead Sea, and back by San Saba, formed an\ninteresting episode. My journal of this expedition, which I wrote very\nfully, was, however, contained in that letter, and will probably never\nreappear, so that I can but imperfectly restore it now.\n\nThe 4th of November we left the Holy City. We had some difficulty in\nprocuring horses or mules on account of the war the Pascha of Jerusalem\nwas carrying on with Hebron, which was assuming a more serious aspect.\nWe spent the first night after leaving Jerusalem in a tent in B\u00ceREH.\nThe second day we proceeded by BETHIN (Bethel), \u02beAIN EL HARAMIEH (the\nRobbers\u2019 spring), and SELUN (Silo) to NABLUS (Sichem, Neapolis), and the\nsame evening ascended GARIZIM, the holy mount of the Samaritans, whose\nremaining population (about 70 men, or 150 souls) we became somewhat\nbetter acquainted with the following morning. They still continue to\nbe shunned by the Jews, and have as little communication with the\nChristians and Mohammedans.\n\nOn Garizim we saw the bare rocky surface, surrounded by some remains of\nan ancient wall, where these SAMARI still, as in past ages, annually\noffer up the sacrifice of sheep to their God. The following morning,\nafter we had visited the Samaritan place of worship, in which we were\nshown the old Samaritan manuscript of the Pentateuch, and had seen\nJacob\u2019s well, and Joseph\u2019s tomb surrounded by vine branches, we rode on\nfarther, with an armed attendant of Solim\u00e2n Bey\u2019s, in whose house we were\nlodging, and proceeded first to SEBASTIEH (Sebaste, the ancient Samaria),\nwhere we saw the ruins of the beautiful old church from the period of the\nCrusaders, said to be built over the tomb of John the Baptist. We spent\nthe night in the woody GENNIN (Egennin). Thence our road led through the\nwide and fertile, but nevertheless barren, plain of Jesreel (Esdraelon),\nthe great bloody plain of Palestine, to ZERIN and the beautiful spring\n(AIN GULUT, Goliath\u2019s spring), where Naboth\u2019s vineyard was situated,\nand where the whole house of Ahab was murdered; then to GEBEL DAH\u02bfI,\nlittle HERMON, beyond which TABOR (GEBEL E\u2019 TUR), distinguished by\nits cupola-like form and isolated position, rose up and arrested our\nattention, until we once more rode into the mountains to NAZARETH,\nbeautifully situated in a mountain hollow, like an amphitheatre.\nYesterday we made an excursion in the morning from this place over Mount\nTabor to TIBERIAS, on Lake Genezaret, and have only just returned. In\nspite of my endeavours to the contrary, we were compelled to take a\nbody-guard of armed Arabs with us thither, as we did to the Dead Sea; and\nwe, in fact, encountered various groups of low Bedouin rabble in their\npicturesque variegated costume, whom I should have been sorry to have met\nalone, most of them in the neighbourhood of beautiful wooded Tabor, where\nthey were lying on the road, or riding past across the plain.\n\n\n\n\nLETTER XXXIX.\n\n\n                                             _Smyrna, 7th December, 1845._\n\nFrom Nazareth we proceeded down the plain of JESREEL to Mount CARMEL,\nwhere we passed the night in the magnificent convent which has been\nnewly erected. The following morning we descended from this promontory,\ncommanding the wide ocean and its fragrant coast, to HAIPHA (Hepha),\ncrossed over the bay to ACCA (Ako, Ptolemais), and then rode along the\ncoast on the damp sandy shore, keeping the mountain range constantly in\nview, and by S\u00dbR (Tyrus) and SAIDA (Sidon) to BERUT (Berytos), where we\nmet with a kind reception from the Prussian consul-general, Herr von\nWildenbruch.\n\nOn the 15th of November, we started from Berut for Damascus. I left\nGabre M\u00e1riam behind with Herr von Wildenbruch, and only took with me\nmy faithful Berber, Ibrahim, and a Kawass. The road, after leaving\nthe sand-hills immediately surrounding Berut, rises directly up these\nglorious mountains, abounding in flowers, trees, and springs of water.\nWe crossed it nearly on the frontier between the territories of the\nDruses and the Maronites. We ascended all day, part of the time on\nterribly bad roads cut in the rock, and spent the night on this side\nof the mountain ridge; we did not reach the summit till the following\nmorning, and now had a wide prospect over the fertile plain of the\nLEONTES, which separates Libanon and Anti-Libanon, and which, with the\nbrief interruption of Gebel e\u2019 Scheikh (Hermon), with its ramifications\nprotruding upwards, it forms one single huge cleft through the whole\nof the valley of the Jordan, and continues across the Dead Sea, as far\nas the Gulf of Akaba and the Red Sea. We descended to MEKSEH, took our\nbreakfast on one of its flat roofs, and intended to have cut across\nfrom this point, in a south-easterly direction, through the valley to\nMEGDEL and AITHI, but, in preference, we took a circuitous road towards\nthe north to ZACHLEH, which is one of the largest and most flourishing\ntowns of Christian Libanon. On the road we met a troop of soldiers,\nwho were escorting some thousands of weapons on asses, which had been\ntaken the previous day from the inhabitants of Zachleh. The disarming\nof the whole of Libanon by Schekib Effendi had commenced from the\nsouth, and, as is well known, was executed with the greatest prejudice\nagainst the unfortunate Christians, who were miserably sacrificed to a\npiece of reckless commercial policy. In order to disarm Zachleh, which\nis a strong and influential post, it had been besieged by two hundred\nregular troops, some of whom we still found stationed there, and also a\ncountless multitude of Bedouins had been allowed to encamp in the great\nvalley of the Beq\u00e2\u02bea, whose aid against the Christians they would have\navailed themselves of in case of necessity; these last, however, had\nagain withdrawn. We inquired in the town, which was still in a state\nof great excitement, after Bishop Theophilus, who was described to us\nas both a vigorous and heroic champion in the fight; but unfortunately\nhe had just set off for Beirut. After we had again departed, we met on\nthe road a German Catholic priest, who accompanied us to the adjoining\nplace, MO\u02beALLAQA, and told us much of the cruelties which the Turks had\npractised here, as elsewhere, on the miserable inhabitants. Several\nhundred more muskets had been demanded than really existed in the whole\nplace, and the old Sheikhs, who ought to have supplied them, were\ncudgelled till the missing muskets had been purchased by the inhabitants\nat a high price, and with great difficulty, in the camp of the Turks\nthemselves.\n\nFrom Zachleh we went to KERAK, in order to visit the tomb of Noah at that\nspot. We found a long, narrow building, of well joined square blocks,\nand beside it a small building with a cupola, surrounded by trees, from\nwhich there was a beautiful prospect of the plain, and of Anti-Libanon.\nThrough a window, hung with votive shreds, I saw a tomb built up in\nthe usual Oriental form within the long vaulted room, and I was not a\nlittle surprised to see, through the windows in the whole length of the\nbuilding, a constant continuation of this same tomb, which seemed to have\nneither a beginning nor an end. At length the door-keeper arrived, and,\nto my astonishment, I was convinced that the tomb was 40 ells long, by\nexact measurement 31 metres 77\u2032 (131 feet English), therefore somewhat\nmore than 40 ordinary Egyptian ells.[116] The case assumes an air of\nprobability, as this measurement of the length of Noah\u2019s body is exactly\nproportionate to the length of his life, one thousand years.\n\nFrom Kerak we at length turned to our right, into the plain across to TEL\nEMDIEH, we then turned to our left into a valley, which again conducted\nus directly northward, and at sunset arrived at EL \u02beAIN, a small village\nnear a spring, situated at the upper end of the valley, at a considerable\nheight above the great plain. From our having followed the circuitous\nroad to Zachleh and Kerak, we were somewhat beyond the day that we had\ncalculated on, and therefore determined, to the disappointment of our\nmule driver, to go on still farther to ZEBED\u00caNI, which was said to be\nsituated on the eastern declivity of Anti-Libanon, two hours from hence.\nAs none of our people had ever gone this road across the mountains, we\ntook a guide with us, who very soon led us out of our valley, which\nascended towards the north, between the lower mountains and the principal\nridge, and led us up a steep, toilsome, and endless rocky path on our\nright hand. The moon rose, hours passed on, and the ardently-desired\nZebed\u00eani would never make its appearance. At length we stood on the\nprecipitous border of another deep valley, up which we were compelled to\nclamber painfully on foot, for another whole hour, leading our animals;\nand it was not before midnight that we reached Zebed\u00eani, after a march of\nsix hours. All here were plunged in the most profound slumber; we were\nobliged to knock at several houses to inquire our road to the convent,\nwhere we hoped to find some shelter. At length we were told that there\nwas indeed a church, but no room in the adjoining convent to receive us.\nWe therefore quartered ourselves in the last house, which was opened to\nus after knocking at it for a long time. It only contained _one_ large\nroom, but there was sufficient space for ourselves and our servants,\nafter the whole of the numerous family of men, women, and children, had\nretired to one corner. The people were, however, friendly and courteous,\nthe next morning received their backshish, and took leave of us, with\nan invitation to repeat the visit on our return. We now proceeded down\nthe beautiful fertile valley of Zebed\u00eani towards the south, for an hour\nand a half, when we again turned eastward, into the precipitous rocky\ndefile, where the rippling brook, beside which we had hitherto been\nmarching, swelled into a small river, called B\u00c1RADA, opening a path for\nitself, in most beautiful and picturesque cascades, through luxuriant\nverdure, to the great plain of Damascus. We rode for several hours along\nits precipitous banks, sometimes in the very bed itself, till we came\nto a lofty pointed arch, which, as a bridge, conducted us from the left\nto the right bank. Here the road went up the mountain, and disclosed a\nnumber of ancient rock-tombs, opposite the continuation of the steep\nrock-precipice we had just left. Soon afterwards the wild ravine opened\ninto a broader valley, through which the rushing river winds more\nquietly, passing several pleasantly situated villages. It had hitherto\npierced in an easterly direction, through a mountain ridge, passing from\nnorth to south, from which it now issued through a lofty rock-gate. Two\nsingle mountain masses rose up like mighty pylons towards the east; on\nthe summit of the one to the south, rising almost perpendicularly several\nthousand feet, was a small sepulchral edifice, surrounded by trees. This\nplace is worshipped as the tomb of Abel, NEBBI HAB\u00ceL, who, according to\ntradition, was buried here. The summit is said to be almost inaccessible,\nand so it appeared, at least from this side, we therefore omitted to\ninvestigate whether a tomb, 40 ells in length, had been also erected to\nthe youth Habel. At the foot of the mount the ancient city of ABILA was\nformerly situated, whose name has probably given rise to the story.\n\nWe now quitted for several hours the enchanting valley of the B\u00e1rada, and\nrode over bare rocky plateaus, till at GED\u00ceDEH we again descended to it,\nand rested a short time upon its bank, in the shadow of tall plane-trees\nand silver poplars of changing hue. At length we once more quitted the\nriver, which had become gradually fuller, and more rapid, by the addition\nof various brooks, and ascending a high mountain, we suddenly stood in\nfront of the illimitable plain, which lay spread out before us unbounded\nby mountain ranges, and covered like one large garden with innumerable\nleafy green trees, and intersected by roads and streams. In the midst of\nthis garden, and immediately at our feet, lay glorious DAMASCUS, with its\ncupolas, minarets, and terraces. We knew that we were about to see one of\nthe most celebrated prospects in the world, but we were, nevertheless,\nastonished, and found our expectations surpassed by the magnificent\npicture which, like a stroke of enchantment, unfolded itself before us in\nthe direction of the lovely but narrow valleys, alternating with barren,\nrocky deserts. We lingered nearly an hour at this point, which has been\nrendered prominent by a magnificent dome, resting upon four isolated\npillars, called QUBBET E\u2019 NASR, the \u201cvictorious cupola.\u201d\n\nDamascus is one of the holiest and most lauded cities of the East. The\nprophet Mohammed considered it thrice blessed, because the angels spread\ntheir wings over the city, and at the glorious sight are said not to\nhave taken possession of it for this reason, that _one_ Paradise only is\nintended for man, and that one he will find in heaven. In the Koran, God\nswears by the fig and the olive-tree, that is by Damascus and Jerusalem,\nand the Arabian geographers call it the mole on the cheek of the World,\nthe plumage of the peacock of Paradise, the necklace of beauty, and among\nthe Sultan\u2019s titles, \u201cthe Paradise-scented Dimischk.\u201d[117] In accordance\nwith the legend of the Oriental Christians, Adam was here formed out of\nthe reddish earth of the district; and tradition places the spot where\nCain slew Abel on Mount KASIUN, near this.\n\nThe B\u00e1rada, which we had followed from its first source, enters the great\nplain a little south of Damascus, turns to the left towards the city,\nthrough which it flows in seven branches, and then passes into a lake.\nIt was the gold-streaming Chrysorrhoas of the ancients, the much-praised\nFarfar of the Eastern poets. It was this river that, calling forth the\nwhole idea of Paradise, gave at all times to this most ancient city\u2014known\neven by Abraham, and conquered by David\u2014its great importance. Damascus\nwas formerly one of the chief seats of Arabian literature and learning,\nand a disciple of the Prophet is said to have given instruction in\nreading the Koran to 1600 of the faithful at once (after the method of\nJoseph Lancaster) in the great mosque of the Ommiads. The city at first\nseemed but little to correspond with the glorious country surrounding\nit. We entered streets of considerable breadth, but bare, closed in by\nlow houses, whose mud walls had small doors, and scarcely any windows.\nNone of the beautiful wood-carvings of Cairo, or stone decorations, were\nto be seen on the windows and doors. Some of the mosques and fountains\nwhich we passed were the only exceptions; and the number of single trees\nin the streets and in the squares had a pleasant appearance. Farther in\nthe interior of the city we came to the long bazaar, consisting mostly\nof massive building. The well-filled booths, the abundance of fruits\nof every kind that were heaped up, finally, the crowd of people, of\nall ages and of every description, in all sorts of costumes, and the\nendless turnings from one street into the other, impressed us with the\nfeeling that we were in a large and wealthy capital of the East. We first\nrode to our Prussian consul, who was, however, prostrated with fever.\nWe therefore proceeded still farther, to an inn, lately established.\nHere also, as in the consul\u2019s house, we passed through a narrow door\nin a plain outer wall into a small dark court, and out of that into\nanother low and angular passage. But then a beautiful spacious court was\ndisclosed, surrounded on all sides by magnificent shining marble walls,\nin the centre of which was a fountain, overshadowed by tall trees. On\nthe farther side was a vaulted niche, the entrance-arch of which was\nfive-and-twenty feet high. To this we ascended by some marble steps, and\nnow found ourselves in a somewhat narrow but lofty saloon, which was open\nto the court, and had commodious divans placed along the inner walls. On\nthe left of this niche was the dining-room; on the right a staircase,\nby which we ascended to the rooms above, which we occupied. They were\nwainscoted all round, and the walls, as well as the ceiling, were adorned\nwith a variety of decorations painted in gold and silver. We afterwards\nsaw several more of the finest houses in Damascus, all of which appeared\nexternally almost mean, but in the interior displayed Oriental splendour\nmore like a fairy tale than anything which I have since seen in these\ncountries. And occasionally, even at the present day, they build their\nhouses in this style, at least if we may judge by some of these small\npalaces, which were only erected between ten and twenty years ago. There\nis a lavish display of marble, and other costly stones, in these courts,\nhalls, and rooms, such as with us is only seen in royal palaces. The\nbeautiful open hall, which is always formed in front simply by a lofty\narch, sometimes appears on two, or even three, sides of the court, and\nnot unfrequently has also a small fountain to itself, independent of the\nlarger one, which is never absent, and is usually shaded by trees, which\ngrow up from the midst of the slabs of marble.\n\nThe following day we spent entirely in viewing the city, and especially\nthe rich bazaars, in which beautiful silks embroidered in gold and\nsilver, splendid weapons, and other brilliant articles of Eastern luxury\nare exposed for sale. We visited the great Khan, with its nine immense\ndomed chambers, a kind of exchange frequented by the most considerable\nmerchants; then the mighty Mosque of the Ommiads, regarded as very\nsacred, whose Hall of Pillars is 550 feet long and 150 broad. It was\nformerly a Christian church, which itself was said to have been built on\nthe foundation of a Roman temple to Juno. We were not permitted to enter,\nand therefore could only survey it through the numerous open gates, and\nwere even prevented from mounting on the roof of a neighbouring house by\na fanatical Mussulman, so that we were obliged to defer doing so till\nour return on the following day. We were shown the enormous plane-tree,\nthirty-five feet in circumference, standing in the middle of a street\nnear a fountain, called after an old Sheikh, Ali, who is said to have\nplanted the tree. We also stepped into the inviting coffee-houses on the\ncool bank of the river. Next morning we rode to the southern gate of the\ncity, called BAB ALLAH, to which a street above an hour long leads in\na direct line between magnificent shops, mosques, workshops, and other\nbuildings; this is probably the so-called \u201cStraight-street\u201d (\u1f21 \u1fe5\u03cd\u03bc\u03b7 \u1f21\n\u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7 \u03b5\u1f50\u03b8\u03b5\u1fd6\u03b1) in which Saul dwelt when he was converted by Ananias.\n(Acts ix. 11.)\n\nOn the road we stopped at the small cupola building which is usually\nregarded as the tomb of Saladin, but which is only a place of worship\nbuilt to his honour by Sultan Sel\u00eem. The real tomb is said to be twelve\nhours to the south of Damascus, near a place called GIBBA; this was\nconfirmed by the Sheikh whom we met here. From BAB ALLAH, the \u201cgate\nof God,\u201d through which the pilgrims to Jerusalem and Mecca pass, we\nrode to the left round the city through the pleasant gardens of olives,\npoplars, mulberries, and gigantic apricot-trees; these last produce those\ndelicious apricots which, when dried, are sent to all quarters of the\nworld under the appellation of Misch-misch. We then came to the cemetery\nof the Jews, where a corpse was being lowered into the grave; and,\naccording to the custom here, the virtues of the deceased were called\nto mind and eulogised. Not far off is situated the Christian cemetery,\nnear which the spot is marked where Saul was struck to the ground by the\nheavenly vision. Thence our road led over a small bridge to the city\nwall, in which, near a gate now built up, we were shown a window from\nwhich Paul was let down. We followed the wall as far as a beautiful\nancient Roman gate with three entrances, the _porta orientalis_, through\nwhich we came to the house of Ananias, with the rock-cave, which is now\nconverted into a Latin chapel. We then rode through the gardens of fruit\nand olive-trees to a neighbouring village, G\u00d4BA, where Elisha crowned\nKing Hazael of Syria, and where Elijah was fed by a raven in a chamber of\nthe rock.\n\nOn our departure from Damascus we also visited SALH\u00ceEH, a place in the\nneighbourhood, the tomb of the greatest of the Arabian mysticists, the\ncelebrated Sheikh MOHIEDDIN EL ARABI, and were here also reminded of his\nteacher, SCHEDELI, who invented the beverage of coffee, and who was in\nthe habit of keeping his disciples awake with it.\n\nIn Palestine we had wandered among the tombs of Abraham, Isaac, and\nJacob, of Rebecca, Leah, and Rachel, of Joseph, David, Solomon, and the\nprophets, of Christ, his parents and disciples. Here we came to the tombs\nof Noah and Abel, and soon after to Seth also, and set foot on the fields\nof Paradise, which belonged to the first pair. What a strange sensation\nto travel in these regions, where tradition deals with such materials!\n\nWe halted the first night after our departure in SUK EL B\u00c1RADA, at the\nfoot of Nebbi Hab\u00eel. From this point we again crossed over the old\npointed arch bridge, which, like most early structures in this country,\nis said to have been built by the Empress Helena; and this time we\nexamined the ancient rock-tombs somewhat more accurately. We reached them\nby a difficult path, partly by an ancient aqueduct hewn in the rock. Some\nof these tombs were planned in a singular manner, and appeared to be very\nold; farther on followed several from the Greek period, with bas-reliefs\nand gable-ends, and some steles upon the rock, on which we were still\nable to decipher some Greek words. Not far from this, up the river, we\nfound a mighty Roman work, the great, ancient, now deserted high-road\nhewn for a considerable distance through the living rock, and two Roman\ninscriptions, each in two copies, on the flat lofty wall behind. The\nlonger one ran as follows:\u2014IMPerator CAESar Marcus AVRELius ANTONINVS |\nAVGustus ARMENIACVS ET IMPerator CAESar Lucius AVRELius VERVS AVGustus AR\n| MENIACVS VIAM FLVMINIS | VI ABRVPTAM INTERCISO | MONTE RESTITVERVNT PER\n| IVLium VERVM LEGatum PRO PRaetore PROVINCi\u00e6 | SYRi\u00e6 ET AMICVM SVVM |\nIMPENDIIS ABILENORVM. The other:\u2014PRO SALVTE IMPeratoris AVGusti ANTONI |\nNI ET VERI Marcus VO | LVSIVS MAXIMVS | \u2183 (centurio) LEGionis XVI Flaviae\nFirmae | QVI OPERI IN | STITIT Vota suscepto.[118]\n\nSince that time the rock has no doubt been twice hollowed out and broken\naway by the torrent, which has certainly great force every spring;\nfor, in the immediate neighbourhood of the second copy of the two\ninscriptions, the rock-road is terminated by a sudden precipice. By four\no\u2019clock we had mounted Anti-Libanon, and at NEBBI SCH\u00ceT, that is SETH,\nwe again entered the great plain of the Leontes. We immediately went in\nsearch of the tomb of Nebbi Sch\u00eet, and were not a little surprised to\nfind here also, as at Nebbi No\u00ebh, a solid ancient Arabian building, with\na small cupola standing beside it, and within, a tomb _forty_ ells long.\nIt was even broader than that of Noah, because three steps led up to the\nheight of the monument on either side, the whole way along, which in the\nformer case were wanting. By bestowing on them such an unusual size of\nbody, the legend evidently wished to distinguish these two patriarchs\nas having lived before the Flood, and the number 40, which is used so\nfrequently both in the Old and New Testament as an undetermined sacred\nnumber, has not, as is here exemplified, lost its application among the\nArabs.\n\nThe same evening we rode on two hours farther, to BRITAN; and the\nfollowing morning we started before sunrise for B\u00c2LBECK, the ancient\nHeliopolis, with its celebrated ruins of the temple of the Sun. I\nlingered first at the ancient stone-quarries, in front of which the road\npassed, and there measured a block of building-stone, which was not quite\nseparated from the rock; it was 67 feet long, 14 feet broad, and 13 feet\n5 inches thick. Many of the walls in the temple ruins in B\u00e2lbeck are\ncomposed of similar, or not much smaller blocks. One which I measured on\nthe spot, and in its original position, without making any particular\nselection, was 65 feet 4 inches by 12 feet 3 inches and 9 feet 9 inches\nlarge. They are, indeed, grand ruins, but the ornamental part of the\narchitecture is heavy, overloaded, and some in a very barbarous taste.\n\nB\u00e2lbeck is associated with a sad recollection. As I approached the\nscattered houses of the village, immediately adjoining the ancient temple\nruins, my faithful servant Ibrahim, who had arrived here before us, met\nme with the joyful intelligence that Abeken, from whom we had separated\nin Jerusalem, had just arrived. I found him, in fact, in the house of the\nvenerable Bishop Athanasius situated close at hand; but we had scarcely\ngreeted each other, when I was informed that Ibrahim was lying in the\nroad dying. I hastened out, and found him almost in the very spot where\nhe had shortly before saluted me in so friendly a manner, lying extended\nwith the rattle in his throat; his eyes were already dim. It was in vain\nthat a priest of the neighbouring convent endeavoured to give assistance;\nin a few minutes he died before my face. His death seems to have been\noccasioned by a chill. He was a thoroughly excellent man, with a natural\nnobleness of character not often found among the Arabs. I had taken him\nwith me on my journey to Nubia from Assuan; he wished of his own accord,\nand from his attachment to me, to accompany me to Europe, and by his\nknowledge of the Nubian dialect, would have been very useful to me in my\nstudies of the languages of the Sudan. I was anxious to place a tombstone\nto his memory at the foot of Anti-Libanon, where he was buried on the\ndeclivity of the hill, beside a tree, but we found no stone-mason who\ncould execute it. I therefore sent one to B\u00e2lbeck from Berut, with an\ninscription as follows:\u2014IBRAHIMO HASSAN SYENE ORIVNDO SERVO BENE MERENTI\nP. R. LEPSIUS. D. XXI. _Novemb._ MDCCCXLV.\n\nThis news made a great impression on Gabre M\u00e1riam when I communicated it\nto him in Berut; he wept bitterly, for they had been excellent friends.\n\nBefore we left B\u00e2lbeck, the bishop advised us to take a different road\nfrom what we intended, as intelligence had been received that there was\nmuch disturbance on the other side of Libanon, and that the population\nhad revolted. But, in fact, as the whole country was in a state of great\nexcitement, and we had notwithstanding found no difficulty, we paid\nlittle regard to his recommendation, and told him we should only pass\nthrough Christian districts, whose inhabitants would look upon us as\nfriends. We quitted B\u00e2lbeck shortly before sunset, and traversed the\nnarrow plain, in order to spend the night in DER EL AHMAR, the \u201cRed\nConvent,\u201d and the following day, with renewed strength, ascend Libanon\nalmost to its highest point, so that we might again descend by the famous\ncedar forest. Hitherto we had been favoured, during our whole journey in\nPalestine and Syria, with the most beautiful weather. From day to day\nwe had been expecting increasing rain, according to the calendar of the\nweather on other years, and up to the present time had only once been\ndrenched\u2014on our return from the Dead Sea to Jerusalem. The wide plain of\nBEQ\u00c2\u02beA, which we now traversed for the second time, is quite impassable\nafter rain at this season of the year, and the numerous mountain streams\nof Libanon, so abounding in springs, generally swell these to such a\ndegree that, with the frequent absence of bridges, they can only be\ncrossed with extreme danger. The sky clouded over in a threatening\nmanner this evening, the obscurity of the night was impenetrable, and at\nlength, after we had already seen some of the lights of DER EL AHMAR in\nthe distance, we lost our way on a barren piece of ground rent by rugged\nclefts. At length, we had hardly arrived, when the rain poured down in\ntorrents. Here again we shared a large room with the whole of a Christian\npeasant family, but we spent a most restless night. There were constant\ngroans and lamentations among the women and children, who appeared to\nbe sick. In a short time the incessant rain had soaked through the flat\nroof of the house, and trickled upon the beds; people were now sent up\nto throw fresh sand upon the roof, and to ram it firm with pieces of\nstone pillars, which are ready for this purpose on the top of all the\nhouses; but this operation sent down so much lime and dirt upon us,\nthat we were at length compelled to request they would discontinue this\nwell-intentioned repair. In a small shed near the door lay a dog with a\nnumerous progeny, whose bed seemed also to have been invaded by the rain,\nfor they began to whine and yelp in the most wretched manner. At length\nour hosts were roused by repeated loud knocks, to furnish a horse for a\nsoldier, who was carrying letters farther on at the utmost speed for the\nPascha. Thus we got no rest the whole night through; and if an Arabian\nproverb says, that the king of the fleas keeps his court in Tiberias, the\nholy city of the Jews, I have now every reason to suppose that he has\nsince then transferred his residence hither from that spot, where we had\nfound good and undisturbed lodging.\n\nThe rain subsided towards morning, and gave place to a thick mist which,\ncontinuing still in single large clouds, seemed sometimes wholly to cut\noff the ascent to the mountain fronting the lofty ridge of Libanon, but\nalso often charmed us by its magic play with the penetrating light of\nthe cool morning sun round the nearer and the more distant wooded hills\nand points of rock. When we reached the first elevations, which are\nseparated from the principal chain by a level valley, we suddenly burst\nupon an indescribably beautiful and astounding prospect. The sight of the\nchain of Libanon, covered in its whole extent and far down with fresh\ndazzling snow, was a real Alpine landscape on the grandest scale, rising\nmajestically above the eternal spring of this blessed land, though now\nindeed so miserably trodden down by the hereditary enemy the Turk. I\nthoroughly enjoyed this unusual spectacle, which roused a true home-like\njoy in my heart, and I endeavoured to imbibe all that I could of the\nclear, white, quiet light. I drove my little Egyptian horse in front\nof me, which had lost its rider in B\u00e2lbeck, and now bore on its back\nthe small possessions he had left behind him. I thought how, a few days\npreviously, I had been enjoying the thoughts of seeing my good Ibrahim\u2019s\nsurprise when he should pass through the snowy region of Libanon along\nwith us. The deep parts of the snow which soon after we were obliged\nto ride through, did not seem to annoy the ass; it frequently stood\nstill astonished in the midst of the snow, and no doubt viewed it all\nas salt, soft white fields of which it had known near the Red Sea and\nelsewhere. We rode zig-zag up the extremely steep mountain precipice\nbetween seven and eight thousand feet high. It is not rocky at this\npoint, but covered with earth, and terminates in a sharp ridge. \u201cEl hamdu\nl\u2019illah,\u201d exclaimed the old guide when he had attained the summit, and\n\u201cSal\u00e2m, sal\u00e2m,\u201d resounded in one chorus of voices. We had almost ascended\nthe highest point of Libanon, but the prospect over land and sea was\nunfortunately hidden from us by clouds and layers of mist, although we\nhad blue sky above us. After a short ride downwards from the summit, our\nguide pointed out the ancient venerable forest of cedars at our feet in a\ngreat level bay of the mountain range, from which King Hiram had sent the\nhuge stems to Solomon for the building of the Temple; it looked as small\nas a garden from this lofty point. For a long while it was considered the\nonly remains of those ancient forests, till, in recent times, several\nmore tracts of cedar forest have been discovered in some of the northern\nparts of Libanon. We soon again lost sight of the cedars as we descended\ndeeper among the layers of cloud, which excluded all prospect. Suddenly\nthe dark shade of these gigantic trees rose like mountain spirits, close\nbeside us, out of the grey mass of mist. We rode to the chapel of the\nhermit, who usually presents the stranger here, with a good glass of wine\nof Libanon, but we found it closed; just then the clouds dissolved into a\nmost prosaic rain, from which we were scarcely able to shelter ourselves\nbeneath the wide roof of needles of the noble cedars. I found a beautiful\ncedar cone hanging down sufficiently low for me to break it off and take\nit away with me as a keepsake. Single stems of these cedars are 40 feet\nin circumference, and 90 feet high; and as one cedar, which they pretend\nthey know to be 100 years old, is only half a foot in diameter, the\nlargest cedars are stated to be 3000 years old, which would go back as\nfar as the time of Solomon. The rain increased, and we had still several\nthousand feet to descend before reaching the nearest village, BSCHERREH.\nThe lower we came, so much the more slippery and dangerous grew the\nnarrow, sometimes rocky, sometimes soaked footpath, which led along the\nprecipitous side of the valley with an abrupt precipice to our right.\nTurning an angle of rock, we at length gained sight of the night quarters\nwe so longed to reach. The wealthy, inviting, and important village of\nBscherreh, which gives a name to the whole district, is well known from\nits powerful and influential, but wild, uncontrolled, and often cruel\ninhabitants.\n\nThe rain had abated, the white houses, with their terrace roofs, between\nwhich a number of silver poplars, plane-trees, and cypresses, rise up\nsingly, or in rows, were placed one above the other in a semicircle, on a\nhill projecting from the right side of the valley, and shining after the\nrain, they looked as if they had just emerged from a bath. Nothing was\nstirring in the village; it seemed as if it were perfectly dead. I rode\nin advance of the rest of our party, with our old guide, up a narrow path\nbeside vineyard walls, when suddenly, at a bend in the road, a strong\nvoice called out to me, and when I looked up, over the terrace of the\nvineyard, which was about a man\u2019s height, to my no small surprise I saw\nabout twenty muskets pointed at me and the guide. He let go the bridle of\nhis horse, stretched out his hands towards heaven, and shouted out to the\npeople. I hastily threw back the cape of my cloak, in order to show the\npeople my European hat, and let them see who we were. When they perceived\nthat we were but a small party, and that we did not put ourselves in any\nattitude of defence, they came out in hundreds from behind the trees,\nsurrounded us with loud yells, and for a long time would not believe\nbut that we were soldiers in disguise. Some even struck at our horses\nwith staves, downwards from the terrace, while I was endeavouring to\nexplain to those nearest to us who we were. Others had more quickly\nperceived their error; they came down to the street, and took my horse\nby the bridle. One especially, an animated boy of about fourteen, with a\nclear eye, beautiful forehead, and ruddy, fresh cheeks, pressed forwards\ntowards me, calling out in Italian, that we should fear nothing, it was\nall a mistake, we were their friends, that I had only to ride on and\ndismount at the house of his brother. Some vehement people continued to\naccompany us, and called out to us from the wall, with the most angry\ngesticulations, while the great mass were already satisfied, and uttered\na deafening cry of joy; they fired off muskets in the air, and now\nconducted us in triumph to the village.\n\nAll were on foot in Bscherreh, which contains between 1200 and 1500\ninhabitants, and there was pressing and pushing to kiss our hands and\nclothes; the women began their piercing shrieks, clapped their hands, and\ndanced; my honest youth remained constantly by my side, and thus step by\nstep we made our way through the dense crowd, whom we now also greeted as\nfriends, till we arrived in front of the Sheikh\u2019s house, whose youngest\nbrother was my companion and guide. We were led up the stone staircase,\nand the open hall in front, to the spacious saloon which was to shelter\nus.\n\nI conversed almost the whole evening with the Sheikh of the village,\nJUSEF HANNA DAHIR, a young and handsome man, with a serious, gentle\ncountenance, inspiring confidence. His father had fallen in the war,\nunder Ibrahim Pascha, who will soon be invested here with an odour of\nsanctity, should the present abominations of the Turks last much longer.\nSheikh Jusef was the eldest son of this numerous and ancient family, in\nwhich the dignity of Sheikh is hereditary. He related to me with perfect\nfrankness, composure, and intelligence, what was now going on among them,\nhow they had resolved to supply the weapons which were required, but had\nretracted this determination when they heard of the disgraceful manner\nin which the Turkish military had behaved in the southern districts;\nthirty-four villages had now combined, and sworn in their churches not\nto furnish the weapons, but to use them against the Turkish dogs. When\nI asked him if they had any prospect of being able to defend themselves\nsuccessfully against a disciplined army, especially since the death of\ntheir common leader, Emir Beschir, he told me that in Bscherreh alone\nthere were 3000, and in the whole of the district which had formed a\ncombination 13,000 armed men\u2014as large a number as the Turkish military\nin the country. Besides this, they had their mountains, their snow and\nrain, their passes and lurking holes, which would render all the Turkish\ncavalry and artillery useless. I nevertheless advised them to apply to\na consul at Berut, who was friendly to their cause, to solicit some\nmediation, and to avoid the last extremity. As I afterwards heard, this\nhas taken place. The French consul-general, Bourr\u00e9, has treated with the\nPascha on their behalf.\n\nBut all may have been too late, and I fear that the storm of war has\nlong since broken over my excellent hosts in Bscherreh, and that their\nwives and children have been even less spared than those of their weaker\nneighbours.\n\nI was rejoiced to be of some service that evening to the young Sheikh,\nwhose pleasing and composed deportment pre-possessed me much in his\nfavour. I bound up a wound for him better than was possible with the\nmeans he had at hand, and provided him with linen and lint. He told me\nthat we could not set out next day, for he must prepare a feast for us,\nroast a sheep, and show us that he was our friend; but I declined the\ninvitation, which was made with all sincerity.\n\nThe following morning we took a servant of the Sheikh with us as far\nas the next village, EHDEN, which we also found in great excitement,\nbut not inimical to us. Outposts had been stationed, and the variegated\ncostume of the population, their bright red and yellow dresses, looked\nat a distance like a spring flower-garden among the green trees; they\nsurrounded and questioned us, and even here there seemed to be divided\nopinions as to what we were. One young Amazon ran for a considerable\ndistance beside us, raised her finger in a menacing manner, and upbraided\nus that we Franks did not openly and vigorously side with them.\n\nWe here dismissed our companion from Bscherreh; in his place, a rider,\non a magnificent fiery horse, unasked, attached himself to our party;\nhe politely saluted us, and keeping at a certain distance never lost\nsight of us. In about a couple of hours afterwards, at a more gentle\ninclination of the mountain, we perceived a troop of armed people in the\nfield, who had planted the red banner of blood to preach war and revolt\nfar away over the plain. The patrol advanced to meet us, and absolutely\nrefused our proceeding any farther. It was only after long negotiations\nthat, by means of a gold piece and the intercession of our companion,\nwho seemed to be the Sheikh of a neighbouring village, we were granted\nfree passage, but the whole troop accompanied us down the hill. When we\nhad passed the next and last village, ZAHERA, our attendant Sheikh was\nobliged to employ serious threats to get us safe across the frontiers\nof the revolted district; he then accompanied us still farther down a\nvalley, as far as a turn of the rock, and then saluting us shortly,\nrode merrily back among his mountains. We were but a few hours distant\nfrom TRIPOLIS, which we reached shortly after sunset; passing the\ngrave Turkish guards, who may have possibly lost some of their stupid\nindolence, with the prospect of a near and desperate contest with the\ncourageous inhabitants of the mountains.\n\nIn TRIPOLIS, now called TARABLUS, we stayed in the Latin convent, which\nis inhabited and taken care of by only two monks. They related to us that\nthe Christians of Libanon had come to them a short time ago, and asked\nfor their spiritual intercessions, whereupon they had not scrupled to\ndispense the holy sacrament for the space of three days. Unfortunately,\nthe Maronites fail much less in such spiritual intercessions and good\nwishes than in the corporal provisions of bread and powder, for the Turks\ncut off their supply.\n\nThe following morning we visited the Prussian American consul, who\ninhabits a handsome house, fitted up in the Oriental style, and\nafterwards went to the Bazar. Just then a large division of Turkish\nhorsemen, on their road to Libanon, passed over a beautiful old bridge in\nthe centre of the town, dressed in their party-coloured, streaked, dirty\nuniforms, with their lances ten feet long adorned with black bunches of\nostrich feathers, their small war kettle-drums in full beat. Towards noon\nwe again departed, just as the new Turkish general entered by the same\ngate from Berut, through which we had ridden out. On the road we met the\ndivisions of the troops which had been ordered hither from Zachleh. From\nthis point our road lay along the sea-coast, and almost the whole day we\nheard the thunder of the artillery in the adjacent mountains.\n\nWe spent the night in a Khan on this side of the promontory of RAS E\u2019\nSCHEKAB, named after the ancient \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c3\u03c9\u03c0\u03bf\u03bd; no doubt because the\nblack mountain, which here projects into the sea, assumes the exact form\nof a bust to those coming from the north. The following day we came to\nancient BYBLOS (Gebel), and then crossed over the ADONIS river, which\nstill, after violent rain, is occasionally the colour of blood, mourning\nover the wounded favourite of Aphrodite. Passing GUNEH, generally\nproceeding along the sea, sometimes even in it, we arrived at NAHR EL\nKELB, the ancient LYCUS, to the south of which the celebrated bas-reliefs\nof Ramses-Sesostris, and of a later Assyrian king[119], are engraved upon\na rock projecting into the sea. In spite of our rapid ride we did not\nreach the rock-tablets till shortly after sunset, and we spent the night\nin the Khan beyond.\n\nThe following morning I investigated the sculpture more accurately,\nclose to which passed the very ancient, artificial road, which is now\ndestroyed, and I was rejoiced to make an important acquisition, for I\nwas enabled to decipher a date in the hieroglyphic inscriptions. Among\nthe three Egyptian representations, which all bear the Shields of Ramses\nII., the central one is dedicated to the chief god of the Egyptians, RA\n(Helios), the southern one to the Theban or Upper Egyptian AMMON, and the\nnorthern to the Memphitic or Lower Egyptian PHTHA; this Ramses had also\ndedicated to these same gods the three remarkable rock-temples in Nubia,\nat GERF HUSS\u00caN, SEB\u00dbA, and DERR, no doubt because they were viewed by\nhim as the three chief representatives of Egypt. On the central stele,\nthe inscription begins below the representation, with the date of the\n2ND CHOIAK OF THE 4TH YEAR OF THE REIGN OF KING RAMSES; the Ammon stele,\non the other hand, was dated from the _second_, or (if the two strokes\nabove were connected) from the _tenth_ year; at all events, not the same\nyear as the central stele, from which we might conclude that all three\nrepresentations referred to _different_ campaigns.\n\nWe did not leave the tomb of St. George unvisited, and the church\ndedicated to him near Nahr el Kelb; and as we entered BERUT towards\nevening, we deviated from our path to visit the well where the dragon\nwhich he slew was in the habit of drinking. Thus, on the 26th of\nNovember, we ended our excursion to, and over the mountain range of,\nLibanon; justly lauded from its numerous historical recollections, and\nits rare natural beauties, of which the poet says, \u201cthat it bears winter\non its head, spring upon its shoulders, autumn in its lap, but that\nsummer slumbers at its feet on the Mediterranean.\u201d\n\n\n\n\nEXTRACTS FROM THE WORK OF DR. LEPSIUS ENTITLED THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE\nEGYPTIANS.\n\nBERLIN, 1849.\n\nWITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE EXODUS OF THE ISRAELITES.\n\nREVISED BY THE AUTHOR.\n\n\n\n\nEXTRACTS FROM THE AUTHOR\u2019S DEDICATION TO THE CHEVALIER BUNSEN.\n\n\nMy chronological work (the first volume of which is now before you),\nstarting from a far more limited point of view, has a less remote\naim than your history[120], and will be at most but a supplemental\nelaboration of the ideas originally laid down in your more comprehensive\nplan. It is not my task to indicate the position Egypt occupies in the\nHISTORY OF THE WORLD, but only in its external form in the HISTORY OF\nTIME; it is therefore chronological, not historical. But to obtain the\nchronological basis was, with reason in your opinion also, the first\nand most important point of your inquiry, because upon this must depend\nevery extensive development of history. You derived your information\ndirectly from those authors from whom we learn the connection of events,\nas a whole, and in detail. I obtained mine from the monuments, which\nestablish the authenticity of the Greek account, frequently disclose\ntheir meaning, and necessarily correct, complete, and confirm their\nseparate statements. The mutual interchange was intended to have led to a\ncommon result. If formerly this was not always the case, the interruption\nof our intercourse could not but lead us in many points still farther\napart. I have never hesitated to express myself freely when I have\ndiffered from you, because I well know that, like me, you alone regard\nthe subject before you, and are convinced that truth is finally elicited\nonly by a distinct presentation of opposing possibilities. In the present\ninvestigations, also, I have yielded to this conviction, but on that\naccount have felt it still more obligatory to lay them first of all\nbefore you, and fulfilling an agreeable duty, dedicate them to you as a\npublic testimony of my gratitude.\n\nIn this work I have touched upon the most various provinces of\narch\u00e6ology, and have frequently been obliged to oppose, in essential\npoints, the views of men whom I honour and admire as the heroes of\nscience, and as unsurpassed models in criticism and true inquiry. This\nopposition would be presumptuous were it not that these contested points\nare mere specialities in the wide domain over which those men rule,\nto refute which, even successfully, could not abate from their just\nfame; while, on the other hand, most of them are vital questions in the\nsolution of the present undertaking, and closely connected with the\nvery substance of those investigations, with which I have especially\nendeavoured to render myself familiar.\n\nHad my vocation placed me in a political position, my motto would have\nbeen REVERENCE and FREEDOM, and with REVERENCE and FREEDOM (those are\nyour words) science must also be pursued. Reverence, for everything that\nis venerable, sacred, noble, great, and approved; freedom, wherever\ntruth and a conviction of it are to be obtained and expressed. Where the\nlatter is wanting, there fear and hypocrisy will exist; where the former,\ninsolence and presumption will luxuriate in science as in life.\n\nThe investigation of Egyptian history will gradually exercise an\nextensive influence upon all branches of arch\u00e6ology\u2014upon our whole\nconception of the past history of man. We must therefore expect a\nreaction from all these sides. Some of these influential points have\nbeen already vindicated, partly by you and partly in the investigations\nnow before us. They will not fail to call forth an animated opposition,\nand at best elicit discussion, going to the root of the question, and\nemendation on the part of the learned, to whose opinion I attach the\ngreatest weight.\n\nThat section of my volume which endeavours to establish the relation\nof the Egyptian to the Old Hebrew Chronology, will meet with most\nopposition. Considering the intimate connection that necessarily subsists\nbetween the philological and dogmatical method of examining the Biblical\nRecords, it is perfectly natural, that whenever a step in advance, or an\nerror, strives to obtain a place on the philological side, theological\ninterest, so much more universally distributed, takes a part either for,\nor against it. Whoever would dispute its right to do this, must deny to\ntheology in general its character as a science. The Christianity, which\nderives its origin and its sustenance from the Bible, is essentially and\nintrinsically wholly independent of all learned confirmation. But it\nis the duty of theology, whose task it is to fathom Christianity in a\nrational manner, and prove its results, to decide scientifically what are\nthe essential points in the holy Scriptures on which it founds its system\nof Christian belief. Should its true supports not be recognised, but\nimaginary ones placed in their stead, it will not injure Christianity,\nbut the theological system, or that portion of it which was built on\nunstable ground. That truth which is discerned by the sound progress\nof any science whatsoever, cannot be hostile to Christian truth, but\nmust promote it; for all truths, from the very beginning, have formed a\ncompact league against everything that is false and erroneous. Theology,\nhowever, possesses no other means than every other science to distinguish\nscientifically, in any department, between truth and error, namely, only\na reasonable and circumspect criticism. Whatever is brought forward\naccording to this method, can only be corrected, or entirely refuted, by\na still better and more circumspect criticism.\n\nI believe that you, my honoured friend, and myself, have only one opinion\non these points, I have therefore ventured to refer, at the conclusion\nof this section, to your excellent words, written on an occasion similar\nto the present. It seems to me, also, that the practical religious\nmeaning, which the Old Testament possesses for every Christian reader,\nis very independent of the dates of periods, the exact knowledge of\nwhich could only have been known by means of a purposeless inspiration\nto the authors and elaborators of those writings, many of whom lived\nseveral centuries later. Strict science has also very generally decided\nin this manner for a long time past, and has not failed to exercise its\npurifying reaction upon the dogmatical comprehension of the matter. So\nmuch the more solicitous am I, however, as to whether my views will\nstand your examination, and the judgments of other far more competent\ninvestigators than myself in this department, or will, at any rate, meet\nyour consideration.\n\nThe two numbers, namely the 430 years of the sojourn of the Israelites in\nEgypt, and the 480 years from the Exodus to the building of the Temple,\nhave been entirely abandoned by me, but have been the points on which all\nthe most modern investigations have rested, though they appear to have\nbeen quite unknown, at least not brought under the consideration of all\nthe older scholars, as Josephus, Africanus, Eusebius, Syncellus, &c. On\nthe other hand, I have clung to the Levitical registers of Generations\nas a far more certain guide; and thus, in place of a chronological\nfabric, which had been already long considered untenable, I immediately\nobtained a true historical foundation, and a chronology bordering, at\nleast, on a perfectly reliable one, as far back as Abraham, and this\nnot only most satisfactorily coincided with all the other historical\nrelations in the writings of the Old Testament, but also with the already\nestablished Manethonic-Egyptian computation of time. The path which I\nhave here taken is by no means new. Des Vignoles, B\u00f6ckh, and Bertheau\nhad already abandoned the number 480 years; you yourself decided against\nthe 430 years, and I find the same path pursued by Engelstoft in the\nmost decided manner in his interesting work, to which, however, too\nlittle attention has been paid. Other preparatory labours in the widely\nextended department of this literature may have escaped my notice, but,\nat all events, these opinions had hitherto been unable to make themselves\nproperly appreciated, as is evident from the latest works of the most\nimportant inquirers; and first among them Ewald\u2019s profound and acute\nhistory. Were it only occasioned by this mode of apprehension being\nhitherto not sufficiently carried out, and requiring especially the\nessential confirmation of Egyptian chronology, and should the new course\nwhich I have adopted on that account win a more general assent, it would\nbe no slight satisfaction to me, and would especially afford me one more\nguarantee of the genuineness of the Egyptian chronology.\n\nBut the real foundation for the Egyptian computation of time, according\nas, in my opinion, it should be restored, is to be found in the last\nsection of this volume in the criticism upon the authorities which derive\ntheir information from Manetho. This is a detailed and complicated\ninvestigation, and the superabundant material which is presented,\nforms a knot which the labour of almost a thousand years, in place of\ndisentangling, has only drawn still tighter, because the wrong ends of\nthe threads were always pulled. It was first of all necessary carefully\nto pursue these false ends through all their twistings\u2014I mean especially\nthe spurious writings, and the influences exercised by them, and separate\nthem distinctly; but to recognise the true character of the remaining\ngenuine portion, and to fix securely the few principal points. Besides\nmy own preparatory labours, I possessed two admirable researches,\nupon which I could still further build: your own work, and the one by\nB\u00f6ckh upon the Manethonic Computation of Time. The result of the two\ninvestigations, which were obtained independently of each other, and\npublished almost simultaneously, deviate very much from one another,\nsince you fix Menes more than 2000 years later than B\u00f6ckh believes he\nis placed by Manetho. This discrepancy must be the immediate result of\nthe difference in your fundamental views, which caused B\u00f6ckh to regard\nthe Manethonic Dynasties as uninterruptedly consecutive, you as partly\nreigning contemporaneously. B\u00f6ckh especially cited in support of his\nview the circumstance, that if we count the Dynasties according to the\npresentation of them by Africanus in a continuous line, the first year\nof Menes coincided very nearly with the proleptically calculated year\nof commencement of an Egyptian Sothis period. He treated the questions\nunder consideration with all the learning and ingenious criticism which\nis peculiar to this master in arch\u00e6ological investigation, pointing out\nthat the slight deviation between the result which had been arrived at,\nand the one expected, might be removed by very simple means; and he came\nto the conclusion, that this agreement was intentionally brought about\nby the Egyptian annalists, consequently that the Manethonic computation\nof time was cyclically invented or adapted, not handed down by history.\nThe view that you maintain, which differs very much from this, you\nfounded especially upon the comparison of the Eratosthenic lists with\nthe Manethonic Dynasties of the Old Monarchy; you thus determined the\ncontinuous Monarchical Dynasties, whose periods you calculated by the\nnumbers of Eratosthenes, you especially recognised no cyclical element in\nthe Manethonic chronology, and hence believed the accounts of Manetho and\nEratosthenes to be a historical tradition, in part the result of learned\nAlexandrian investigations.\n\nMy view corresponds with yours in all essential points. That several\nof the Dynasties were contemporaneous, appears to me most decidedly\nattested; and I have been able to obtain a direct, and, as I believe, a\ngenuine Manethonic proof of it. On the other hand, from the beginning I\nhave never been able to lay so much stress upon the list of Eratosthenes,\nespecially upon its individual names and numbers, opposed to the\nManethonic statement, as appeared to you justifiable, owing to the\nimportant information you obtained from it concerning the Monarchical\nDynasties. This is the principal reason why we still differ so much\nin our determination of the duration of the Old Monarchy down to the\nentrance of the Hyksos. A cyclical treatment of the Egyptian chronology,\nwhich you neither recognised in the History of the Gods, nor in the\nHistory of Man, which B\u00f6ckh, on the other hand, believes he finds in both\nparts, appears to me, indeed, capable of being demonstrated, but only\nin the mythical history, before Menes. The result of this has been a\nconfirmation of the sum total of the Manethonic History of Man, which is\nalso considered genuine by you, and upon which I imagine I may venture to\nplace the greatest weight.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n\n                               INTRODUCTION\n\n  On the previous Conditions necessary for the Origin of a Chronology\n    among the Egyptians, and the Possibility of its Restoration.\n\n                                                                      PAGE\n\n  Favourable Conditions for an early Egyptian History and\n      Chronology                                                   368-396\n\n    External Circumstances in favour of an Historical Development  368-374\n\n      Influence of the Local Character and Climate upon the\n          Preservation of the Monuments                            368-371\n\n      Abundance of Building Stone                                      371\n\n      Bricks. Papyrus used as a Writing Material                       372\n\n    Intellectual Basis and Proofs of Historical Activity           374-396\n\n      National Historical Sense of the Egyptians                   374-380\n\n      Earlier and more extended Habit of Writing                   377-380\n\n      Books. Libraries                                                 380\n\n      Fame of Egyptian Wisdom and Learning among the Greeks            382\n\n      Sacred Writings of the Egyptians                                 387\n\n      Remains of Historical Literature                                 392\n\n      Retrospective View                                           397-400\n\n                        FIRST PART OF THE CHRONOLOGY.\n\n                       Criticism upon the Authorities.\n\n  The Hebrew Tradition                                             401-493\n\n    Uncertainty of the Hebrew Numbers                                  401\n\n    The Exodus according to Manetho                                    404\n\n    The Exodus according to Hecataeus and Diodorus                     408\n\n    The Exodus of the Lepers the same as that of the Israelites        411\n\n    The Pharaoh of the Exodus according to Manetho                     417\n\n    The Pharaoh of the Exodus according to Ptolemy Mendesius,\n        Apion Josephus                                                 420\n\n    The Pharaoh of the Exodus according to Eusebius                    422\n\n    The Pharaoh of the Exodus according to Lysimachus                  423\n\n    Intimations concerning the Time of the Exodus in the Old\n        Testament                                                      424\n\n      The Situation of Abaris                                          425\n\n      The Situation of Heroonpolis                                     434\n\n      The Situation of Ramses                                          437\n\n      The Town of Ramses built by Ramses-Miamun (Ramses II.)           438\n\n      Canal Connection between the Nile and the Red Sea                439\n\n      The Towns Pithom and Ramses, on the Canal of Ramses II.,\n          built in the Reign of Ramses II.                             446\n\n      The Exodus of the Israelites later than Ramses II.               449\n\n    The Exodus in the year B.C. 1314 according to the Rabbinical\n        Chronology                                                     450\n\n    The Date of the Exodus according to the Jewish Generations         457\n\n    The Date of the Exodus according to the Book of Judges             470\n\n    The Period from Jacob and Joseph to Moses                      475-485\n\n      The Pharaoh of Joseph in Herodotus and Diodorus                  480\n\n    The Period from Abraham to Moses                               485-492\n\n      Joseph placed during the Reign of Aphophis                       487\n\n    End of Hebrew Tradition                                            492\n\n    The genuine Manethonic Numbers                                     494\n\n    Retrospective View                                                 496\n\n    Tables of Egyptian Dynasties                                       499\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTION TO THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EGYPTIANS.\n\n\nWhile the beginnings of Greek and Roman history, by the strict\ninvestigations of modern criticism, have lost more and more of their\nhistorical character, and while cautious inquirers consider it impossible\nto obtain a fixed date for separate events, earlier than the seventh and\neighth centuries before Christ, the history of Egypt treats of strictly\nhistorical facts, and its chronology contains exact numbers of years,\nmonths, and days in the third and fourth millennium previous to our\nera. This appears such a palpable contradiction, that it is not alone\nworth while on account of the larger circle of readers who are more out\nof the scope of these investigations, but it must also be important to\nthe inquirers in this field, to answer for themselves the preliminary\nquestion, how it is possible to prosecute the history of Egypt so much\nfarther back than the history of the nations of the West and East,\nwithout denying the principles of that criticism which has pointed out\nlimits to the history of classical antiquity, and which must justly be\nconsidered the most valuable treasure of modern science?\n\nIn order to answer this question, we must first call to mind that it has\nnow become a principle, derived from experience, that the real history\nof a nation, in the strictest sense of the word, never recedes much\nfarther back than its _oldest contemporaneous authorities_, and this\nonce expressed, becomes, from its intrinsic necessity, self-evident.\nThis principle applies both to us\u2014since our certain conclusions in\nhistorical investigations do not extend much farther back\u2014and also to\nthe nations themselves; for they only obtain historical consciousness\nand historical experience when they begin to produce monuments,\nespecially written monuments, to bear witness to posterity of what is\noccurring. Monuments form the dial-plate of history; until they exist,\nthe present alone belongs to a nation, not the past\u2014it exists without a\nhistory. If a nation loses its monuments, either through its own fault\nor through circumstances, it will be unable to preserve its history,\nwhich becomes confused and traditionary, and in place of the purely\nhistorical account which it has lost, it obtains, at the best, another\nprinciple of internal order; a poetic-mythological, as with the Greeks;\na philosophic-mythological, as with the Indians; or a religious one,\nas with the Israelites; but it always loses its original value as a\nreproduction of a series of real facts.\n\nNow if we start from this axiom, that the commencement of every true\nhistory and chronology, as it is scientifically understood at the\npresent day, cannot be carried much farther back than their _oldest\ncontemporaneous authorities_, and that we find this confirmed in the\nnations of Europe and Asia to the prejudice of their earliest histories,\nthen it is here precisely that exists the marked _superiority_ of the\nhistory of Egypt above all other histories. It is because we have here\n_such very early contemporaneous authorities_\u2014not only _literary_, but\nthe most direct which exist, namely, _monumental authorities_\u2014that we\npossess the means of obtaining so early a history of the Egyptians.\n\nIf, with reference to this, we first observe the local and climatal\nconditions of Egypt, we shall at once perceive that they aid in a\nwonderful manner in preserving all kinds of monuments and other relics\nof the earliest antiquity. A damp climate generally prevails in the more\nelevated and northern parts of Asia; and in the more favoured regions,\nowing to a periodical rainy season, the extensive plains are covered with\na fertile soil and luxuriant vegetation (the barren and stony deserts\nbeing always deprived of any high cultivation), consequently all, even\nthe most solid, monuments of art, where we might have hoped to find\nthem in considerable numbers, are overpowered and destroyed by the\npredominating vital power of nature, ever inimical to the works of man;\nwhereas the fertility of Egypt, as is well known, is almost entirely\nindependent of rain. This certainly applies less to the damp air, often\npregnant with rain, along the sea-coast, or to the well-watered and\nmarshy low district of the Delta. But it is principally for that reason\nthat there are so few remains of the numerous large and flourishing towns\nof the Delta, and that these are hardly worth mentioning. Irregular\nheaps of ruins alone exist now of Memphis, the rich metropolis of Lower\nEgypt, renowned in the earliest and latest periods of the Monarchy, and\nof Heliopolis, Sais, Bubastis, and other important towns. The granite\nobelisks in Alexandria are so corroded by the weather that their\ninscriptions are hardly recognisable.\n\nIn Upper Egypt, where it _scarcely ever_ rains, it is totally different,\nespecially with respect to all the monuments which are situated on the\nborders of the desert, out of reach of the annual inundation, and this\nis uniformly the case with the _tombs_, the richest store-houses for\nour knowledge of ancient Egyptian life, which in this country alone\nreally fulfil their true destination, by serving as an asylum against\ndestruction and decay. The narrow district of the Nile, annually\nrecreated, borders in its whole length on the wide, rocky, and petrifying\ndesert. The towns and temples were therefore chiefly built on the\nboundary between the two, partly not to intrench upon the fertile ground,\npartly in order that the buildings should be upon a drier and more secure\nfoundation. And thus, in fact, we find the numerous temples and palaces\nin wonderful preservation, so far as they are not mutilated by the hand\nof man.\n\nEven the black bricks made of Nile mud, and dried in the sun, apparently\nthe most perishable material, have not unfrequently been preserved in\nthe open air for thousands of years, in the form in which they were\nbuilt up, and with their coating of plaster. A row of great vaulted\nhalls, built entirely of black Nile bricks, and partly covered in the\ninside with stucco, stands about the celebrated temple of the great\nRamses, in Thebes. They date from the same period as the temple itself,\nthe beginning of the thirteenth century before Christ. This is not alone\ntestified by the architectonic plan of the building, but most irrefutably\nby the bricks themselves, which bear the name of Ramses-Miamun stamped\nupon them, as a mark of the royal manufacture. At that time, and\nearlier, during the whole of the 18th and 19th Dynasties, it was a very\ncommon practice to line the excavated rock-tombs with Nile bricks,\nand afterwards to paint upon the stucco, especially wherever the rock\nwas friable, and was therefore hewn into a vaulted roof. But the same\ncustom is sometimes found even in the earliest period of the Pyramids\nof Memphis. In enclosed places, not only the building material, but the\ncolours, both upon the stone and upon the plaster covering, have almost\nwithout exception retained their original freshness and perfection, and\nalso, very frequently, where they have been exposed to the open air.\n\nThe peculiar incorruptibility of vegetable and even of animal matter\nis, however, still more astonishing. Our museums are filled with such\nremains. In the most ancient tombs of Memphis, a multitude of objects are\nfound made of wood, such as sarcophagi, chests, and boxes of all kinds,\nchairs, instruments, small ships, likewise grains of corn, and dried\nfruits, such as pomegranates, dates, the fruit of the Doum Palm, nuts,\nalmonds, beans, grapes; also bread and other food, besides cloth made of\nbast, a texture of reeds, papyrus, and an incredible quantity of linen.\nThe countless number of mummies, also, are well known, which, though\ntaken out of their tombs, still last for centuries with their skin and\nhair; also all mummified bodies of animals, with their furs and feathers;\neven the internal parts of the human body could there be embalmed for\never, and are still found in vases expressly designed for that purpose.\n\nThis wonderful conservative property belonging to all ancient Egyptian\nobjects, depends therefore chiefly upon the sky being without rain, and\nthe dry soil of the non-irrigated desert. But the country offered another\nmarked advantage above other lands, namely, the greatest abundance of\n_materials especially adapted for all kinds of monuments_.\n\nChief among these, is an admirable stone of the most varied quality,\nsuited as well to building of all kinds, as to the most delicate\nsculpture. The mountain range which flanks the valley, and follows the\ncourse of the river from the Delta to beyond Thebes, is composed of\nlimestone; in the neighbourhood of ancient Memphis, upon the Lybian\nside, where the Pyramids stand, it is a solid nummulitic limestone, more\nadapted for excavations in the rock, and for building stone, than for\nsculpture; on the opposite side, among the Arabian mountains, it has\nthe finest grain, and is of a uniform density, approaching almost to\nmarble; it is capable of being worked in any manner, and on account of\nthe beautiful polish it takes, was used, among other purposes, for the\nexternal covering of the Pyramids, while the interior was made of the\nLybian stone off the ground, upon which they were erected. The Theban\nrange of mountains is almost everywhere composed of rock, of such an\nextremely fine quality, that the sepulchral passages and chambers of the\ndead, hewn out in the living rock, most of them several hundred feet\ndeep, running in various directions, were capable of receiving everywhere\nthe richest sculptures, in the most delicate bas-reliefs, directly\nupon the polished surface of the rock. Beyond Thebes there are ranges\nof sandstone mountains, from Gebel-Selseleh to Assuan. From these, and\nespecially from the enormous stone-quarries of Selseleh, the architects\nas well as the sculptors of the New Monarchy obtained their chief supply\nof the most excellent and durable fine-grained sandstone. Finally, the\nsyenite and granite of Assuan are still considered the most beautiful\nand valuable of their kind, and were also used by the ancient Egyptians\nnot only for their monolithic colossi, obelisks, sarcophagi, statues for\nentire small temples, &c., but were employed as a building stone, at\nall periods. In the Pyramid of Chufu, the high walls, the ceiling, and\nfloor of the greatest sarcophagus chamber, are entirely made of polished\ngranite, and the third Pyramid of Mencheres was cased with it up to a\ncertain height.\n\nI shall here pass over all the other more valuable kinds of stone,\nparticularly those of the higher Arabian mountains, abundantly used in\nancient Egypt, each in its own way, especially the beautiful yellow\nalabaster, several very valuable breccias, greenstone, serpentine, and\nthe bluish-red porphyry of Gebel-Doch\u00e2n, which was much employed at a\nlater period, as they were all reserved rather for purposes of luxury.\nBut we must not omit to mention here, that the abundance of building\nstone in this country was doubled by the _ease of transport_ from one end\nof Egypt to the other, upon the great water road of the Nile; therefore,\nsandstone and granite were used nearly as much at Thebes, and in all that\npart of the country where limestone rock alone was to be found near at\nhand, as in Upper Egypt, where it was hewn.\n\nLimestone or sandstone have been always, and in all countries, the most\nimportant material for monumental productions. Where this was wanting,\nor was obtained with difficulty, as in Babylon, or on the Indus, or in\nthe north of Germany, earthen bricks were used as the best substitute,\nat least for building purposes. But in Egypt also they could be replaced\nby bricks of the best quality, since the soft, clayey Nile mud was\nespecially adapted for the latter. Thus the wary Egyptians not only did\nnot neglect this expedient, but made the utmost use of it, and with\ngreater results than anywhere else, because here it was not required to\ntake the place of some better material, but only preferred in those cases\nwhere the object itself made it appear best adapted. This more especially\napplies to great dykes, town walls, and those temple enclosures which\nwere to contain no covered rooms, and no delicately constructed parts;\ntherefore, even in the earliest times, Pyramids were also built of\nbricks. They were employed to fill up the ground and to make elevations,\nbut were more especially everywhere used where large spaces had to be\ncovered in, without incurring the great expense of huge slabs of stone,\nbefore the useful principle of concentric stone-cutting was known.\nThis occasioned the remarkably early use of brick-vaulted roofs, along\nwith the imperfect stone arch, which was, as it were, only cut out of\nhorizontal layers of stone. Hence arose the custom connected with this,\nwhich we have already mentioned, of lining rock-chambers of crumbling\nstone with arches of Nile bricks. The external layers of the brick\nbuildings in Babylon and Nineveh were generally made of burnt bricks, and\nyet they could not resist the climate and time. In Egypt, dried bricks\nalone were everywhere used; owing to their natural solidity, and to the\nclimate, they answered better for their monumental purpose than the burnt\nbricks of Babylon, which is still proved by the numerous extant brick\nbuildings, with their stucco and their pictures.\n\nBut in the history of a nation, a substance favourable to its book\nliterature is of no less importance than the material for building and\nsculpture. Egypt possessed also for this purpose an invaluable product\nof the country, the _papyrus plant_, from which they were able to obtain\na perfect material for writing upon, unsurpassed throughout antiquity.\nNeither the skins of the Ionians, nor the linen of the ancient Romans,\nnor the cotton stuff and palm leaves of the Indian, nor the parchment of\nMysia, are to be compared with the Egyptian papyrus in pliability, or\nin the power of extension, in durability and cheapness; therefore its\nuse became gradually more widely spread, and was preserved far down into\nthe middle ages. Even the later discovered paper of our own time has not\nonly retained the name of the ancient plant, but, with regard to its\nmaterial, can only be looked upon as a continuation and perfecting of\nthe Egyptian paper, since pressed fibres of plants (particularly of flax\nand hemp) have proved to be the most suitable material, even up to the\npresent day. In ancient times the papyrus plant grew more especially in\nthe marshy ground of the Nile Delta, and is only elsewhere mentioned by\nPliny as growing near Syracuse, where to this day it is found in great\nabundance. Why, on the other hand, it has become almost entirely extinct\nin Egypt, may be explained by the circumstance that it was artificially\ncultivated to an extent far beyond its natural powers of growth, and\nbecame therefore, like other plants, exhausted. Its use may be traced\nback to the most ancient times of Egypt; the papyrus roll and the writing\napparatus are found upon monuments as early as the 4th and 5th Dynasties,\ntherefore between three and four thousand years before Christ. But this\ndiscovery of very ancient Egypt, which may perhaps be considered as the\nmost important, next to the invention of writing, only obtains its full\nsignificance in history by the unaltered preservation of those very\nrolls of writing for thousands of years. For they not only afforded the\nEgyptian priests the benefit of primeval uninjured archives, but we still\nobtain from them the instructive contemplation of a multitude of such\noriginal documents, written on papyrus, from the prosperous times of the\nMonarchy.\n\nIn addition, however, to the external aid afforded by the climate and\nproductions of Egypt, for the preservation of its history, is to be\nmentioned the internal and more efficient influence derived from the\noriginal direction of the national character\u2014its _historical sense_. This\ncan by no means be explained solely by the reaction which the facility\nof immortalising the present, and the peculiarly conservative nature of\nthe neighbouring desert, might produce upon the original tendency of the\nnational mind; as little as we can interpret the striking want of a sense\nfor history, among the Indian people, by the less favourable locality of\ntheir country. The ultimate foundation for such national individualities\ncan always alone be sought, in the particular part they are called to\nplay in the general history of the world. But, on a nearer examination,\nwe can have no doubt that such an historical sense existed among the\nEgyptian people in an unusually high degree, and was cultivated by them\nin all its stages.\n\nIt is first of all demonstrated by the incredible multitude of monuments\nof every kind, which were at all periods erected by kings, and persons of\nprivate fortune. All the chief cities of Egypt were adorned with temples\nand palaces, and the other towns, frequently indeed more insignificant\nplaces, with at least one, often with several sanctuaries; these were\nfilled with statues of the gods and kings of all sizes, composed of the\nmost valuable stone, and the walls externally and internally were covered\nwith coloured sculptures. To erect these public buildings, and to endow\nthem splendidly, was the exclusive privilege and pride of kings. In their\nturn the richer portion of the people vied with them in their concern for\nthe dead, by erecting monumental tombs. Whilst with reference to public\nbuildings, the passion for building among the Greeks and Romans, in their\nmost prosperous days, can alone be placed beside that of the Pharaonic\ntime, the Egyptian necropoli far surpass those of Greece and Rome, both\nin extent and in the number of the monuments, as well as in the richness\nof their execution, especially in their endowment of pictures and\ninscriptions.\n\nBut next to the multitude and splendour of these works, the unsurpassed\nattention paid to their durability, especially proves the innate\nhistorical sense of the Egyptians. That they laid due stress on the great\nage of their buildings, follows from the annalistic account of Manetho,\nwhich is in no respect liable to suspicion, by which we learn that even\nTOSORTHROS, the second king of the 2nd Dynasty, and the cotemporary of\nMenes, commenced building with _hewn stones_ \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03be\u03b5\u03c3\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03bb\u03af\u03b8\u03c9\u03bd.\n\nAnd it is hardly necessary to mention the great Pyramids of Memphis,\nthose colossal massive structures, which, solid throughout, and built\nof strong nicely joined hewn stones, are piled up above the sepulchral\nchambers, cut out of the living rock, generally without leaving any\nvacant space, like artificial rocks in the simplest form, as if he who\nbuilt them had been aware that, in them he laid the foundation of the\nfuture gigantic building\u2014the _History of Man_. This may equally refer to\nall the other buildings, whether they are destined for the living or the\ndead; the desire to labour for eternity is imprinted upon all of them.\n\nThe belief which was early formed of a life after death, and of a\nrelation continuing to subsist between the soul and the body, was closely\nconnected with this; and along with it the exaggerated care that was\nbestowed upon the bodies of the dead, embalming them, and swathing\nthem, and shutting them up in double and triple sarcophagi, made of the\nstrongest wood, and the hardest stone, which were buried in deep pits,\nand in laboriously excavated rock-chambers. Even in the most peaceful\ntimes this nation appears always to have anticipated the possibility of\nfuture hostile invasions, and of barbarous and rapacious races; for that\nreason they so ingeniously closed the large granite sarcophagi by means\nof metal rods, which only fell down into the holes prepared for them in\nthe sides, at the last thrust of the cover, which was driven drawer-like\nin, so that the sarcophagi could only be opened by the destruction of the\ncolossal masses of stone. They also endeavoured to guard even the passage\nwhich led to the sarcophagi chambers by heavy stone trap-doors, and by\ningeniously building up the walls, so as to divert the attention, and to\nprotect them in every other possible way from inroad and desecration. For\nthat reason many subterranean tombs are undoubtedly still hidden from us;\nonly a few tombs of kings are known, and many important monuments will\nstill be discovered in the inexhaustible necropoli of Memphis, Abydos,\nand Thebes.\n\nHowever, we already possess such an abundant supply of works of art, and\nother things belonging to daily life, from the earliest, down to the\nlatest times of the Pharaonic Monarchy, that these in themselves alone,\nconsidered only objectively, would form an extremely important source of\nknowledge concerning the mode of life in ancient Egypt. The great work of\nNapoleon, the \u201c_Description de l\u2019Egypte_,\u201d has splendidly demonstrated\nhow much in fact may be gained by such an objective examination of the\nmonuments; it contains matter that will always deserve praise, and a rich\ntreasure was collected for the cause of science, although the key to\nthe hieroglyphics had not yet been discovered, and consequently all the\nmonuments being chronologically uncomprehended, or wrongly comprehended,\nstood beside each other, as in a picture without perspective, on one\nplane surface.\n\nThis very work, however, is an evident proof of what could _not_ be done,\neven with the greatest expenditure of means and learning, without aid\nobtained from the inscriptions. The _history_ of the people in all its\nvaried development remained dark and fabulous as before. It is the same\nwith the monuments of all nations, which have come down to us either\nwithout any written character, or with it undeciphered, like those of our\nown heathen ancestors, or of the aborigines of South America, or even of\nthe Babylonians. History profits very little by them.\n\nThe Egyptians, however, from the beginning, exhibit, even on this higher\nstage, their historical sense and vocation. According to the Egyptian\nannals, it was the same King Tosorthros who gained the highest reputation\nrelative to the perpetuity of the history of Egypt since his time, not\nonly by the introduction of hewn building stones, but still more by the\ncare he bestowed upon the development of the written character; and\nwe see upon the monuments, at least since the time of Cheops, between\nthree and four thousand years before Christ, a perfectly-formed system\nof writing, and a universal habit of writing, by no means confined to\nthe priesthood. Even at that time the writing was no longer merely\nmonumental; the signs, indeed, when they were rapidly used, sometimes\napproached the hieratical short-hand. It therefore appears to me\nundoubted that, even in the time of Menes, in the very commencement of\nour Egyptian history, the hieroglyphic writing had been long invented,\nestablished, and practised, which we must of course presuppose since\nwe hold Menes to be historical; for there can be no history without\nwriting. From the choice of the pictures in hieroglyphics, and from other\nreasons, it appears indeed justifiable to suppose, that this wonderful\npicture-writing of the Egyptians was formed, with reference to its\npeculiar character in Egypt itself, without any other influence from\nabroad, although they may have brought the first beginning of it with\nthem from their original home in Asia. But that a people should produce\nanything so perfect as this system of writing, which embraces at once all\nthe stages of human writing, from the most direct ideographical symbolic\nwriting through syllables, to the equally direct notification of sound\nby means of vowels and consonants, certainly indicates a long previous\ndevelopment.\n\nThe application, however, which the Egyptians made of this early\ninvention, from which so much resulted, is of still more importance.\nFor they not only employed it, as often happens among nations of much\nhigher civilisation, in the most necessitous cases, and where it was most\nimmediately advantageous, but to an extent which surpasses everything\nthat we have heard of elsewhere, and which must still astonish any\none who considers the matter for the first time. While the Greeks and\nRomans, at the period when they were most lavish of their writing, only\nplaced a short inscription of a few words on the front of their largest\ntemples and most splendid buildings, for which reason the monumental\nstyle still denotes among us a short laconic style, as seems most\nsuitable to the speaking stone; among the Egyptians the temples were\nalmost covered with inscriptions. All buildings, which were erected to\nthe gods, to the kings, and to the dead, had generally representations\nor inscriptions upon all the walls, ceilings, pillars, architraves,\nfriezes, and posts\u2014inside as well as outside. In place of only giving\nthe most necessary information, the writing here forms in itself at the\nsame time an essential ornament of the architecture, as is the case also\nwith representations on a larger scale. The variegated written columns on\nthe white or grey surfaces, not only express a feeling for ornamental\ndrawing, by the great variety in their lines, which run backward and\nforward with the utmost regularity, and satisfy the painter\u2019s eye by the\nbrilliancy of the varied colours, but they also excite the observation\nof the unlearned by the figurative and direct meaning of the written\nobjects, taken from all the natural kingdom, and, lastly, the intelligent\ncuriosity of the inquirer, especially of every cultivated man, by the\npeculiar signification of their religious or historical purport. Thus\nhieroglyphics becomes a _monumental writing_, in a sense and to a degree\nof perfection, beyond any other written character on earth.\n\nThey had also so far overcome the technical difficulty of engraving these\nsigns, both in the most fragile and the hardest kinds of stone, that it\nseems hardly to have been considered at all, though these signs were\nnot composed of simple mathematical strokes, like the Roman or Greek\nmonumental writing, or the cuneiform writing of the Asiatics, but were at\nthe same time writing and artistic drawing.\n\nAmong the Egyptians the written character was not alone the constant\nand indispensable accompaniment of architecture, and of the larger\nrepresentations upon the walls of the temples, but was placed with an\nequal predilection upon all, even the smallest objects of art and of\ndaily life. How precious among other nations of antiquity are those\nstatues, vases, gems, or other objects, which bear upon them inscriptions\nwith respect to their origin, their owners, or their intended use! This\nis the universal practice in Egypt. There, no Colossus was so great, and\nno amulet so small, that it should not itself express for what it was\ndesigned by means of an inscription; no piece of furniture that did not\nbear the name of its owner. Not only the temples had their dedications,\nin which the builder was named, and the god to whom it was consecrated\nby him, but they were considered of such importance that a particular\nclass of independent monuments were especially devoted to them, viz., the\nobelisks at the entrance of the gates; and besides this, every fresh\naddition to the temple, every newly-erected pillar, actually even the\nrestoration of separate representations, which had been accidentally\ninjured upon the old walls, had a written information respecting which\nof the kings built it, and what he had done for the enlargement,\nembellishment, and restoration of the temple. We sometimes find the name\nof the reigning king recorded upon the separate building stones, as the\nstone-cutter\u2019s mark, and it was usually stamped upon the bricks of royal\nmanufacture.\n\nFinally, however, writing was employed among the Egyptians in its last\nand highest destination, as _book-writing for literary purposes_; and,\nindeed, as we have already mentioned, from the earliest times, for the\nuse of the papyrus goes thus far back, and we frequently see upon the\nrepresentations from the time of the great Pyramids of Memphis, one\nor more scribes occupied in registering upon sheets their master\u2019s\npossessions in flocks, corn, and other treasures. We learn from the\nhistorical accounts relative to the first Dynasties, which are still\npreserved, that even at that time they possessed _Annals of the Monarchy_.\n\nIf we now reflect upon the period from which the original fragments\nof such annals have come down to us, namely, the beginning of the New\nMonarchy, we find that this extends one thousand five hundred years\nfarther back than the oldest remains of book literature in the whole of\nantiquity put together. For it is known that the greater proportion of\nour manuscripts only go back about as far as the tenth century of our\nera; previous to this their number rapidly diminishes, and the small\nfragment of a manuscript of Livy, which was lately brought to Berlin,\nand was there recognised as probably belonging to the first century\nafter Christ, may be viewed as the earliest remains of a book which\ncan be referred to out of Egypt; even the rolls\u2014which were reduced to\ncoal at Herculaneum\u2014do not go farther back; whereas in Egypt not alone\nnumerous papyri have been preserved from the time of Ptolemy, but a much\ngreater number from the centuries previous to that time, namely from\nthe sixteenth to the thirteenth century, some of them of extraordinary\nlength[121]. The greatest proportion of them were deposited with the\nmummies, and therefore only contain what relates to death and a future\nlife; but other rolls were interred in the tombs as the most secure\nplaces, carefully packed in particular vases or baskets, and they contain\nlaudatory songs upon kings or gods, historical annals, the accounts of\nthe temple, that which relates to the calendar, and many other things\nwith reference to this life, frequently contracts, law-suits, and\nsimilar documents from the time of the Greeks, sometimes also with Greek\ntranslations or additions.\n\nThe large number still in preservation leave therefore no doubt\nconcerning the remarkable fact communicated by Diodorus I. 49, on good\nauthority, that King Osymandyas, _i. e._ Ramses-Miamun, built a library\nin his temple at Thebes, as early as the fourteenth century before\nChrist. The description which he gives us of this splendid building\nmay still be traced from one chamber to the other among its ruins, and\nat the entrance\u2014behind which, according to Diodorus, the library was\nsituated\u2014Champollion perceived on both sides the representations of\nThoth, the God of Wisdom, and of Saf, the Goddess of History; then,\nbehind the former, the God of Hearing, and, behind the latter, the God of\nSeeing, which significantly reminded the person who was entering of the\nlocality. Several hieratical papyri, which we still possess, are dated\nfrom the Rameseion, \ud80c\ude50\ud80d\udc31\ud80c\udfe4\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\ude16\ud80c\udf79\ud80d\udc3c\ud80c\uddf3\ud80c\udd20\ud80c\udef4\ud80c\uddd3\ud80c\udf39\ud80c\uddcb\ud80c\udfe0\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\ude16\ud80d\udc3d\ud80c\udf7a and it is also frequently\nmentioned in the so-called Historical Papyri. I found in Thebes the tombs\nof two _Librarians_ of the time of Ramses-Miamun, therefore probably\nbelonging to the library described by Diodorus; they are situated to the\nsouth-west of the palace of Ramses, behind Der el Med\u00eenet. The occupants\nwere father and son, since this office was hereditary, as most of them\nwere. The father was called Neb-nufre, the son Nufre-hetep, and they bore\nthe titles of \ud80c\uddef\ud80c\udde9\ud80c\udfcf\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udffa\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udffc _her scha\u00b7 tu_, \u201cSuperior over the Books,\u201d and\n\ud80c\ude7b\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\ude16\ud80c\udde9\ud80c\udfcf\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udffa\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udffc _naa en scha\u00b7 tu_, \u201cChief over the Books.\u201d In the tomb of\nthe son, Ramses sacrifices to Amen-Ra, and portions of two statues of\nthe deceased are still scattered about. We have good reason to suppose\nthat this library, of which we have incidentally received still further\ninformation, was neither the first, nor the only one, and this is\ninferred, among other things, because the two gods above mentioned bear\nas one of their fixed titles, not only here, but upon other monuments of\nall classes, the one the _Master_ and the other the _Mistress_ of the\n_Hall of Books_, and that, consequently, the idea of gods of libraries\nmust have been very familiar to the Egyptians.\n\nThis also explains how, in the earliest times of the Greek dominion,\nunder Ptolemy Philadelphus, it was possible to fill the library founded\nin Alexandria in the space of a few years with 400,000[122] rolls, at\na time when there was no precedent in the Grecian motherland except\nthe private collection of Aristotle. It is explained, when we remember\nthat Philadelphus found such an abundant store already existing in the\nEgyptian archives and libraries. It no longer seems anything remarkable\nwhen Iamblichus[123], referring to a Seleucus, tells us of 20,000\nhermetic books, which we must understand to be a rough computation of all\nEgyptian literature; the notice does not obtain a mythological character\nuntil the introduction into it of the cyclical number 36,525, which\nIamblichus quotes from Manetho\u2014of course from the false one.\n\nThe fame of Egyptian wisdom[124], which was universally diffused\nthroughout the ancient world, was grounded upon an abundant literature,\nand the stock of knowledge deposited therein, which increased from year\nto year like a well-invested capital. This fame was never disputed\neven by the Greeks themselves; possessing so much higher natural\nendowments than others, they were more just in this point than many of\nour modern critics, who would rather consider the genius of the Greeks\nas auto-didactic, grown up in a barbarous wilderness. Herodotus calls\nthe Egyptians \u201cby far the best instructed people with whom he has become\nacquainted, since they, of all men, _store up most, for recollection_.\u201d\nWhen the Eleians wished to establish their Olympian games, they sent\nan embassy to the Egyptians, they being the wisest people of all the\nearth, to obtain their judgment and their good advice upon this great\nproject[125].\n\nThe distinguished series of celebrated men[126] who are said to have\ncarried Egyptian wisdom to the Greeks, begins as early as the mythical\ntimes. Danaus brought the first germ of higher civilisation from Egypt\nto Argos[127], and Erectheus, King of Athens, was considered by some\nan Egyptian[128], and taught the Eleusinian mysteries according to the\nmanner of the Egyptians. The holy singers of antiquity, Orpheus[129],\nMusaeus[130], Melampus[131], and Eumolpus[132], thence acquired their\ntheological wisdom; and even to Homer[133] himself Egypt may not have\nbeen unknown. The most ancient artists of Greece, Daedalus[134],\nTelecles[135], and Theodoras[136], are said to have educated themselves\nin this land of primeval art, and have employed the Egyptian canon\nof proportions. Lycurgus[137] and Solon[138] introduced into their\nfatherland all the wise regulations they there became acquainted with;\nand Herodotus[139] especially tells us that the Egyptian laws relating\nto the surveying of the land, by which every one was obliged to declare\nto the monarch his annual revenue, were transferred to Athens by Solon,\nand were in use even in his time. Cleobulus, the sage of Lindus, is said\nalso to have visited Egypt[140]. It signifies little how much historical\nfoundation there is for these accounts. The general direction taken by\ntradition, with reference to it, proves even more than separate facts\ncould do, the early and late general universal recognition of Egyptian\nwisdom. It was considered a glory to participate in it.\n\nBut Egypt was especially regarded as a university for philosophy, and\nfor all that could be gained through science and learning. We therefore\nsee philosophers, mathematicians, physicians, historians, resorting to\nEgypt, each emulating with the other, and studying for many years under\nEgyptian teachers. The houses in Heliopolis in which Plato and the\nmathematician Eudoxus had lived for thirteen years, were still shown to\nStrabo[141]. The observatory of Eudoxus, in which he is said to have made\ncertain observations of the stars, and on Canobus, in particular, bore\nhis name[142] in the time of Strabo. Even Thales[143] was instructed by\nthe Egyptian priests, and as it is expressly said, had besides them, no\nother teachers. Here he became acquainted with the division of the year\ninto seasons, and into 365 days; and here also he learnt how to take the\nmeasurement of high objects, such as the Pyramids by their shadow, at a\nparticular hour of the day[144]. Archimedes[145] invented his celebrated\nwater screw in Egypt, and there applied it, in the establishments\nwhich were devoted to the irrigation of the land. Pythagoras[146] was\na long time in Egypt, and all that we know concerning the dogmas of\nthis influential man agrees with this account[147]. His doctrine of\nthe immortality of the soul, especially, is very decidedly referred,\nby Herodotus, to Egypt. He says, \u201c_This doctrine is wrongly pronounced\nby certain Greeks, whom he will not mention, as belonging peculiarly\nto them_[148],\u201d by which he evidently has Pythagoras and his master\nPherecydes in view, for it is also related of the latter that he was in\nEgypt[149]. And it is in fact now sufficiently known, from the monuments,\nthat the Egyptians possessed from the earliest times very distinct ideas\nabout the transmigration of souls, and of judgment after death[150]. The\nphilosophers _Anaxagorus_[151], _Democritus_[152], _Sphaerus_[153], the\nmathematician _Oinopides_[154], the physician _Chrysippus_[155], also\n_Alcaeus_[156] and _Euripedes_[157], are enumerated among the visitors\nto Egypt. Finally, the same is known of _Hecataeus_[158], _Herodotus_,\n_Diodorus_[159], _Strabo_, and many less celebrated Greeks.\n\nAll these men did not merely desire to acquire a knowledge of Egypt as\neye-witnesses, but went there principally to gain instruction from the\nlearned priests on particular branches of knowledge. This is the light in\nwhich those historians regarded it, who give us more detailed accounts\nof these wanderings of the Greek scholars to Egypt[160]. The Egyptians\nthemselves indeed valued it so highly that the priests, as Diodorus, i.\n96, expressly recounts, recorded in their annals the visits of celebrated\nGreeks. It thence arose that the most distinguished among them, even the\nindividual teachers, remained known by name and descent, and were handed\ndown to us[161]. These names bear upon them a genuine Egyptian stamp,\nand therefore offer no grounds for any material doubt from this side.\nPlutarch calls the teacher of Solon, _Sonchis_, from Sais; of Pythagoras,\n_Onnuphis_, from Heliopolis; and of Eudoxus, _Chonuphis_, from Memphis.\nClemens adds to these the teacher of Plato, _Sechnuphis_; all of them\nnames whose Egyptian form may be easily restored.\n\nIt is evident that this instruction must have contained more than an\nunintelligible knowledge of symbols, a petrified mysticism, and empty\ndreams, as people have been hitherto frequently inclined to believe. Real\nknowledge and scientific experiences could only be founded upon a copious\n_literature_, carefully fostered for many ages. Its great treasures had\nindeed been long known and envied before the time of the Ptolemies; the\nPersians, under Artaxerxes, carried off a portion of them, together with\nother treasures, from the ancient archives of the temples, and only\nrestored them for a high ransom[162]. But their contents began for the\nfirst time to be better known, and more perfectly understood, when the\ntranslations appeared, which were extensively made for the Greeks[163]\nafter the time of the first Ptolemies. Strabo, among others, affords\nus a valuable proof of this, where he speaks of the thirteen years\u2019\nresidence of Plato and Eudoxus in Egypt[164]. \u201cThese priests (he says)\nwere versed in astronomy, but, mysterious and far from communicative,\nit was only after the lapse of time and by polite attentions that they\nallowed themselves to be induced to communicate some of their doctrines;\nbut still the most part was kept concealed by these barbarians. For\ninstance, to complete the perfect year, they added that portion of the\nday and night which goes beyond the 365 days; _nevertheless, the perfect\nyear remained unknown to the Greeks, as well as many other things, until\nthe later astronomers learnt it from the treatises of the priests, which\nwere translated into Greek; and they still refer to the writings of the\nEgyptians, as well as to those of the Chaldeans_\u201d[165].\n\nBut, in order to view more distinctly the multiplicity of the Egyptian\nbranches of learning, I shall mention the forty-two Hermetic books,\nprobably chiefly _sacred_, described to us by Clemens of Alexandria, from\na genuine ancient authority[166]. We learn from it that the ten first\nand principal books, those of the _Prophets_, called the Hieratical, or\nPriest Books, treated of the laws and the gods, namely, of the highest\ntheological education, which embraced at once divine and human laws[167],\nand philosophy[168]. To this was appended, as an immediate and necessary\ncomplement, the ten books of the _Stolistes_\u2014liturgical in their\ncontents\u2014containing ordinances about the sacrifice, and the offering of\nthe first-fruits, of hymns, prayers, processions, feasts, &c.\n\nTo these twenty writings, which were in a stricter sense sacerdotal,\nsucceeded fourteen others, treating of more secular learning, what we\nshould call the _exact_ sciences, which were indeed indispensable to the\npriests, but in themselves bore no theological character. These also\nwere again divided into two divisions; of which the first, consisting of\nten books, belonged to the hierogrammatist[169], and not alone embraced\nthe wide field of hieroglyphics, _i. e._ writing and drawing; but also\nall that fell within the department of the measurement of space and of\ngeometry, commencing with the more general, _cosmography_, universal\n_geography_, the _chorography_ of Egypt, and the course of the Nile;\nthen, also consequent upon that, the _topography_ of the temple-sites;\nand lastly, the most local arrangements of the furniture of the temple,\nas it were, or _naography_. The remaining four books, the _astrological_,\nmore properly called by us the _astronomical_, were committed to a\nparticular class of scholars\u2014the horoscopi, or time seers. This portion\nof their science, so peculiarly important to the Egyptians, and therefore\nkept distinct from the rest, entered into everything that it was\nnecessary to be acquainted with for the calculation of time, both in\ndetail and on a large scale, therefore more especially with the heavenly\nchronometers, the stars, and indeed, above all, the position of the fixed\nstars (and the constellations); then the arrangement of the planets (and\ntheir revolutions), the conjunctions and phases of the sun and moon;\nlastly, the rising of the stars. The practical purpose was indicated by\nthe symbols of the horoscopes, the horologium, and the palm-branch of the\nyears and periods.\n\nAfter the strict sciences, there followed the two books of the _Chanter_.\nHe represented the only _art_\u2014at least, the only one which was recognised\nas such, by its separate position\u2014that of _music_. Architecture and the\nart of drawing were practised, and even with a feeling for art, but they\nhad not emancipated themselves as independent arts, from the rule and\nline condition of the hierogrammatist. Even music, which was apprehended,\nand came into the world for the first time through the Greeks, was not\nconsidered by the Egyptians as an independent art, in our sense of the\nword, neither could it be regarded a science like drawing, as if it\nwere equally an efflux of the horoscopical chronology, to which it was\nexternally attached. It was on that account necessary to keep them apart.\nWe must, therefore, look upon the chanter only as a precentor\u2014a practical\nleader of the religious and festive songs. His two books contained hymns\nto the gods, and (encomiastic-poetical) observations upon the _royal\nlife_, but only as the subject-matter of the religious chorus. It cannot\nbe known how far real music was here brought into consideration; but\ncertainly the \u1fa0\u03b4\u03cc\u03c2 had nothing to do with the theological purport of his\nhymns\u2014information concerning this must be derived from the prophets and\nthe Stolist.\n\nThe contents of the last six books were medicinal, and treated of the\nstructure of the body, of diseases, the organs, curatives, for the eyes\nespecially, and of female cases. They are assigned by Clemens, probably\nfrom a misunderstanding, to the _Pastophori_, _i. e._ the watchers of the\ntemples[170].\n\nThis survey of the forty-two ancient sacred books deserves here\nespecially, our full consideration, because it brings clearly to light\nan intelligent, thoughtful, general view of the universe, straining\nafter inward perfection and conscious arrangement, and also the necessity\nof giving this a prominent form by _literature_, and of introducing it\npractically into life. Proceeding from the general to the individual,\nfrom the spiritual to the external, from the theoretical to the\npractical, as well in the succession of the general sections as in the\narrangement of the separate books, this code forms a defined whole, which\nwe nowhere find repeated among any of the nations of antiquity, not even\namong the Indians. Unfortunately, the ten first and most important books,\nwhich contained their fundamental ideas on religion, philosophy, and\nlaw, and therefore the highest and most spiritual department of their\ncontemplation, are not so fully described as the following sections, as\nregards the detail of their contents; therefore the enumeration of the\nseparate branches of knowledge with which the hierogrammatists, the real\nscholars, and the horoscopi, next to them, occupied themselves, and which\ncomprehended the whole visible and measurable world, is so much the more\nworthy of our notice.\n\nAt the same time we must remember that in the construction of this canon\nthere was no intention of giving the chief features of an encyclop\u00e6dia of\ntheir sciences. Every scientific purpose was necessarily laid aside, only\nthe thoroughly practical aim of a sacerdotal compendium was contemplated,\nin which learning only formed part of the education of a priest, and\nmerely occupied a third place after theology and the liturgical forms,\nand was only represented so far as a direct practical use could be\nobtained from it. Philosophy was therefore not at all separated from\ntheology; human law was only an efflux of divine law. The knowledge of\ngeometry was necessary for the surveying of the land, the division of\nthe produce, the building and decoration of the temples; the knowledge\nof astronomy for the calendar of festivals, and the civil calculation of\ntime; singing formed a part of the Liturgy. Nor is proof wanting that the\nknowledge and literature of Egypt far surpassed what was required by the\nhierarchy, that the thirty-six or forty-two books were also the earliest\nand original centre, to which later progressive improvements might\neverywhere attach themselves.\n\nWe frequently read in other authors about the \u201c_Sacred Writings_[171]\u201d\nof the Egyptians, or of their _Hermetic books_, but it would be wrong\nto refer all these notices to the forty-two books named by Clemens. It\nseems to me by no means improbable that the above-mentioned precepts on\nthe life of the king, in Diodorus, which for Egypt bear a thoroughly\nclassical stamp on them, formed a portion of the sacred law-books of the\nprophets, and that the laudatory song upon the deceased king, mentioned\nat the end of that passage, might have been composed in imitation of\nthe \u1f10\u03ba\u03bb\u03bf\u03b3\u03b9\u03c3\u03bc\u1f78\u03c2 \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03b9\u03ba\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b2\u03af\u03bf\u03c5, in the last of the thirty-six books, and\nhave only been employed in the last case. But it is not to be supposed\nthe forty-two books themselves contained separate laudatory songs on\nparticular kings, although such songs, understood in a wider sense,\ncertainly belonged to the sacred books.\n\nWe read in the same passage of Diodorus, that wise sayings and actions\nof the most distinguished men were read aloud to the king after the\nsacrifice by the hierogrammatist from the \u201cSacred Books,\u201d \u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u1ff6\u03bd\n\u03b2\u03af\u03b2\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd. We still possess ancient papyri which contain proverbs of a\nsimilar kind, some of them even put into the mouths of certain celebrated\nkings belonging to the Old Monarchy, such as Amenemha I., the head of\nthe 12th Dynasty[172], resembling somewhat in their form the proverbs of\nSolomon. For the sake of the reader, and the one who reads out loud, they\nare divided by red points recurring at nearly stated intervals into short\nverses, according to the sentences, like the Hebrew scriptures. But these\ncould not have belonged to the ten rolls of the hierogrammatists, nor to\nthe priests\u2019 canon in general.\n\nIt were more easy to suppose that the first book of the singer may have\nconsisted of single hymns and prayers addressed to particular divinities,\nsuch as we still possess several instances of, _e. g._ to Ra, Amen Ra,\nMut[173], to Thoth[174], to Osiris[175], Atmu[175], &c., yet probably\nit likewise only contained the daily litanies, which belonged to every\ntemple service, and which were also expressly mentioned[176]. I can as\nlittle agree with the opinion[177] that the great Book of the Dead of\nthe Egyptians was one of the ten books of the Stolistes, although I\nconsider it to be also[178] a sacred book ascribed to Hermes. Even its\nextent forbids the former supposition. And, moreover, it is by no means\na liturgical book, which one belonging to the Stolistes must have been,\nnor a book of Rituals, as Champollion appears to have regarded it, but\nessentially a history of the soul after death, therefore it was placed in\nthe tomb with the deceased. The theological basis of this work, however,\nwas undoubtedly included in the hieratical books of the prophets.\n\nBunsen[179] justly makes a distinction between the civil law-book,\nand the sacred law-books of the prophets. It was impossible that the\nregulations and precepts of the six law-givers, who are mentioned by\nDiodorus[180], could have been received into the canon, this can only be\nsupposed of the most ancient portion of them\u2014the laws of Menes, which\nwere ascribed to Hermes by himself, and probably were the foundation both\nof the religious and of the civil law.\n\nWe shall now more easily understand why still less space was afforded\nin the canon of Clemens for the _historical_ literature. It presented\nneither a speculative nor a practical side to the object which Egyptian\ntheology had in view, and regarded in this light, therefore, it must\nappear subordinate. But on that account it no less existed. This is\nproved as well by the authors[181] themselves as by the original remains,\nwhich we still possess. Historical facts of all kinds, related both by\nmeans of pictures and writings, covered the walls of the temples in the\nprincipal towns; single battles and whole wars were described, with their\nexact dates, and with all the living details of an eye-witness, upon the\nstone surfaces of the pylons and the surrounding walls. As long as these\nlasted, the remembrance of those actions must have remained living and\ntrue in the mind of every cultivated Egyptian. And, in fact, we find\nthese representations at a late period used as a direct authority in\nhistory.\n\nTacitus[182] recounts to us the visit of Germanicus to the \u201c_great\nremains of ancient Thebes. And Egyptian inscriptions were still extant\nupon the enormous buildings which declared the former riches. One of\nthe most distinguished of the priests, who was required to explain the\nlanguage of the country, related, that at one time 700,000 men, capable\nof bearing arms, dwelt here, and that King Ramses with this army had\nconquered Libya, Ethiopia, the Medes and Persians, the Bactrians, and\nScythians, and that he held under his dominions the countries of the\nSyrians, the Armenians, and the neighbouring Cappadocians, and thence\nto the Bithynian and the Lycian Sea; the tribute laid upon the people\nwas also read aloud, the weight of the silver and gold, the number of\nthe weapons and horses, and the presents to the temple, of ivory and\nfrankincense, and how much corn and other objects had been remitted by\neach nation, which was not less than what is now imposed upon the people\nby the might of the Parthians, or the power of the Romans._\u201d\n\nThis is as strictly an historical notice from the reign of Ramses II., in\nthe fourteenth century before Christ, as was ever related to us by the\nGreeks from the life of Xerxes or Alexander: for we read this statement\nnow in the present day upon the same walls, before which Germanicus\nstood with wondering eyes. The Greeks and Romans seldom derived their\nknowledge from such a direct source as Germanicus did here, and Tacitus\nwas quite unconscious that he was speaking of the same King Ramses, when\nshortly before he related of King _Sesostris_, that the bird called the\nPh\u0153nix appeared for the first time in his reign. We still read the name\nRamses upon the monuments, as the priest read it to Germanicus; Sesostris\nwas the name of Seth\u00f4s I., who was so often confused with his son Ramses,\nand was carried down by a Greek mistake, since the time of Herodotus\n(\u2ca5\u2c89\u2c91\u2cb1\u2ca5\u2c93\u2ca5, \u2ca5\u2c89\u2ca5\u2c9f\u2cb1\u2ca5\u2c93\u2ca5, \u2ca5\u2c89\u2ca5\u2cb1\u2ca5\u2ca7\u2ca3\u2c93\u2ca5).\n\nWho can well doubt that along with such a historical literature engraven\nin stone, which to this day fills the whole of Egypt from Alexandria\nto Mount Barkal, far in Ethiopia, a corresponding _historical book\nliterature_ must have existed, of course much richer and more complete,\neven though we may not be able at present to point out the remains\nof it. But in fact we still possess papyrus rolls, one of which\naccidentally refers to the identical warlike deeds represented, with\ntheir annotations, upon the walls of the Theban temple. This is one of\nthe important documents which the British Museum purchased in the year\n1839 from M. Sallier, in Aix, after Champollion had already, in the year\n1828, recognised and communicated several passages in it which related to\nthe war of the great Ramses against the people of Cheta[183]. In 1838 I\nfound at Leghorn, in a collection of Egyptian antiquities belonging to M.\nD\u2019Anastasi, a series of papyri very similar to this, which mention other\nwarlike features of that glorious period. They appear to come originally\nfrom the same tomb as those of Sallier, since they proceed, partly,\nindeed, from the same scribe. Other similar pieces are found in the\nEgyptian collections at Turin, Leyden, and Berlin.\n\nIt is evident, partly from the express date of the author or scribe,\npartly from the kings mentioned in the text, that the largest proportion\nof them belong to the 19th Dynasty. The most ancient date in the London\npapyrus is from the ninth year of the Great RAMSES II.; the latest is\nfrom the first year of King SET-NECHT, the third successor of the former.\nThe Turin Royal Annals also belong to this or the next Dynasty. Other\npapyri are certainly not older than the 20th; _e. g._ one of those which\nI obtained in Thebes repeatedly mentions the name of RAMSES IX., and is\ndated, upon the reverse side, from the 13th of Pachon\u2014the sixteenth year,\nprobably, of this king.\n\nAnother of these rolls contains, on the other hand, a portion of a\ncomposition which belongs to the time of Tutmes III., the conqueror of\nthe Hyksos in the 18th Dynasty; a roll in Turin treats of the same king.\nWe have as little reason to doubt that the first paragraph in the Pap.\nSallier, No. 1, pl. i.-iii., which treats of two kings at the end of the\nHyksos period, was also composed in their time, or soon after their death.\n\nTwo remarkable papyrus rolls, which I obtained in London for the Berlin\nMuseum, mention the first kings of the 12th Dynasty, AMENEMHA I. and\nSESURTESEN I. Their writing is very different from the rest of those that\nI am acquainted with, and they belong to the very rare exceptions which,\nin place of horizontal lines, are written in vertical columns, after the\nmanner of hieroglyphical writing; so that it would not surprise me, if\nby penetrating more deeply into the contents, the result should be, that\nthey were composed, even this very copy, during the Old Monarchy. But the\nmost ancient of all the hieratic royal names are found in a papyrus in\nmy own possession[184]. Here the name of CHUFU (Cheops) is frequently\nmentioned, also King SNEFRU in the 3rd Manethonic Dynasty, and three\nother kings, who probably belong to the same Dynasty. These kings are,\nindeed, all cited as dead, but since the whole of them belonged to that\nancient period, its contents could hardly be placed much later. Among\na people who were at all times surrounded by so many contemporaneous\nmonuments and historical authorities, reaching as far back as their first\nroyal Dynasties, it must have been generally much more difficult to\nsupplant, or essentially to alter the existing genuine history of ancient\ntimes by fabulous tales and poetical inventions of later times.\n\nIn spite of the astonishing number of monuments, and in spite of the rich\nliterature, whose original remains are confirmed by the accounts we find\nin different authors, it would, however, have been impossible to the\nEgyptians themselves, how much more so to us, to obtain a correct and\nclear insight into the course and connection of their history, if from\nits commencement a chronological sense had not been so early developed\namong them. Without chronology we should obtain no history, even from\nthe most varied literature; the Indians, especially, give us a striking\nproof of this. History first obtains a perfect self-consciousness through\nchronology. With the growing civilisation of a people, the necessity\nincreases for a sharper division of time both in small and large periods.\nFrom the earliest era of their history, the Egyptians have known how to\nsatisfy this necessity, inherent in every higher state of civilisation.\n\nBut a chronology which is well arranged and established must always\nproceed from astronomy. We cannot conceive the existence of the former,\nin any nation, without the latter being to a certain degree developed. It\nwill not, therefore, appear superfluous if we enter here more minutely\ninto the astronomical knowledge of the Egyptians, before we turn our\nattention to their computation of time. We shall here, also, commence\nwith the information we obtain from authors, and afterwards see how far\nit is confirmed and completed by the monuments.\n\n[The author here proceeds to the astronomical basis of Egyptian\nchronology, and the chronological knowledge possessed by the Egyptians,\nand concludes his Introduction with the following words:]\n\nTaking a retrospective survey of the path we have hitherto pursued in our\ndiscussions, I believe I have essentially fulfilled the task we undertook\nat the commencement, namely, to point out the _possibility_ of the\nexistence of such an early history of Egypt.\n\nWe have seen how, contrasted with the most ancient Asiatic nations, the\nEgyptians (pre-eminently favoured by their climatal and geographical\nconditions) were destined, as it were by nature, to be a monumental\nnation. These external conditions correspond with the innate bias of\ntheir feelings, which is shown by the innumerable multitude of their\nmonuments, and by the extreme care they bestowed upon their preservation.\nFrom their desire to retain the fleeting present, may be explained the\nearly development of their system of writing (so rich and significant in\nits organism, owing to its important origin), as well as the excessive\nuse which was made of this writing, especially for the monuments, beyond\nany other nations of antiquity, so that it soon attained its highest\ndestination by its application to a many-sided book literature. We have\nbeen able to refer to a Theban library as early as the fourteenth century\nbefore Christ, and have found reason for considering it neither the most\nancient, nor the only one in Egypt. It was this very ancient literature\nand hereditary learning, which a later antiquity, and more particularly\nthe Greeks, abundantly acknowledged, praised, sought out, and studied.\nAmong the various branches of knowledge we have surveyed, especially the\nsacred codes of the priests\u2014the forty-two Hermetic books described by\nClemens, we have however particularly attempted, to indicate more closely\nfrom the monuments, the early study of astronomy, because the arrival\nat a more fixed chronology depends especially upon its development.\nWe have likewise endeavoured to point out that, under the favourable\ncircumstances of an Egyptian sky, and especially since the introduction\nof the variable sun-calendar (calculating as it were, and forming periods\nfor itself), astronomy was cultivated in the most elaborate and most\ncomplete manner, and this we have been able partly to confirm by the\nmonuments of the 4th and 12th Dynasties of the Old Monarchy. We have\ndiscovered a division of time, less than an hour, to the sixty times\nsixtieth part of a minute, and above an hour to the period of 36,525\nyears. Between these there were the greatest variety of cycles, such as\nno other ancient nation, except the Egyptian, has been able to produce\nin equal perfection. They were acquainted with the _civil hours_ of day\nand night, also with the twenty-four equal or _equinoctial hours_ of the\ncomplete day, \u03bd\u03c5\u03c7\u03b8\u03ae\u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd.\n\nFrom days they formed the decades, or Egyptian weeks, and from these\nthe thirty-day month; they also knew the lunar months, and solemnised\nthe new and full moon. Their season consisted of four months. They\nrecognised as forms of years, and carried out in the calendar, both the\noldest lunar year, as well as the solar year of 365 days, and the Sirius\nyear, which is a quarter of a day longer. The civil solar year, after\ntwenty-five years, namely at the Apis period, agreed again with the lunar\nyear; in the same way, calculating by the day, it agreed with the Sirius\nyear, at the lustrum of four years; and in the space of 1461 years, it\nagreed completely with the _Sothis period_. The Ph\u0153nix period, of 1500\nyears, was employed to make the civil year agree with the tropical year,\nwhich was afterwards divided according to the three seasons into three\nparts\u2014500 years each. Finally, the Sidereal year, or the slow receding of\nthe ecliptic to the west, became known, and it was expressed, although\nwith an imperfect comprehension of the direction and velocity of the\nmovement, by its greatest astronomical period of 36,525 years.\n\nWe have gained the principal purpose we had in view if we have succeeded\nin pointing out that, in Egypt, from the time of Menes, to whose reign\nthe historical accounts go back, there existed to an extraordinary degree\nall the conditions necessary for the growth and the perfect development\nof the self-conscious and historical life of a nation, and for a\nchronologically-arranged historical literature, formed by the monuments\nand contemporaneous records. These circumstances have placed it in our\npower to investigate and restore, from such early times, the experienced\nand recorded history of the Egyptians. As far as our present knowledge\nextends, the conditions that we have named only appear complete among\nthe most ancient Asiatic and European nations at a much later period,\nnamely, during the last millennium before Christ, therefore an historical\ninvestigation, which refers back as far as that of Egypt, has hitherto\nbeen impossible with respect to those nations, except so far as in the\nEgyptian history itself new points of information may be found respecting\nthe oldest history of nations, not Egyptian.\n\nBut it may very possibly be imagined that we have been compelled to stop\nat the indication of this _possibility_, being deficient in the means to\nraise this historical treasure from the depths in which we behold it.\nWe can only restore true history with the assistance of an historical\nliterature, and this must either be contemporaneous, and so far possess\nin itself a monumental value, or if it is a later literature, referring\nto what has long gone by, it must be accompanied by contemporaneous and\nintelligible monuments to enable us to prove and correct it by them.\nHitherto we have certainly possessed one of the necessary means for\nthe restoration of the Pharaonic history, namely, the Greek accounts,\nand extracts from an ancient Egyptian historical literature. But they\nremained useless and confused, because the monuments and the literary\nremains of the country were still mute and unintelligible. However, since\nChampollion\u2019s praiseworthy deciphering of the hieroglyphical writing has\nrendered it possible to make an historical use of the monuments of the\ncountry, the second means for historical investigation has been placed in\nour hands. It was now for the first time possible to gain some advantage\nfrom the literary authorities, and to make a critical examination of\nthem, which would necessarily demonstrate the general connection that\nsubsists between the monuments. Only a correct all-sided combination of\nthe means offered on both sides can here lead to the aim we have in view.\n\n\n\n\nTHE HEBREW TRADITION.\n\n\nWe can best exhibit the relation that subsists between the Hebrew and\nEgyptian records, by endeavouring to determine chronologically, and by\nsuch means as are extant, the most important point of contact in the\ntwo histories\u2014namely, the Mosaic period\u2014and thus to prove the value of\nthe several numbers stated. We shall thereby perceive that the Hebrew\naccounts, in so far as they are connected with Egypt, may be held to\nbe of more historical value than several modern inquirers are inclined\nto accord to them, and that they are by no means wanting in a fixed\nchronological principle, without which history cannot subsist; but that\na more exact chronology, which might serve as a point of support to the\nEgyptian, is not to be sought in them, and it is rather this last which\nsupplies the most certain chronological explanation of those times to\nthe history of the Israelites. The genuine chronological character of\nthe Jewish history is pretty well acknowledged by every one as far back\nas the division of the kingdom, or the building of the temple, whereby,\nindeed, the individual chronological difficulties, which frequently\noccur during this epoch, are not considered, but only the chronological\nvalue of those numbers generally which form the basis of these separate\ninvestigations; but the strictly chronological character of the Hebrew\ndeterminations of time before this epoch is disputed, and, indeed, in\nthose very numbers which contain in themselves alone the threads of an\nexact chronology. A critical examination of the value of these numbers\ngenerally is thus necessary, and therefore this discussion becomes\nappropriate here. It is, in fact, of the greatest importance to us,\nbecause it determines whether it be possible to solve some marked\ncontradictions which have at all times keenly engaged the attention\nof historians and theologians, and still continue to do so; it will,\nbesides, enable many people to decide upon the value of the Manethonic,\nconsequently of the Egyptian chronology generally, so far as it is made\nto depend on its agreement with the accounts obtained from the oldest\nsource, the only one indeed not Egyptian, which here, at all events,\nadmits of a comparison.\n\nThere are, especially, _two numbers_ which have hitherto formed the\nturning points of the chronology of the Old Testament for the Mosaic\nperiod, because, passing over the uncertain individual statements,\nthey fixed the limits to great spaces in time, and appeared to lay\ndown a rule for more special investigations. I mean the 480 years[185]\nwhich are calculated to be the period between the Exodus and the\nbuilding of the temple, and the 430 years[186] for the sojourn of the\nIsraelites in Egypt. Both numbers very early created difficulty, and\nare partly modified, and partly refuted by other statements of time in\nthe Old Testament. The 480 years ought to correspond with the sum of\nthe individual numbers in the Book of Judges, which last is, however,\nconsiderably greater. The genealogies of that same period would, on the\nother hand, lead to the conclusion that the number of years was much\nfewer. The Seventy themselves differ in their statement of the number,\nsince they write 440 in place of 480 years; and in the Acts of the\nApostles (xiii. 20), 450 years are calculated for the Judges only to\nthe time of Samuel; and this again differs from all other statements.\nLastly, we find that Josephus also, even if he knew the number 480, still\ndid not consider it as binding, since he never mentions it, but accepts\ndifferent numbers, and far higher ones[187], which, nevertheless, do\nnot agree with the Book of Judges. It thereby at least follows, that\nthe number 480 by itself cannot claim any decided authority. But there\nis a still greater difference in the acceptation of the 430 years which\nthe Israelites are said to have passed in Egypt. For, setting aside that\nin an earlier prophecy[188] the round number 400 alone is given, the\nSeventy understand the whole statement to mean, not from the entrance\nof JACOB INTO EGYPT, but from the entrance of ABRAHAM INTO CANAAN, and\nthey therefore translate the words in Exodus xii. 40, \u201cNow the sojourning\nof the children of Israel, who dwelt in Egypt, was four hundred and\nthirty years;\u201d by \u1f21 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03af\u03ba\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c5\u1f31\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f38\u03c3\u03c1\u03b1\u03ae\u03bb, \u1f23\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1ff4\u03ba\u03b7\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03b3\u1fc7\n\u0391\u1f30\u03b3\u03cd\u03c0\u03c4\u1ff3 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03bd \u03b3\u1fc7 \u03a7\u03b1\u03bd\u03b1\u1f70\u03bd, \u1f14\u03c4\u03b7 \u03c4\u03b5\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1\u03ba\u03cc\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1 \u03c4\u03c1\u03b9\u03ac\u03ba\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 (Now the dwelling of\nthe children of Israel, which they dwelt in the land of Egypt and in the\nland of Canaan, was four hundred and thirty years). The Apostle Paul[189]\nalso reckons the 430 years from the promise of Abraham, and Josephus[190]\ndoes the same, so that for the sojourn in Egypt, which is understood in\nthe Hebrew text, only 215 years are reckoned, the remaining 215 being\nassigned to the time from Abraham to Jacob. Lastly, if we compare the\nnumber of generations in this period, we shall only find four generations\nfor the four centuries, so that for this, even half of the time stated\nwould still be far too great.\n\nFinally, if we consider along with these contradictory statements the\nintrinsic character of the numbers given in the original text, namely,\nthe arithmetical relation of the 215 years from Abraham to Jacob, to\nthe 430 or 215 years from Jacob to Moses, the frequent return also of\nthe indeterminate number 40, both in the first[191] and still more in\nthe second period, and lastly the nature of the numbers 480 or 440 as a\nmultiple of 12 or 11 generations of 40 years each, it appears to me very\nnatural that either a higher providential meaning, and in spite of all\nother opposing considerations, the only correct chronological expression\nwould be seen in this play of numbers, or that this external garb of\nnumbers would be regarded as unessential for the religious\u2014indeed, in\npart, also, for the historical import of those narrations, but that in\nthe latter case all more exact chronological investigation of this period\nmust be relinquished.\n\nThe latter view must gradually prevail in stricter science. A criterion\nwas wanting in the investigation of the Old Testament, which might\ndecide upon a definite choice among its self-contradictory statements.\nEach claimed for itself a like authority. If we believe that we may now\nattempt a new solution of the difficulty, we rely upon the fresh point\nof view which we can occupy for that purpose, since we now possess a\npositive scale that may be relied on (independent of the investigations\nof the Old Testament), by which we can estimate the Hebrew statements,\nnamely, the authentic history and chronology of the Egyptians, which more\nthan equals the Hebrew in point of age.\n\nNow if it should appear that they can in no way be harmonised, science\nwould then, indeed, remain in its former uncertainty concerning the times\nbefore Solomon, and we should lose one of the most important and most\nacceptable corroborations of Egyptian chronology. But the result of our\ninvestigations is more favourable, since the Egyptian order of time,\nresting upon perfectly independent foundations, most decidedly determines\nthat there is a chronological principle throughout the historical\nrelation of the Old Testament, and not an arbitrary selection of Hebrew\nnumbers. By this means a firm foundation is given to the critical\nexamination of the latter, and both histories reciprocally afford each\nother a support that cannot be shaken.\n\nWe must first of all show that the Egyptian account of the expulsion\nof the LEPERS, given by Manetho, refers really to the same event as\nthat narrated in the Old Testament, as the Exodus of the ISRAELITES. We\nshall afterwards determine the epoch which is recognised in the Egyptian\ntradition, and, lastly, attempt to show how every other time is in like\nmanner excluded by the historical purport of the Hebrew narrative; that\nthere exists, also, a chronological thread which leads us to the same\nresult, and, indeed, that the authentic tradition concerning the year of\nthe Exodus has never been entirely lost among the Jews. From this fixed\npoint we shall then look back still farther into the times of JOSEPH, and\nthe accounts of the Greeks appertaining to that period, to which will be\nadded our views regarding the visit of Abraham to Egypt.\n\nThe following is the account of the Mosaic events which Josephus gives\nus from Manetho, and partly in the words of Manetho himself[192]. After\ndescribing the expulsion of the Hyksos, whom Josephus considered to\nbe the ancestors of the Jews, and giving an account of the kings who\nsucceeded that event, as far as Rampses, the son of Seth\u00f4s, he continues:\n\u201cAfter he (Manetho) had therefore related, in conformity with his earlier\nnarrative, that our ancestors[193] (the Hyksos) had departed from Egypt\nso many years earlier, he then says that King Amenophis, whom he here\ninserts, desired to become a beholder of the gods, like Horus, one of\nhis predecessors. He communicated this desire to one Amenophis, son of\nPaapis, who, on account of his wisdom and penetration into futurity,\nwas believed to partake of the divine nature. Now this namesake of\nAmenophis told him that if he cleansed the whole country of the LEPERS\nand other unclean people, he would then be able to behold the gods. The\nking thereby rejoiced, collected together all who were smitten with this\nbodily disease, throughout the whole of Egypt 80,000 in number, and cast\nthem into the stone-quarries, which are situated east of the Nile, in\norder that they should there work, apart from the other Egyptians. Among\nthem were some learned priests, who had been attacked by the leprosy.\nBut that wise and prophesying Amenophis began to fear the anger of the\ngods, for himself as well as for the king, if they, the priests, were\nseen at such compulsory labour; and he foretold, moreover, that others\nwould hasten to the assistance of the unclean, and would govern Egypt for\nthirteen years. He did not, however, venture to express this to the king,\nbut, leaving behind him a written record, he killed himself. Upon that\nthe king became very much dejected. Then he (Manetho) continues verbatim,\nthus: \u2018Now, when these people had suffered sufficiently by the hard work\nin the stone-quarries, the king yielded to their entreaty, and gave\nup to them, for their deliverance and protection, the town of Abaris,\nwhich had at that time been forsaken by the shepherds (Hyksos). But this\ntown, according to traditions of the gods, had always been a Typhonic\ntown. Now, when these people had entered into this town, and found the\nplace favourable for revolt, they appointed as their leader a priest of\nHeliopolis, by name Osarsiph, and swore to obey him in all things. He\nestablished as their first law that they should worship no gods, and\nthat they should not abstain from those animals which, according to the\nlaw, are considered most holy in Egypt, but that they might sacrifice\nand consume them all; also, that they should associate only with their\nfellow-conspirators. After he had established these and many other laws,\nwhich were entirely opposed to the Egyptian customs, he commanded them\nall to set to work to build up the town walls, and to prepare themselves\nfor war against King Menophis. But, whilst he consulted some of the other\npriests and infected persons, he sent messengers to the shepherds who\nhad been expelled by Tethmosis to the town of Jerusalem, and, after he\nhad let them know what had happened to himself and to the others who had\nbeen injured along with him, he invited them to make war against Egypt\nin unison with his followers. He would first of all conduct them to\nAbaris, the town of their forefathers, and amply provide the troops with\nwhat they required; but, if it were necessary, he would protect them,\nand easily subject the country to them. Greatly rejoiced, they readily\nbrought together as many as 200,000 men, and soon arrived at Abaris. But\nwhen Amenophis, the Egyptian king, heard of the invasion of these people,\nhe was not a little disturbed, for he remembered what Amenophis, the\nson of Paapis, had prophesied. He first collected the Egyptian troops,\nconferred with his commanders, desired those sacred animals which are\nthe most honoured in the sanctuaries to be brought to him, and commanded\nthe individual priests, more especially to conceal the images of the\ngods most securely. But he sent his son, Seth\u00f4s, who was five years old,\nand was also called Ramesses, from Rampses, the father of Amenophis, to\nhis friend (the King of Ethiopia). He himself, indeed, went forward with\nthe remaining Egyptians, who amounted to 300,000 fighting men; however,\nwhen the enemy advanced to meet him he did not engage in battle, but\nreturned hastily to Memphis, because he believed he was fighting against\nthe gods. There he carried off the Apis and the other sacred animals\nwhich had been brought thither, and repaired immediately with the whole\narmy and the remaining baggage of the Egyptians to Ethiopia. The King\nof Ethiopia was, in fact, beholden to him; he, therefore, received him,\nsupplied his troops with all the necessaries of life which the country\nafforded, assigned to them as many towns and villages as would suffice\nfor the predetermined thirteen years, in which they would be compelled to\nbe deprived of his government, and even placed an Ethiopian army on the\nborders of Egypt as a protection to the people of King Amenophis. Thus\nit stood in Ethiopia. But the Solymites who had come into the country,\nand the unclean among the Egyptians, treated the people so shamefully,\nthat the period of their government appeared to all who then beheld\nthese impieties the worst of times; for they not only burnt towns and\nvillages, and were not satisfied with plundering the sanctuaries, and\nabusing the images of the gods, but they continually made use of those\nvenerated and sacred animals which were fit to be eaten, compelled the\npriests and prophets to become their butchers and destroyers, and then\nsent them away destitute. It is said, however, that the priest who gave\nthem a constitution and laws, who was a native of Heliopolis, and called\nOsarsiph (from the god Osiris in Heliopolis), went over to these people,\nchanged his name, and was called Moses.\u2019 This and much more, which for\nthe sake of brevity I must omit, is what the Egyptians relate concerning\nthe Jews. But Manetho says further, that Amenophis afterwards returned\nout of Ethiopia with a great force, that he and his son Rampses, who had\nalso an army, gave battle to the shepherds and the unclean, conquered\nthem, killed many, and pursued the remainder to the borders of Syria.\nManetho wrote this and similar things.\u201d\n\nNext to this Manethonic account, we shall place the Greek conception of\nthe matter as we find it in DIODORUS, xl. 3, taken from Hecataeus of\nAbdera (and also in an earlier passage, xxxiv. 1, without his authority\nbeing given).\n\n\u201cWhen,\u201d says Hecataeus, \u201ca plague once broke out in Egypt, most people\nbelieved that it was a punishment sent by the gods. For since many\nstrangers of divers races dwelt among them, who practised very anomalous\ncustoms, with respect to the sacred things and to the sacrifice, it\ncame to pass that hence their own ancient worship of the gods declined.\nTherefore the natives feared there would be no end to the evil, if they\ndid not remove those who were of foreign extraction. The foreigners\nwere therefore quickly expelled. The best and the most powerful of them\nunited together, and, as some people say, were driven away to Greece and\nother places, under distinguished leaders, of whom Danaus and Cadmus\nwere the most famous. But the great mass withdrew to the country which\nis now called Judea, situated not far from Egypt, which was at that time\nbarren and uninhabited. The leader of this colony was MOSES, who was\ndistinguished by the power of his mind, and by his courage. He captured\nthe country, and besides other towns, built HIERSOLYMA, which has now\nbecome so famous. He also founded the temple, which was so peculiarly\nholy in their eyes, taught them the worship and the service of the\nDeity, gave them laws, and regulated their constitution. He divided the\npeople into twelve tribes, because this is the most complete number, and\nagrees with the number of months in the year. But he set up no image of\nthe gods, for he did not believe God had a human form, but that he is\none God, who embraces heaven and earth, and is Lord of all things. He\nregulated the sacrifices and the usages of life very differently from\nthose of other nations; since, in consequence of the banishment which\nthey had themselves experienced, he introduced a misanthropical mode of\nlife, hostile to strangers.\u201d\n\nThe statement in the earlier passage of DIODORUS, xxxiv. 1, sounds far\nmore bitter, where he says \u201cthat they (the Jews) alone among all nations\nscorn any intercourse with others[194], and look upon every one as their\nenemy. Their forefathers, also, were driven out of Egypt as disgraced and\nhated by the gods; and in order to cleanse the country, those attacked\nwith the _white_ sickness and leprosy had been collected together and\ncast beyond the frontiers as an accursed race. But the expelled people\nhad conquered the country round Jerusalem, had formed the nation of the\nJews, and transmitted to their descendants their hatred of mankind. On\nthat account also they had adopted perfectly anomalous laws, neither to\neat with any other people, nor to show them any kindness.\u201d \u201cAntiochus\nEpiphanes, after he had conquered the Jews, entered into their holy of\nholies, into which only the priests were admitted; he there found a stone\nimage of a bearded man, who sat upon an ass, and held a book in his hand.\nHe took this for Moses, who had founded Jerusalem, organised the people,\ngiven them laws, and introduced the disgraceful and misanthropical\ncustoms.\u201d\n\nNow if we compare these relations, which evidently refer to Egyptian and\nnot to Jewish statements, with the representation we meet with in the\nHebrew conception of the matter, we cannot mistake the general agreement\nof the most essential features.\n\nDiffering entirely from the former Exodus of the Hyksos, the description\nof which is likewise preserved to us by Manetho, here, it is not an open\nenemy who is to be subdued, but people of foreign descent, peaceably\ndwelling in the land, increasing, however, to a dangerous extent, and\nwho inspired the Egyptians with fear and hatred. It is true that neither\nManetho, nor any one of the authors we have named, expressly say that\nthe expelled people were of a different race from the Egyptians; but the\ncause of this may have been that the entrance of the family of Jacob into\nthe country which was so important to the Jews, probably passed unnoticed\nby them. The influx of emigrants from the eastern and north-eastern\nSemitic countries was apparently much greater in those flourishing times\nof the Egyptian kingdom than it was thought necessary to recount in the\ndetached history of the house of Israel. The influence of those people\nfrom Palestine who had been driven back under Tuthmosis, must only have\nincreased the former importunity of that people to enter the blessed land\nof Egypt. But so long as they came singly and peacefully, and did not\nshrink from entering into all kinds of intercourse and alliance with the\nEgyptians, they must have been considered by the natives as belonging\nto the country\u2014as Egyptians. It is certainly a mistake to suppose the\nIsraelites were the only strangers in Egypt. They dwelt in the land of\nGoshen, situated on the eastern border of the Delta, but of course only\na very small body in the midst of Egyptians, and many Philistines and\nArabians, from whom the Egyptian could not distinguish them. The immense\nincrease in their numbers, of which we read, is only to be understood in\nthis manner. How could there have been so distinct a division of the one\nrace from their Semitic companions, as is usually understood, when their\nchief men themselves frequently did not shrink from mingling with the\nEgyptians?\n\nEven Ishmael had an Egyptian mother and an Egyptian wife[195]. Joseph\nbecomes so completely Egyptian that he is able to occupy the highest\nposition under the king, does not eat at the same table with his\nbrethren, and speaks to them through an interpreter. He also takes\nan Egyptian woman as his wife[196], even the daughter of a Priest of\nHeliopolis; and Moses himself marries an Ethiopian[197]. The same\nintermingling between the races is afterwards still more frequently\nmentioned, without being considered as anything remarkable or forbidden,\n_e. g._ Leviticus xxiv. 10; 1 Chron. ii. 34, 35; and the same with\nrespect to other foreigners, the Tyrians, _e. g._ 1 Kings vii. 14. The\nimmigrants also did not limit themselves to the land of Goshen, which\nhad been first assigned to them, but \u201c_filled the land_,\u201d and appeared\n\u201c_to grow greater and mightier than the Egyptians_.\u201d That the single race\nof Jacob is not here meant, but all who had allied themselves to it, as\nto a powerful centre, is again made evident in the Exodus, where it is\nsaid[198], \u201c_And a mixed multitude went up also with them._\u201d There may\neven have been many Egyptians among the mixed multitude; indeed the whole\npopulation continued to cling, even long after the Exodus, so firmly to\nEgyptian customs, and even to the religious practices of the Egyptians,\nthat they were constantly inclined to fall back again to the old form of\nworship. Is it surprising that the Egyptians should have considered those\npeople as Egyptians\u2014and called them so in their traditions\u2014who, even at\nthe foot of Sinai, made an image of the holy bull, Mneuis, and solemnised\nit with festivities, thus proving that the greater proportion of them had\nadopted the Egyptian religion?\n\nThis was naturally the reason why the Jews were so frequently viewed\nas an EGYPTIAN COLONY, _e. g._ by Strabo[199], Apion[200], and others;\nand in this at least there is no contradiction between the Egyptian and\nHebrew accounts; they rather both assist in completing a more perfect\npicture.\n\nThe emigrating people were described especially by Manetho, and by all\nthe other Egyptian traditions, as a race of \u201c_unclean, leprous Egyptians,\ngodless, and hated by God_.\u201d It is evident that the people designated\nhere were of foreign extraction, DIFFERING IN FAITH, consequently GODLESS\nsettlers in Egypt, the shepherd families, who, on account of their\noccupation, in remembrance of the old hereditary enemy, were hated by the\ngenuine Egyptians, especially by the priests, \u201c_for every shepherd is an\nabomination unto the Egyptians_[201].\u201d\n\nThe Mosaic account also corroborates the opinion that the _leprosy_\nand the _white_ sickness (\u03bb\u03b5\u03cd\u03ba\u03b7, \u1f00\u03bb\u03c6\u03cc\u03c2), which resembles it, were very\nprevalent in those times, and particularly among the Jews, and that they\nwere most dangerously infectious. This is intimated by the strict laws\nof separation issued by Moses against those attacked by the leprosy,\namong whom, however, his own sister Miriam[202] is found; also by the\nmiracle of Moses, who draws his own hand out of his bosom white as snow\nwith leprosy[203], and afterwards afflicts the land with the plague and\nwith noxious boils[204], and finally with the sudden death of all the\nfirst-born. This perfectly explains the Egyptian account of the universal\n_plague of the leprosy_, which had more particularly broken out among\nthe poorer and more uncleanly settlers, and which threatened the whole\nEgyptian nation[205]. To this is to be added the belief of the strict\nEgyptians that inward uncleanness and godlessness of the heart must\nnecessarily be inseparably connected with outward uncleanness and with\nthe leprosy, the most abhorred of the diseases sent by God.\n\nIt is said, by Manetho, that among these infected people there were\nsome learned priests. Possibly these were of the Egyptian race, and yet\nwere cast together with the unclean strangers. But there is nothing to\nprevent our assuming that these priests were also of foreign descent,\nand perhaps themselves Israelites. It is not, indeed, an improbable\nassertion, that Moses himself was brought up as a priest of Heliopolis.\nIt is evident that Joseph could not, as a Hebrew, have been first\nminister of Pharaoh, but that he must, at the same time, have possessed\nboth the rank, learning, and outward consecration of the Egyptian\npriests, with whom he had also united himself by marriage; and that\nMoses likewise, brought up in the house of the king, could only be\ninstructed, in all the wisdom of the Egyptian priests, through the same\nmedium of outward fellowship. Contrasted with the Egyptian prophets\nand hierogrammatists, who equally convert their staffs into serpents,\nchange water into blood, and fill the land with frogs, he appears before\nPharaoh only as a wiser, and more highly endowed man, than those sages.\nThe name _Osarsiph_, is of little importance here, for even the name of\n_Moses_ is expressly declared to be Egyptian, as it could not have been\notherwise. But yet on this very account it is worthy of notice, because\nit is interpreted as being expressly derived from Osiris at Heliopolis.\nAs the principal god in that place was Ra, _i. e._ \u1f2d\u03bb\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2, the service\nof Osiris was undoubtedly most closely united with the holy sun-bull\nof Osiris[206], the white bull represented in the paintings gold[207]\n\ud80c\ude16\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udfe0\ud80c\uddcb\ud80c\udcd2 Menes, or Mneuis, the same whom the people adored in the desert,\nand whose worship was even introduced into Palestine by King Jeroboam\nI., when he was recalled from Egypt[208]. A particular local worship in\nHELIOPOLIS had been dedicated to this bull since the time of Menes; and\nthis very town, in which, according to the Egyptian tradition, Moses is\nsaid to have been the priest of Osiris (therefore of the golden calf),\nis, besides, always considered specially connected with the Jews. From\nthat town Joseph took his wife, and _On_\u2014so Heliopolis was called by the\npeople\u2014according to the Septuagint, was even built by the Israelites[209].\nThis cannot mean that they first founded the town, for it had been already\nmentioned as the native town of Joseph\u2019s wife, and is also named upon the\nmonuments even in the Old Monarchy, and in the annals as early as the\ntime of Menes; but it cannot also be explained alone by saying that\nHeliopolis was probably the principal town of the eastern province of\nGoshen, it certainly can only be understood to mean that the Israelites\ncompleted the elevation and damming off of the town against the\ninundations, of which we shall say more hereafter. The Manethonic\naccount is therefore important for this reason also, that it makes\nMoses come from Heliopolis, and thence indicates his connection with\nthe golden bull.\n\nIt further follows, from the Egyptian recital, that the _sudden_\npersecution of the unclean people had a special cause, and this\nappears always to proceed from the advice which the priests give the\nsuperstitious kings, as to how the distress of the leprosy, and the\ndegeneration and desecration of their religious services were to be\nremedied. But in the desire not to expel this whole race, but to destroy\nthem by hard labour in the country itself, or to let them perish in the\ndesert, or even to drown them[210], we at the same time perceive another\nreason for the persecution, namely, the fear lest they should rise up\nas open enemies of the country, and unite themselves with the banished\nshepherds for a new subjugation of the land, a fear so well founded,\nthat what was expected, was soon most completely fulfilled. Here again\nthere is the silent acknowledgment that those unclean Egyptians were\nprincipally of foreign extraction, and had a natural bias to their\nPalestinian hereditary enemies, whom they afterwards called to their\nassistance. And the Mosaic account also exactly agrees with this[211]:\n\u201cLet us deal wisely with them,\u201d says Pharaoh, \u201clest they multiply, and it\ncome to pass that when there falleth out any war _they join also with\nour enemies, and fight against us_.\u201d Therefore, taskmasters were placed\nover the land, and the people tormented with building and all kinds of\nhard service, to which undoubtedly the working in the stone-quarries had\nreference, which is made particularly prominent in the Egyptian relation.\nThe chief feature in both recitals is the design of oppression and\ndestruction, by means of exorbitant taskwork.\n\nAll accounts are also agreed upon the great number of the enemy, which\nhad grown up in the country, and even if only 280,000[212] had departed,\nas the Egyptians related, while in the Hebrew accounts 600,000 are\nmentioned, it was at any rate a great event, on which the Egyptian annals\ncould not possibly preserve silence.\n\nThese are all features of the Egyptian narrative, which place beyond\ndoubt the identity of that insurrection of the Lepers under Osarsiph,\nwith the Exodus of the Israelites under Moses, even if we set aside the\nfar more direct, but in the view of some perhaps, on that very account,\nless trustworthy evidence, which consists in what is added concerning the\nlaws of Osarsiph, that the Egyptian gods should no longer be worshipped,\nand that they should never again hold intercourse with any other race,\nalso concerning the name of Moses itself, which Osarsiph is said to have\nadopted. For I certainly consider it as more than probable that the name\nof Moses was not originally found in the Egyptian narrative; that the\nlatter was only connected with a rebellious priest Osarsiph, and that\nManetho first changed the name in consequence of the comparison with\nthe Hebrew accounts, which had been made long before his day. But this\nassumption only upholds still more the age and the independence of the\nManethonic narrative, whose genuine and ancient Egyptian character is\nbesides apparent to the attentive reader through all its other parts.\nWith reference to this, I shall only mention the peculiar feature of\nbeholding the gods, and its connection with an earlier king, further the\nname of the town _Abaris_, which was entirely lost in later times, and\ncould not therefore have been orally preserved by the people, but must\nhave been taken from old writings. Also the unfortunate and ignominious\nturn of the event for the Egyptians, the cowardly flight of the king\nto Ethiopia, and the revolting usage to which the whole lower country,\nand especially the priesthood, were exposed for thirteen years, but,\nabove all, the complete absence of all allusions and attacks upon the\nJews as such, sufficiently proves that the whole was a simple, faithful\naccount from the old writings. Therefore, when Josephus, in order to\nmaintain his wholly untenable opinion that the Hyksos were the Jews,\nasserts that Manetho did not derive this narrative from genuine ancient\nsources, but that he only relates incredible fables, and declares\nbesides that Manetho himself granted the uncertainty of his account,\nwhen he says, he will now write what is mentioned in the _tradition_\nof the Jews\u2014\u03b3\u03c1\u03ac\u03c6\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03c4\u1f70 \u03bc\u03c5\u03b8\u03b5\u03c5\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f38\u03bf\u03c5\u03b4\u03b1\u03af\u03c9\u03bd\u2014(to\nwrite the mythical and legendary accounts concerning the Jews), this\nis only one more of the forced and ingenious accusations of which his\ncontroversial work is composed. The words of Manetho, as they are extant,\nnowhere support this assertion of Josephus, except the last, which are\nto this purport:\u2014\u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b4\u2019 \u1f45\u03c4\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03b9\u03c4\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03bf\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2\n\u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03b2\u03b1\u03bb\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03b5\u03cd\u03c2, \u03c4\u1f78 \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f29\u03bb\u03b9\u03bf\u03c5\u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03af\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2, \u1f44\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1 \u1f48\u03c3\u03b1\u03c1\u03c3\u03af\u03c6, \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f10\u03bd\n\u1f29\u03bb\u03af\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f48\u03c3\u03af\u03c1\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2, \u1f61\u03c2 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03ad\u03b2\u03b7 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf \u03c4\u1f78 \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2, \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03b5\u03c4\u03ad\u03b8\u03b7 \u03c4\u03bf\u1f54\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1\n\u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03b7\u03b3\u03bf\u03c1\u03b5\u03cd\u03b8\u03b7 \u039c\u03c9\u03c5\u03c3\u1fc6\u03c2\u2014(_It is said_ that a priest who founded their\npolity and laws, a Heliopolitan by race, named Osarsiph, when he went\nover to this nation from the service of the god Osiris in Heliopolis,\nreceived a change of name, and was called Moses). This contains the\nhonest acknowledgment of Manetho that the ancient sources whence he\nderived his information neither mention the _Jews_ nor _Moses_, which\nis confirmed by his own narrative. Therefore it was only a \u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd\n(tradition), if it were not indeed a \u03bc\u03c5\u03b8\u03b5\u03c5\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd (mere fable), as\nJosephus adds, which applied that account to the Jews. Manetho evidently\ndid not intend to say more. The account of the banishment of the Lepers\nbears exactly the same stamp as the earlier account of the banishment\nof the Hyksos, and even an entirely superficial critical examination\nwould only lead us to conclude, from the mention in both accounts of the\ncity of Abaris (which at Manetho\u2019s time had long since passed out of\nremembrance), that he made use of the same ancient authorities for the\none as for the other. Therefore, instead of the reproaches of Josephus,\nManetho rather deserves all our gratitude for so strictly abstaining\nfrom introducing his own views, however correct they may have been, into\nthe long-approved historical relations. He leaves the decision in the\nhands of his readers. And it seems to me that we can now make ours upon\ngood grounds, not depending upon his opinions, but upon the documentary\nevidence he lays before us, to the effect, namely, that the identity of\nthe two occurrences, recognised even before the time of Manetho, must\nactually be accepted.\n\nJosephus, however, is equally groundless and frivolous in his reproach\nto the Egyptian historian, when he asserts that he has only of his own\naccord inserted the king here, under whom he places the event\u2014\u1f08\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03c6\u03b9\u03bd\n\u03b5\u1f30\u03c3\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03ae\u03c3\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bc\u03b2\u03cc\u03bb\u03b9\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03ad\u03b1\u2014(Having inserted Amenophis as king), and\nthat he has not therefore ventured to assign a fixed number of years to\nhis reign. As Josephus before made a great confusion between the kings\n\u1f0c\u03bc\u03c9\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 and \u03a4\u03ad\u03b8\u03bc\u03c9\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2, and since here also, he has not remarked, that he\nhas named the same king once before in a former extract (c. 15) in his\nright place, and ascribed to him the correct nineteen years and six\nmonths as the period of his reign, the reproach is at once removed from\nthe Egyptian historian, and falls back upon himself.\n\nLet us now see what place in the Egyptian annals is assigned to the King\nof the Exodus. Here again we are first referred to Josephus. We shall\ninvestigate in its proper place more minutely, how far he had the true\naccount of Manetho before him, or only extracts from it. But it is easy\nto perceive from a cursory comparison of his extracts, which are partly\ngiven verbatim, and partly summarily, that in the two principal passages\nupon this portion of Egyptian history, he had two different authorities\nbefore him, who, in the writing of the names, and in certain details,\nsomewhat differ from one another, and thence caused no little confusion\nto the inconsiderate critic.\n\nIf we now place these two authorities of Josephus beside one another, and\ncompare with them the corresponding portion of the lists of Africanus and\nof the monuments, we obtain the following general view. (See next page.)\n\n\nLISTS OF JOSEPHUS AND AFRICANUS.\n\n  +------------------------------------------------------+---------------+\n  |                                 MANETHO.             |  MONUMENTS.   |\n  |                  +-----------------+--------+        |               |\n  |                  |                          |        |               |\n  |              JOSEPHUS.             |    AFRICANUS.   |               |\n  |         +--------+--------+        |                 |               |\n  |         |                 |        |                 |               |\n  |   c. Ap. i. 15.  |  c. Ap. i. 26.  |                 |               |\n  |                  |                 |                 |               |\n  |            Y. M. |            Y. M.|                 |               |\n  |                  |                 |                 |               |\n  |1. \u1fec\u03b1\u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2  1. 4.| 1.              |1. \u1fec\u03b1\u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2   1. | 1. Rameses I. |\n  |                  |                 |                 |               |\n  |3. \u1f08\u03c1\u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2 66. 2.|                 |                 |               |\n  |   \u039c\u03b9\u03b1\u03bc\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6        |                 |                 |               |\n  |                  |                 |                 |               |\n  |4. \u1f08\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03c6\u03b9\u03c2 19. 6.|                 |(4. \u1f08\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03c9\u03c6\u03ac\u03b8 19.)|               |\n  |                  |                 |                 |               |\n  |(5)               |                 |                 |               |\n  |2. \u03a3\u03ad\u03b8\u03c9\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f41      | 2. \u03a3\u03b5\u03b8\u03ce\u03c2  50. 9.|2. \u03a3\u03b5\u03b8\u1f7c\u03c2     51. | 2. Seth\u00f4s I.  |\n  | \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1fec\u03b1\u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2     |   (59 _l._)     |                 |               |\n  |                  |                 |                 |               |\n  |3.                | 3. \u1fec\u03ac\u03bc\u03c8\u03b7\u03c2 66.   |3. \u1fec\u03b1\u03c8\u03ac\u03ba\u03b7\u03c2   66. | 3. Rameses    |\n  |                  |                 |  (61 _l._)      |     Miamun    |\n  |                  |                 |                 |               |\n  |4.                | 4. \u1f08\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03c6\u03b9\u03c2     |4. \u1f08\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03ad\u03c6\u03b8\u03b7\u03c2 20. | 4. Menephthes |\n  |                  |                 |                 |               |\n  |5.                | 5. \u03a3\u03b5\u03b8\u1f7c\u03c2 \u1f41 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76  |5. \u1fec\u03b1\u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2  60. | 5. Seth\u00f4s II. |\n  |                  |    \u1fec\u03b1\u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2     |                 |               |\n  +------------------+-----------------+-----------------+---------------+\n\nThe first thing to be remarked is that the last column, that of the\nmonuments, is _authentically_ determined, because it is entirely borrowed\nfrom several monumental catalogues, and taking it in details, the\ntestimony of numerous contemporaneous monuments puts it beyond a shadow\nof doubt. The lists of the authors may therefore be judged with the\ngreatest safety, according as they agree with it, but not the reverse.\nHence it follows, that in the first authority of Josephus, either one has\nbeen lost between the first and second names, or the second and third\nnames are incorrectly anticipated, since they should have come after the\nfourth. The numbers placed beside the reigns leave no doubt of this. The\nlast of the two mistakes has evidently been committed by Africanus with\nregard to the \u1f08\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03c9\u03c6\u03ac\u03b8; therefore, in the comparative columns, the same\nhas also been assumed to belong to Josephus. Furthermore, we read in the\ntext of Josephus, chap. 15, \u03a3\u03ad\u03b8\u03c9\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1fec\u03b1\u03bc\u1f11\u03c3\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2 (Seth\u00f4sis and Rameses),\nbut we learn from the context, and chap. 26, that we ought to read \u1f41 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n(who is also). In the second authority of Josephus, the addition \u1f41 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n\u1fec\u03b1\u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2 (who is also Rameses), is entirely wanting, which is undoubtedly\ncorrect, since neither the names of these two, or any other kings, are\nseen in connection on the monuments. The mistaken connection appears to\nhave been occasioned by the confusion that existed at a much earlier\nperiod, in the ideas of the people, about these two kings; whereas,\nthe surname of the second Ramses, \u039c\u03b9\u03b1\u03bc\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6, is evidently founded on the\nconstant addition of \ud80c\udf39\ud80c\uddcb\ud80c\udfe0\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\ude16 _Miamun_, on the monuments of this king.\n\nWithout entering into further details, it is now undeniably evident\nfrom the same comparative list, that \u1f08\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03c6\u03b9\u03c2, or \u039c\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03c6\u03b9\u03c2, the third\nking of the second authority of Josephus, to whom the banishment of the\nLepers was ascribed, is no other than the corresponding \u1f08\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03ad\u03c6\u03b8\u03b7\u03c2, with\n20 years, and the \u039c\u03b5\u03bd\u03ad\u03c6\u03b8\u03b7\u03c2 (_Menephtha_) of the monuments; lastly, no\nother than the anticipated \u1f08\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03c9\u03c6\u03b9\u03c2, with 19 years and 6 months of the\nfirst authority of Josephus, the son of \u1f08\u03c1\u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2 \u039c\u03b9\u03b1\u03bc\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6, with 66 years\n2 months, _i. e._ of _Ramses-Miamun_, whose sixty-second year appears\nupon the monuments. The King of the Exodus therefore belongs, according\nto the Egyptian accounts, to the 19th Manethonic Dynasty, and it seems\nto me impossible any longer to admit the opinion of those who believed\nhim to belong to the previous 18th Dynasty[213]. It is true that in this\nDynasty we find three different kings named _Amenophis_, which caused the\nconfusion with the similarly sounding name _Menephthes_, but none of them\nhave a Ramses for a father, and a Seth\u00f4s for a son and grandfather; for\nthe two last names never appear in the 18th Dynasty.\n\nWe find, indeed, a king of the 18th Dynasty mentioned in the Manethonic\nrelation in Josephus, viz. King Horus. But this incidental quotation\ncontains so much the more an impartial and convincing proof, that the\nking with whom we are concerned, belonged to the 19th Dynasty, and that\nthe whole account was taken from an ancient authority, to whom the same\nchronological connection was perfectly well known. It is said, namely,\nthat Amenophis desired to become a beholder of the gods, like _one of\nhis ancestors, King Horus_. Now this notice is in itself remarkable, and\ntestifies its genuine character, since King Horus is not otherwise known\nto us through the popular tradition, probably because he, like most of\nthe others, had left no monuments behind him which had attracted any\nparticular notice in Memphis. But with regard to the time of his reign,\nit is apparent that he was certainly a _predecessor_, namely, the fourth\nof Menephthes, but a _successor_ of all the three Amenophises of the 18th\nDynasty, which he terminated.\n\nIt is of minor importance that, according to Diodorus (34, 1), the\nbanishment of the Jews is connected with the emigration of Danaus to\nGreece, and that this also is placed, according to the Egyptian tradition\nat least, in the 19th Dynasty. But we thereby see that the Egyptian\ntradition with regard to dates did not deviate much, even when it was\nconnected with foreign elements.\n\nIf we now compare the clear Egyptian statements that we have cited,\nconcerning the period of the Exodus with what is said about it by the\nlater, particularly the Jewish and Christian chronologists, it would\nbe difficult to comprehend why they differed so exceedingly, if we\ndid not find the fundamental error fully explained in the writings of\nJosephus against Apion, where he asserts that the Jews were no other than\nthe Hyksos. The perfectly untenable grounds for this opinion, which,\nnevertheless, has been shared even by some modern scholars, although the\nMosaic narrative is entirely contradictory to it, both as a whole and in\nits details, may be gathered from Josephus himself, since a refutation of\nthem here would be superfluous. But Josephus was by no means the first\nwho started this opinion. It was already held by PTOLEMY MENDESIUS[214]\nand APION[215], perhaps even by POLEMON[216]. From this, also,\noriginates the other misunderstanding, that it was not _Tuthmosis_, but\n_Amosis_, the first king of the 17th Dynasty, who drove away the Hyksos;\nand therefore in Josephus[217] the name \u03a4\u03ad\u03b8\u03bc\u03c9\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 is inserted in place of\n\u1f0c\u03bc\u03c9\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2, and in Syncellus[218] both names appear united as \u1f0c\u03bc\u03c9\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f41 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76\n\u03a4\u03ad\u03b8\u03bc\u03c9\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2\u2014(Amosis, who is also Tethmosis). The reason of this confusion\nlay simply in this, that Amosis is found placed by Manetho at the head\nof the Dynasty which immediately follows the Dynasties of the Hyksos; he\nmust, therefore, have driven away the Hyksos, who by them are understood\nto be the Jews.\n\nWe find a different opinion in EUSEBIUS. In his Manethonic list[219],\nbeside King _Chencheres_, therefore in the middle between the true Exodus\nof the Hyksos and that of the Israelites, he writes as follows:\u2014\u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70\n\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u039c\u03c9\u03c5\u03c3\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f10\u03be \u0391\u1f30\u03b3\u03cd\u03c0\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c0\u03bf\u03c1\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f38\u03bf\u03c5\u03b4\u03b1\u03af\u03c9\u03bd \u1f21\u03b3\u03ae\u03c3\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u2014(During\nthis reign Moses conducted the journey of the Jews out of Egypt). But\nthe reason for this deviation from the usual statements concerning the\nPharaoh of the Exodus does not here lie in the name, which perhaps\nEusebius had found somewhere mis-stated, but in his assumption (to which\nwe shall afterwards return) that the first year of Abraham was also the\nfirst year of the 16th Manethonic Dynasty. He only counted, as he himself\nstates, 75 years[220] from this year to Abraham\u2019s removal to Haran, and\nthen the 430 years of bondage in Egypt. By that means he obtained the\nyear of the Exodus of Moses from Egypt. This happened, according to his\nEgyptian list, in the sixteenth year of _Chencheres_; consequently, in\nhis annals, he entered the Exodus under this king.\n\nThe most fabulous recital of the Exodus is in Lysimachus, who appears to\nhave written about the time of Christ\u2019s birth, shortly before Apion. It\nis not, therefore, worth while to investigate whether the name of the\nKing Bocchoris, in whose reign he makes Moses depart, was arbitrarily\nimagined, or whether it originated in some great misunderstanding. His\nromance appears, however, to have found acceptance, since we again\nmeet with the fable of Lysimachus in Tacitus[221], with some new and\nadditional facts. Tacitus says, that according to some the Jews wandered\nto Palestine during the reign of Isis, led by Hierosolymus and Judah;\naccording to others, they were descendants of the Ethiopians, and\ndeparted during the reign of King Cepheus; but most people said, that\nat the breaking out of a plague, King Bocchoris had cleared the land of\nthem, according to the sentence of an oracle.\n\nBut Josephus has rendered the narrative of Lysimachus still more\nconfused, and by that means has also led astray later scholars. He\nrelates, namely, as follows, in the second book of his controversy with\nApion: \u201cManetho says that the Jews wandered out of Egypt in the reign\nof _Tethmosis_, 393 years before the flight of Danaus to Argos; but\nLysimachus makes it under King _Bocchoris_, that is, 1700 years ago;\nMolon and others make it as it seems best to them; but Apion, the one\nmost to be depended upon of all of them, placed the Exodus exactly in the\n_seventh Olympiad_, and in the _first year_ of it, in which, as he says,\nthe Ph\u0153nicians founded Carthage.\u201d\n\nIt was impossible that Josephus could place Bocchoris 1700 years before\nhis own time, for that would make him nearly cotemporary with the first\nkings of the Egyptian succession, whose names he cites, without, however,\nmentioning a Bocchoris among them. This king lived, rather, according to\nManetho, about 750, and not about 1650 before Christ. If, furthermore, it\nis asserted that Apion placed the Exodus at the Olympiad 7. 1., namely,\nB.C. 752, that is most decidedly contradicted by Clemens of Alexandria,\nJustin Martyr, and Africanus, in passages above referred to, who, on the\ncontrary, agree in relating that Apion followed Ptolemy Mendesius, and\nplaced the Exodus under Amosis, therefore about 1650 years before Christ.\nIt is evident that Josephus has here in his careless way confused the\nauthors and the numbers with one another. He meant to say, or ought to\nhave said, that Manetho fixed the Exodus (not of the Jews, indeed, but of\nthe Hyksos) 393 years before Danaus, _i. e._ 1700 years before Josephus,\nand Lysimachus fixed it, during the reign of _Bocchoris_. The fabulous\nnarrator, Lysimachus, could hardly have affixed any statement of time to\nthe name of Bocchoris, or he would certainly have discovered his error;\nbut Apion, the grammatist and hyper-critic, had probably subjected the\nopinion of Lysimachus to his own critical examination, and reckoned that\nif he assumed Bocchoris to be the king under whom the Exodus was made,\nhe must intend to fix his date at Olympiad 7. 1. At any rate there is no\ndoubt that the Olympiad calculation belonged to Lysimachus, and the 1700\nyears to the Manethonic statement. The latter point might be remedied if\nwe could place the words \u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78 \u1f10\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c7\u03b9\u03bb\u03af\u03c9\u03bd \u1f11\u03c0\u03c4\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03c3\u03af\u03c9\u03bd (That is\none thousand seven hundred years) after \u0394\u03b1\u03bd\u03b1\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c6\u03c5\u03b3\u1fc6\u03c2 (The flight of the\nDanai). But we should certainly be wrong to change the number 1700, as\nB\u00f6ckh[222] has done, into 700; or with Ewald[223] and Bunsen[224], to\naccuse Apion of the confusion of which Josephus alone is guilty.\n\nIf it is therefore impossible to place the Exodus of Moses, regarding it\nfrom the _Egyptian_ point of view\u2014which has been singularly misunderstood\nby all the ancient and modern authors we have mentioned\u2014under any other\nPharaoh than MENEPHTHES, the son of the great Ramses, in the 19th\nDynasty, nothing remains to the opponents of this view than to attack\nthe truth of this statement from the standing point of the Hebrew\nauthorities, and to show that there are irrefutable grounds in the\n_Mosaic_ accounts which prove the falsity of the Egyptian annals. But,\nupon a closer consideration, this is so little the case that, on the\ncontrary, the Hebrew account confirms in the most unequivocal manner the\nManethonic disposal of this event in the Egyptian history.\n\nThere are certainly very few features in the Mosaic account of the Exodus\nfrom which we could obtain in a direct manner any information about the\ncondition of Egypt at the time of its occurrence. Whatever Egyptian\nmanners and customs are occasionally mentioned, are generally little\ncharacteristic of any particular epoch of time; greater events, such as\nwars, change of government, the erection of famous buildings, are still\nless mentioned, everything is so exclusively apprehended and rendered\nin an Israelitish point of view. The great change which was introduced\nby Joseph in the agrarian condition of the country is almost the only\nexception made here, because it happens to be so closely connected with\nhim personally. Farther on we shall consider the historical inferences\nwhich may be founded upon it concerning the time of Joseph. The\ncomplete absence of Egyptian proper names, which might so frequently be\nopportunely mentioned, is particularly striking. Neither the name of the\nPharaoh in whose reign Abraham came into Egypt, nor he of whom Joseph\nwas the minister, nor, finally, the one in whose house Moses was brought\nup, or his successor, in whose reign he left Egypt, are mentioned. This\nundoubtedly shows a total indifference about chronological points of\nunion for the special history of the Israelites of those times, which\nis remarkably opposed to the very exact dates, apparently avoiding all\nbreaks, from which our current chronology of the Old Testament is summed\nup.\n\nOnly a few _geographical_ names of Egyptian towns and localities enable\nus to contemplate, at least in some degree, the theatre of that great\nevent. But there are two among them of peculiar importance to us here,\nbecause they also throw a light which was much needed upon Egyptian\nrelations of time, and interpret in a remarkable manner sundry accounts\nof the old authors.\n\nIt is said in Exodus i. 2: \u201cTherefore they did set over them taskmasters\nto afflict them with their burdens. And they built for Pharaoh\ntreasure-cities, Pithom and Raamses.\u201d The Hebrew name of the latter town\nis \u200e\u200f\u05e8\u05e2\u05de\u05e1\u05e1\u200f\u200e, and is therefore exactly the same as that of King _Ramses_\nin hieroglyphics, \ud80c\udc8b\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udc9d\ud80c\udd20\ud80c\udef4\ud80c\udef4. Now it is difficult to believe that this king\u2019s\nname was given to a town before any King Ramses had reigned. We could\nnot, therefore, on account of its name, place the building of this town\nearlier than under the 19th Manethonic Dynasty, because this dynastic\nname first appears here.\n\nIt seems to me, that we may now point out the historical relation of\nthis town _Ramses_, with a particular King _Ramses_, among the many\nkings of that name. We shall, then, for the first time, learn the full\nsignificancy of the passage. But it will be necessary for this purpose to\nexamine more closely the _geographical_ conditions at that time of the\nIsthmus of Suez, which formed the boundary between Egypt and Asia, and\nwas therefore the theatre of the Exodus.\n\nSince the Israelites departed from Ramses, this town must have been\ntheir central point and place of meeting. According to Manetho, the\nlepers, as the Hyksos before them, were finally driven out of Abaris.\nWe might therefore be inclined at first to consider these two towns as\none and the same. This was also the opinion of an old abbreviator of\nEusebius[225], who says of Jacob: \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9\u03ba\u03b5\u1fd6 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc7 \u1fec\u03b1\u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u1fc3 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bb\u03b1\u03b9\n\u1f08\u03b2\u03ac\u03c1\u1fc3 \u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u1fc3\u2014(And he sojourns in Ramses, which was formerly called\nAbare). Many scholars are of the same opinion[226]; Rozi\u00e8re[227] also,\nthe great traveller, but who seldom hits on the right point, places\nAbaris in the spot where we at least believe we ought to place Ramses;\nand the same opinion, although given with hesitation, is found even in\nthe masterly researches of D\u2019Anville[228]. It is still more extraordinary\nthat Ewald[229] holds Abaris to be _Baal Zephon_, and therefore seeks it\nin the immediate neighbourhood of the Red Sea.\n\nThe situation of the town of Abaris can only be decided by the accounts\nof Manetho; for all other authors, who mention this town, refer to\nthe same passages in the work of Manetho, which we find most fully\ncommunicated by Josephus[230]. The first mention of the town occurred\nin the account of the invasion of the Hyksos, who entered the country\nfrom Syria about 2100 years before Christ, and governed it for many\ncenturies. The easy success of this invasion, owing to the hitherto\nunfortified state of the eastern boundary, immediately directed the\nattention of Salatis, the first king of the Hyksos, to the necessity of\nclosing the gate, which had stood open to them, against every future\ninvader. He therefore did not delay, as Manetho relates[231], to make use\nof his experience: \u201cHe resided in Memphis, collected tribute from the\nUpper and Lower country, and left garrisons in the most suitable places.\nBut he fortified the eastern boundaries, especially, as a precaution\nagainst the Assyrians, who were at that time very powerful, and who\nmight afterwards be desirous like them to invade the same kingdom. Now\nhe found a town particularly suitable for his purpose, situated to the\neast of the _Bubastic_ arm in the _Sethroitic_ Nome; and, according to\nthe old tradition of the gods, it was named ABARIS. This he built up and\nfortified with strong walls, and placed as a guard within a garrison\nof 240,000 armed men. Thither he came, in the summer season, partly on\naccount of the harvest and to issue the pay, partly in order to practise\nthe garrison diligently in arms to the terror of the foreigners.\u201d But\nwhen at the termination of the rule of the Hyksos, in the reign of\nMisphragmuthosis, these hereditary enemies were driven back out of the\nwhole country, \u201cthe king finally enclosed them in that place called\nAbaris. It was 10,000 arura in extent, and (according to Manetho) the\nHyksos surrounded it with a great and strong wall.\u201d Since he could not\ncapture them by a siege, he came to an agreement with them, and permitted\nthem to depart with all their property to Syria.\n\nAbaris is mentioned for the last time at the Exodus of the lepers, as we\nhave seen above. It is here called an old Typhonic town, which had been\nuninhabited since the departure of the Hyksos, and was given up to the\nunclean after they were delivered from their oppression. But they fortify\nit again, call the Hyksos from Jerusalem to their assistance, and from\nthis firm point for many years maintain the upper hand over the feeble\nking, until he, with the aid of an Ethiopian army, drove them back to the\nborders of Syria.\n\nIn these accounts there is an explicit statement about the geographical\nsituation of Abaris, which determines it to have been placed in the\n_Sethroitic_ Nome. For it has been long acknowledged that we should\nread it so, instead of the _Saitic_ Nome, as it is in our present text.\nThis is also shown by the reading of Eusebius, which, indeed, is still\nincorrectly written in the Armenian translation[232], but evidently\npurports to say, _in nomo Methraite_ in place of _Sethraite_, and by many\nother passages in which this town, though without a name, is mentioned\nby Manetho, and is placed in the Sethroitic Nome[233]. But even if this\ncorrect reading had not been preserved to us by others, we must still\nhave rejected the Saitic Nome, because this is situated in the western\npart of the Delta, while Abaris ought to be placed to the east of the\nBubastic arm of the Nile.\n\nThere can be no doubt about the general situation of the _Sethroitic_\nNome, from the statements of Strabo[234], and of Ptolemy[235], who was\nborn in Egypt. It lay eastward along the northern part of the Bubastic,\nor Pelusaic arm of the Nile. Its capital was Heracleopolis Parva, and\nPelusium, from its position, must also have belonged to this Nome,\nalthough this is never expressly said. Abaris must accordingly be\nsituated there.\n\nThe object also which was to have been gained, by the original founding\nof Abaris, directs us to this province, and to its most north-eastern\nportion in the neighbourhood of Pelusium. It was to serve as a _boundary\nfortification_ against Syria. In all times, ancient as well as modern,\nthere was only _one_ military entrance from that country. The road\nled from Gaza, along the sea-coast by Raphia (Refah), Rhinokolura (El\nArisch), Mons Casius, along the Lake of Serbon, to Pelusium, which\nis situated at the mouth of the eastern arm of the Nile. This part\nof the Nile, which extended far out towards the east, was the first\nwithin reach; therefore, although the destination of most travellers\nlay considerably to the south, the northern circuitous route by this\nroad was rendered necessary, and for the march of armies indeed it was\nquite unavoidable. When _Sesostris_ led home his conquering army from\nAsia, he returned by this road. According to Herodotus[236], \u0394\u03ac\u03c6\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9\n\u03b1\u1f31 \u03a0\u03b7\u03bb\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1\u03b9 (Daphni of Pelusium) was the place where his treacherous\nbrother met him; according to Manetho[237] and Diodorus[238], it was\nPELUSIUM itself. It is said that from this place the same Sesostris\nfortified the eastern frontiers as far as Heliopolis[239]. Hither Seth\u00f4s,\nthe priest of Ptha, came to meet Sanherib, because, as Herodotus[240]\nadds, \u201chere was the entrance into Egypt.\u201d In this neighbourhood, at the\nPelusaic mouth, below Bubastis, the Ionians and Carians brought hither by\nPsammeticus were stationed undoubtedly as frontier guards, at a place\nwhich afterwards bore the name of \u03a3\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03cc\u03c0\u03b5\u03b4\u03b1[241]. In the strong town of\nPELUSIUM, Psammenitus waited for Cambyses, and by losing this position,\nlost besides all Egypt to the Persian conqueror[242]. In later times,\nthe great Macedonian entered by Pelusium[243]. In Strabo\u2019s time, also,\nPelusium, to which point according to him Phenicia extended[244], was the\nfrontier post in the direction of Syria and Arabia, and the road to Egypt\nled through this \u201cinaccessible\u201d country, not only from Phenicia, but\nalso from the Nabatain Arabia[245]. _Amru_ (_Amr ebn el As_) also took\nthe same road with his 4000 Arabs, when he conquered Egypt from the side\nof Syria, A.D. 639, having first taken the strong town of Pelusium by a\nthirty days\u2019 siege; even down to the latest times, we see the Egyptian\narmies marching _to_ and from Syria by this road.\n\nIt appears accordingly undoubted that ABARIS, which during the time\nof the Hyksos, and in the reign of Menephthes, was destined for the\nsame purpose as Pelusium at a later period, could not have been far\nremoved from it also in point of situation. To me, indeed, it seems\nvery probable that it was the ancient name of PELUSIUM. According to\nthe accounts we receive, both towns were of considerable extent, and\nit cannot be supposed that there were several of such a description in\nthat neighbourhood. No proof is required to show that \u03a0\u03b7\u03bb\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd was\nnot, as the Greeks imagined, formed from \u03c0\u03b7\u03bb\u03cc\u03c2, although the Arabs in\ntheir translation of _Tineh_\u2014_i. e._ _Lutetia_\u2014accepted the quibble.\nIt is much more probably referred to the Philistine name Pelistim,\nwhich is already proved in the above-mentioned tradition of its heros\neponymos \u03a0\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03c2, or \u03a0\u03b7\u03bb\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2. We must, therefore, explain Pelusium\nby \u201cPhilistine\u201d or \u201cPalestine-town.\u201d It appears to me that Ewald[246]\nhas successfully attributed a similar origin to the name of the town\n\u1f0c\u03b2\u03b1\u03c1\u03b9\u03c2[247], as the \u201c_town of the Hebrews_,\u201d _of the Abarim_. A peculiar\nhistorical epoch may, perhaps, be indicated in this change in the\nname. Ewald\u2019s searching investigations concerning the history of the\nIsraelites, have demonstrated that the term Hebrew nation had originally\na far more comprehensive signification than has been hitherto commonly\naccepted. It comprised the most south-westerly Semitic tribes[248], and\nextended to the gates of Egypt, therefore as far as our frontier town.\nBut we afterwards find in these very same countries the immigrated race\nof the PHILISTINES, who had driven back the Hebrews from that spot.\nEwald[249] does not place this change before the time of the Judges.\nTherefore, if our town had formerly been an advanced frontier-post in\nthe land of the Hebrews, and afterwards in the land of the Philistines,\nand was undoubtedly each time filled with a large Semitic population, it\nmay have exchanged its earlier name \u1f0c\u03b2\u03b1\u03c1\u03b9\u03c2, Hebrew town, for the later\n\u03a0\u03b7\u03bb\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd, Philistine-town.\n\nAbaris has frequently been identified with Heroonpolis, by\nD\u2019Anville[250], Larcher[251], Champollion[252], Gesenius[253],\nJomard[254], and others. The only apparent reason which is cited for\nthis opinion is that Stephanus, of Byzantium, quotes the otherwise\nunauthenticated tradition, that Typhon was struck with lightning at\nHeroonpolis; and that Manetho called Abaris, according to an old\ntradition, a Typhonic town[255]. This comparison does not at all\noverbalance the distinct geographical statement of Manetho, that Abaris\nwas situated in the Sethroitic Nome, to which Heroonpolis, as we shall\nsee, could not belong. That tradition, indeed, seems only to be founded\nupon a misunderstanding of Stephanus; namely, upon the unauthentic\ninformation that \u1f29\u03c1\u03ce was also called \u0391\u1f37\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2. Greek tradition[256], namely,\nconnected \u0391\u1f37\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2 (not a town, however, but the Thracian mountains), as it\ndid other mountains, with Typhon, and probably, only on account of its\nname, imagined that it was here he was killed, and shed his blood.\n\nOn the other hand, this tradition about Typhon refers us again to the\nidea that Abaris was the most ancient name of Pelusium. Typhon was always\nconsidered as the particular god of the hereditary enemy of the Asiatic\nHyksos. The mythological evidence of this assertion, which is far from\nnew, does not belong here. But this was, perhaps, the reason why this\ngod, according to tradition, was also brought into local connection with\nthat important point on the frontier, the only entrance into the kingdom\nof Osiris from the land of Typhon. Herodotus related[257], probably,\ntherefore, from a native Egyptian tradition, that it was there\u2014namely,\nin the Lake of Serbonis, so dangerous to all travellers, which stretched\nout directly from Pelusium eastwards, that Typhon, who was struck by\nlightning, lay chained; and others, also, make him fly away from Jupiter\nout of Syria, as far as Pelusium[258].\n\nBut, perhaps, another Typhonic trace may still be referred to Pelusium.\nIt might have been expected, namely, that the town of Abaris, or\nPelusium, had, besides these signs which were deduced from its origin\nor from its population, a real Egyptian name; still more, because we\nfind that most Egyptian towns had a double name\u2014the popular name which\nusually appears in the Coptic and Arabic writings, and the sacred name\nderived from the local gods, which the Greeks generally, though not\nalways, retained in their translations. \u03a0\u03b7\u03bb\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd undoubtedly answered\nto the popular name of the town. The sacred name, according to report,\ncould only be derived from Typhon. Now we find the Nome to which Pelusium\nbelonged always called \u03a3\u03b5\u03b8\u03c1\u03c9\u0390\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2, or \u03a3\u03b5\u03b8\u03c1\u03b1\u0390\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2, not \u1f29\u03c1\u03b1\u03ba\u03bb\u03b5\u03bf\u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03af\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2, as\nwe should have expected, since \u1f29\u03c1\u03b1\u03ba\u03bb\u03ad\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b9\u03c2 is cited as its capital.\nThis denomination necessarily presupposes a town, which in Greek would\nhave been \u03a3\u03b5\u03b8\u03c1\u03ce\u03b7, \u03a3\u03b5\u03b8\u03c1\u03ce, \u03a3\u03b5\u03b8\u03c1\u03b1\u0390\u03c2. Stephanus, of Byzantium, also mentions\nsuch a town, and calls it \u03a3\u03ad\u03b8\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd. Perhaps, instead of reading \u2ca5\u2c89\u2c91\u2ca3\u2c9f\u2c9b, we\nshould read, with Salmasius, \u2ca5\u2c89\u2c91\u2ca3\u2c9f\u2c8f[259].\n\nIt is, however, extraordinary, that we should find the town which gave\nits name to a Nome, only once mentioned. But this is explained, if we\nadmit that the denomination of the Nome was taken from the sacred name\nof a town, which was unfamiliar to the Greeks, as in \u0394\u03b9\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b9\u03c2, \u1f29\u03bb\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\n\u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b9\u03c2, \u03a0\u03b1\u03bd\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b9\u03c2. If we may now venture to admit, that the beginning of\nthe name \u03a3\u03b5\u03b8\u03c1\u03ce, signified the god _Seth_, or _Set_, _i. e._ Typhon[260],\nit is not improbable that this was the sacred name of the Typhonic town\nPelusium, which had once been of greater importance, and had given the\nname \u03a3\u03b5\u03b8\u03c1\u03c9\u0390\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 to the Nome.\n\nThe only reason which could be employed against Abaris and Pelusium being\nidentical places, and which is really given by D\u2019Anville is, that it\nwould have been mentioned by Manetho. But this reason may be used against\nevery other town, and in that case we must suppose that the enormous\ntown had afterwards been entirely deserted, and that no traces of its\nruins remained, which is more than improbable. It is more likely that\neither Manetho did not know himself to what modern town the ancient name\nought to be applied, which he only met with in old writings, or that he\nmentioned it in a passage which Josephus has not preserved. For Josephus\nhimself at least supposed, that by Abaris, Pelusium was meant, as his\nwords show in the 29th chapter, where he even puts the last name in the\nmouth of Manetho: \u03c4\u03bf\u1f50\u03bd\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03af\u03bf\u03bd \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1f78\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f34\u03c1\u03b7\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd \u1f61\u03c2 \u1f41 \u03c0\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f08\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03ce\u03c6\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2\n\u03c4\u03c1\u03b9\u03ac\u03ba\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03bc\u03c5\u03c1\u03b9\u03ac\u03b4\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f14\u03c7\u03c9\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03a0\u03b7\u03bb\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u1f51\u03c0\u03b7\u03bd\u03c4\u03af\u03b1\u03b6\u03b5\u03bd\u2014(For, on the contrary,\nhe said that the son of Amenophis, having thirty myriads, advanced to\n_Pelusium_)\u2014and Chairemon[261] had no doubt about it, since he does not\nname Abaris, but makes the lepers march to Pelusium.\n\nNow, if it is certain that Abaris was the ancient name for Pelusium,\nor at any rate was situated in the neighbourhood of this town, it is\nimpossible at the same time to consider it to be Heroonpolis; but neither\ncould it be Ramses. On the contrary, both these latter towns are brought\ninto close connection with each other, even by the Seventy, since they\nplaced the town of Heroonpolis in the district of Ramses, in which\nundoubtedly the town of Ramses must have been situated[262].\n\nScholars also hold the most different opinions about the situation of\nHeroonpolis, it will therefore be necessary to examine this question next.\n\nStrabo[263] says that the town was situated \u201cin the _angle of the Arabian\nGulf_,\u201d and thence people concluded that it must have been situated in\nthe neighbourhood of the present Suez[264], and on that account assert\nthat the gulf itself was called after it \u03ba\u03cc\u03bb\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f29\u03c1\u03c9\u03bf\u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03af\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2[265], and\ncites the statement of Ptolemy[266], according to which Heroonpolis is\nplaced at 30\u00b0 north latitude, which corresponds nearly with the present\nSuez. These reasons appear to be of great importance. Nevertheless we\ncling, without hesitation, to the opinion of those scholars who place\nHeroonpolis far more north, namely, on the ancient Nile canal, west from\nBirket e\u2019 temsah, in the neighbourhood of the valley Seba-Biar. D\u2019Anville\nwas also of this opinion, though he was not then aware of the ruins of\nancient towns which are found there. The French expedition pointed out\ntwo of them. Adjoining Seba-Biar, at the west end of this low district,\nlie the ruins which are now called _Mukf\u00e2r_, and farther west those of\n_Abu-Kesh\u00eab_[267]. The latter are considered by Et. Quatrem\u00e8re[268],\nChampollion[269], Du Bois Aym\u00e9[270], and others, as the remains of\nHeroonpolis. I am more in favour of those at _Mukf\u00e2r_.\n\nWith regard to the general situation of Heroonpolis in this country, we\nmust next remark, that it would be singular if _three_ towns, Arsino\u00eb,\nKlysma, and Heroonpolis, had been crowded together at the head of the\ngulf, while the ruins of _two_ only are to be seen. But it is a still\nmore important consideration, that we find the meeting between Joseph\nand Jacob placed at Heroonpolis not only by Josephus[271], but also by\nthe Seventy, who must undoubtedly have known the situation. Heroonpolis\nexisted in their time, indeed it appears to have been first mentioned by\nthem. But it was impossible that they could have made Joseph go to Suez,\nif he wished to meet his father, who came out of Syria. It must have\nbeen situated on the road from Syria, and they undoubtedly mentioned it,\nbecause in their time it was the capital of that province, which they\nconsidered to be the district of Goshen and Ramses. But the situation\nwhich the Itinerarium Antonini[272] gives to the town _Hero_, which is\nHeroonpolis, is decisive, since it places it XXIV. mille passus from\n_Thoum_, XVIII. from _Serapiu_, and the latter L. from _Klysma_. But\nEt. Quatrem\u00e8re[273] has most completely pointed out that Klysma was\nsituated at the head of the gulf opposite Arsino\u00eb, as it is marked in the\ntablet of Peutinger. But _Thoum_, _i. e._ _Pithom_, was situated on the\nNile, in the neighbourhood of Bubastis[274]. Thereby the situation of\nHeroonpolis is placed somewhere near the above-mentioned ruins.\n\nThis was a convenient situation for the capital of that part of the\ncountry to which it gave its name[275]. But the province, which extended\nas far as the gulf, might have been suitably named after it. The account\ngiven by the Seventy also agrees very well with this, since the road\nfrom the north to Cairo still passes in this neighbourhood[276]. But\nthe question is, how can Strabo, who places Heroonpolis in the _angle\nof the gulf_, be made to accord with this? In consequence of these\ndifferent statements, Du Bois Aym\u00e9 believed he was justified in the\nsupposition[277], which he has fully stated, that in earlier times the\ngulf extended much farther north, and filled up all the low districts\nof the now dry so-called Bitter lakes, but afterwards being covered by\nsand, withdrew itself within its present shore. I do not think that it is\nnecessary to believe in such a physical change; and the idea of it seems\nto me most completely set aside by the remains of an artificial canal,\nmore than four leagues in length, which runs from Suez towards the north,\nand which was pointed out by the French expedition, for no canal could\nbe cut where there was sea; the utmost that was necessary was to render\nthe passage navigable when it was filled up with sand. But the opening\nof this canal must have had nearly the same results as those which may\nbe derived from the belief in the extended sea. The wide basins of the\nBitter lakes were filled by the canal, as well as the adjoining lakes to\nthe north, and the low district of Seba-Biar, which extends even to the\nruins of Mukf\u00e2r. Here first commenced the real Nile canal, which received\nits water from the west. Here was the harbour, as Strabo expressly\nsays[278], in which they embarked for a voyage on the Red Sea. On account\nof the natural and extensive shore of the lake, the notion of a sea\nvoyage was here imparted to the traveller; and, therefore, this part\nartificially drawn into the gulf might naturally be called the \u03bc\u03c5\u03c7\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\n\u03ba\u03cc\u03bb\u03c0\u03bf\u03c5, the innermost angle of the gulf. Strabo, or Eratosthenes, whom he\ncites, even says expressly in one place, that Heroonpolis was situated on\nthe Nile, that is to say, on a canal of the Nile, and yet calls the town\nitself at the same time the \u03bc\u03c5\u03c7\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u0391\u03c1\u03b1\u03b2\u03af\u03bf\u03c5 \u03ba\u03cc\u03bb\u03c0\u03bf\u03c5 (The innermost part\nof the Arabian Gulf)[279].\n\nPtolemy also says, that the _Trajanic river_ (as the canal was called,\nwhich was afterwards cut from Babylon) flowed through Heroonpolis. On\naccount of the sharp angle so far removed to the east, which is formed\nhere by the Nile canal and the extended gulf, this provincial capital was\nparticularly adapted for the more general geographical determinations of\nthose countries, for which purpose it had been especially used by Strabo,\nand earlier, also, by Eratosthenes[280].\n\nWith regard to the statement of numbers given by Ptolemy, the longitude\nagrees very well with our acceptation, and also prevents us placing the\ntown still farther west. But the latitudes, according to which \u1f29\u03c1\u03ce\u03c9\u03bd\n\u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b9\u03c2 would fall under 30\u00b0 (others give 29\u00b0 50\u2032), the \u03bc\u03c5\u03c7\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03ba\u03cc\u03bb\u03c0\u03bf\u03c5\n(innermost part of the gulf) under 29\u00b0 50\u2032, and \u1f08\u03c1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03b7 under 29\u00b0 30\u2032\n(or 29\u00b0 10\u2032, also 29\u00b0 20\u2032), certainly contain an error, wheresoever we\nplace the \u03bc\u03c5\u03c7\u03cc\u03c2, because Arsino\u00eb, which was undoubtedly situated in the\nneighbourhood of Suez, is placed 30\u2032, or even 50\u2032, too far south. It is,\ntherefore, more probable, that we ought only to consider the distances\nof the three places from one another as correctly fixed, somewhat in\nthe order, 29\u00b0 50\u2032, 29\u00b0 50\u2032, 29\u00b0 10\u2032, exactly as they are given in the\ncodex Mediceus, but that there is an error easy of explanation throughout\nthe numbers, by which they have all been placed 50\u2032 too far south. For\nthe true position, according to other proofs, demanded for Heroonpolis\n(Mukf\u00e2r), and for the \u03bc\u03c5\u03c7\u03cc\u03c2 (Seba-Biar), bordering on it, 30\u00b0 40\u2032, for\nArsino\u00eb (not far north of Suez), 30\u00b0.\n\nThus the statements of Ptolemy also appear to me to be no longer opposed\nto our acceptation. We decide, therefore, for Mukf\u00e2r, rather than for\nAbu-Kesh\u00eab, because the first was in reality situated close to the \u03bc\u03c5\u03c7\u03cc\u03c2\nof Seba-Biar, while Abu-Kesh\u00eab lay about an hour and a half farther west\non the canal, and not on the lake.\n\nThere is, besides, the additional reason, that we believe we have found\nin the ruins of Abu-Kesh\u00eab the still more ancient town of _Ramses_, which\nmust have been situated in this neighbourhood, and yet can hardly be the\nsame as Heroonpolis. The Seventy say that Heroonpolis was situated in the\nprovince of Ramses. Thence follows that in their time at least the town\nno longer bore the name of Ramses. This last name, moreover, is nowhere\nfound except in the Old Testament. The town had therefore undoubtedly\nbeen already forsaken and forgotten, and appears to have been exactly\nsupplanted and replaced by Heroonpolis, which was afterwards built in its\nneighbourhood; whilst no reason could be discovered wherefore the old\nEgyptian name of Ramses should have been changed into the later Egyptian\nname of Heroonpolis.\n\nBut that we may really seek for Ramses in the ruins of Abu-Kesh\u00eab is\nmost decidedly confirmed by a monument which was found upon those very\nruins as early as the time of the French expedition. It is a group of\nthree figures cut out of a block of granite, which represents the gods\nRa and Tum, and between them the King Ramses II. The shields of this the\ngreatest of the Pharaohs are repeated six times in the inscriptions on\nthe back[281].\n\nIt was therefore King RAMSES-MIAMUN who built this town, and was\nworshipped there, as is shown by this monument, and he it was who gave\nhis name to the town[282]; for it is not easy to believe that it was\nfounded by his grandfather, Ramses I., who only reigned about one year.\n\nThis leads us to the history of the remarkable canal on which the town\nwas built. It is known that this canal afterwards served to connect\nthe Nile and the Red Sea. Concerning this connection, we read in\nHerodotus[283] that it was first undertaken by Nek\u00f4s, who also caused\nAfrica to be circumnavigated, but that it was interrupted before its\ncompletion. Darius then took up the work. The connection actually existed\nin the time of Herodotus, as we learn from his words. The assertions of\nAristotle, Diodorus, Strabo, and Pliny appear to contradict this, who\nsome of them fix the period of the first plan of the connection much\nearlier than Herodotus, since they ascribe it to Sesostris, and some\nmake the completion of the work later than him, namely, that it was only\nfinished in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus.\n\nAristotle[284] says that both Sesostris and afterwards Darius commenced\nthe work, but gave it up because the sea was discovered to be higher\nthan the land, and it was therefore feared that the Nile water might be\nspoilt by the rushing in of the sea. Aristotle does not mention Nek\u00f4s;\nit therefore appears that in his day the connection which existed in the\ntime of Herodotus had again ceased.\n\nWe can thus understand why Diodorus[285] ascribes the final completion of\nthe canal to PTOLEMY PHILADELPHUS. He makes no more mention of Sesostris,\nthan Herodotus did. But according to him, Nek\u00f4s as well as Darius are\nprevented from completing it, lest by that means they should overflow\nthe country. This does not weaken the testimony of Herodotus concerning\nthe existing connection. Ptolemy Philadelphus did not only re-open the\nconnections, but he built an artificial sluice at its extreme point, at\nArsino\u00eb, from which this canal received the name of the Ptolemaic.\n\nStrabo[286] says, that SESOSTRIS began it, but desisted, being afraid\nof the higher level of the Red Sea. It was not finished by the son of\nPsammeticus (_Nek\u00f4s_), on account of his premature death. _Darius_ also\ndiscontinued the almost completed work, because he feared that he should\noverflow Egypt; the Ptolemies at length finished the opening, and made\na sluice at Arsino\u00eb. By that means, the salt-water of the Bitter lakes\nbecame sweet, and abounded with fish.\n\nOf the more ancient kings, Pliny[287] only mentions SESOSTRIS and\nDARIUS, but he says of PTOLEMY PHILADELPHUS, that he cut a canal 100\nfeet wide and 40 feet deep, as far as the Bitter lakes, called it _amnis\nPtolem\u00e6us_, and built Arsino\u00eb upon it. He discontinued cutting the canal,\nbeing afraid of an inundation.\n\nLastly, we must again cite here what has been already casually mentioned\nin a former place, that a \u03a4\u03c1\u03b1\u03ca\u03b1\u03bd\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03b1\u03bc\u1f78\u03c2 is named by Ptolemy[288],\nwhich ran through Babylon and Heroonpolis.\n\nThe contradictions which these different statements of the ancient\nauthors appear to contain, have been frequently brought forward, but even\nthe full deliberation which Letronne has bestowed on this interesting\nsubject[289], does not appear to me to have given a perfectly true\npicture of the history of this connecting canal. It has everywhere been\nforgotten, that the question is not about _one_, but _two_ canals.\n\nThe first and the oldest canal was only conducted from the Nile to\nSeba-Biar, in an exact easterly direction. This canal was undoubtedly\ncut by Ramses (Sesostris), because, as has been remarked, in the\nneighbouring ruins of Abu-Kesh\u00eab, a granite group has been found, which\nrepresents this king, and which must have stood in the temple of the\nplace. Letronne, who appears to have been unaware of this circumstance,\nis therefore wrong, when (p. 7) he considers the information given by\nAristotle, Strabo, and Pliny, that Sesostris commenced the connection,\nbut did not restore it, as a later tradition, only arisen since the time\nof Herodotus, in order to enhance still more the name of Sesostris.\nThis canal, like many others cut by this king, had its own particular\npurpose; he acquired thereby a considerable portion of the desert.\nBut if we consider the especial attention which Sesostris also paid\nto ship-building, since he first navigated the Arabian Gulf with war\nships[290], it could not have appeared to him a very strange idea to cut\nthrough the narrow isthmus between the Arabian Gulf and the Bitter lakes.\nThe Egyptians had for ages possessed the art of levelling in the greatest\nperfection, and practised it more than ever in the time of Sesostris,\ntherefore there was nothing extraordinary at that time in the reasons\ngiven by Aristotle and Strabo why the opening was not ventured upon,\nbecause it was discovered that the Red Sea was too high[291].\n\nNEK\u00d4S, however, undertakes it, but leaves it off again, according to\nHerodotus, influenced by an oracle, who told him he worked for the\nbarbarians (a danger which likewise has always made the calculating\nMehemet Ali disinclined to the undertaking), and according to Strabo,\nbecause he died. Diodorus attributes this scruple to him in place of to\nSesostris, but incorrectly, because the levelling must have been made\nbefore the section could have been commenced. It was necessary, however,\nto dig through a double elevation of the ground, and distinct traces of\nboth these connecting trenches may still be found upon the careful map of\nthe French engineer, who took the level of this part of the country[292].\nThe first cutting which restored the connection between Seba-Biar and\nthe Bitter lakes, was insignificant, and only consisted of about 7000\nmetres; the second, between the Bitter lakes and the sea, was the most\nimportant, and almost four times as long as the former. Now, it is\npossible that Nek\u00f4s undertook the first cutting either with the intention\nof fertilising the extensive land round the Bitter lakes by the pouring\nin of the Nile water, or thus to prepare for the second more difficult\ncutting. We can easily imagine that the idea of connecting the two seas\nmust have been a very natural one to that same Nek\u00f4s, who, according to\nHerodotus[293], caused Africa to be circumnavigated, and triremes to\nbe constructed for various enterprises, both on the Mediterranean Sea,\nas well as on the Arabian Gulf[294]. The opinion of Letronne seems to\nme, therefore, of little value, who imagined that he first borrowed the\nidea from the plan of his cotemporary, PERIANDER, for cutting through\nthe Isthmus of Corinth. The reverse is evidently a much more probable\nsupposition, since the Greek plan was much more difficult to accomplish,\nwas less called for by necessity, and was conceived at a time in which,\nprobably, Egyptian hydraulic architects would have been employed, since\nthis profession had flourished for ages in Egypt, but nothing similar to\nit had been accomplished in Greece.\n\nDARIUS must have certainly cut through the district between the sea\nand the Bitter lakes, and thus have restored the first real connection\nby water, between the sea and the Nile, for it existed in the time of\nHerodotus, whatever Aristotle, Diodorus, and Strabo may say to the\ncontrary, who again transfer the old tradition about the fear of an\ninundation from Sesostris to Darius. It was never possible, indeed, to\nmake a perfectly free connection, on account of the different height of\nthe water, and the ebb and flow of the Red Sea. I conjecture, therefore,\nthat Darius constructed a sluice at the inner extremity of the new canal,\nwhere it discharges itself into the Bitter lakes, in order to protect the\ninner waters and the adjacent fertile lands from the overflowing sea.\nThis was undoubtedly the most suitable point for such a work, since it\nwould not be so difficult as immediately on the sea. The passage through,\nwould be regulated by the level of the sea, which changes with the ebb\nand flow of the tide, as must be the case with a simple sluice.\n\nBut it is in the monuments that we again find the opinion most certainly\nconfirmed, that a passage existed here as early as the times of the\nPersians. During the French expedition, the chief engineer, De Rozi\u00e8re,\ndiscovered, on a military excursion from Suez, a heap of ruins in a\ndistrict which is not accurately defined, but which cannot have been\nfar from the southern extremity of the Bitter lakes, upon which were\nscattered the remains of the statue of a _Persian_ king, and several\nfragments of _cuneiform inscriptions_, all in red granite[295]. It\nappears that no traveller has since visited this spot[296]. But how can\nthe existence of Persian ruins in this part of the isthmus be explained,\nif they were not connected with the opening of the canal, situated there?\nBesides this, the largest portion of the cuneiform writings mentioned\nabove contains precisely the name of King _Darius_, followed by the\naddition _narpa vas-(arqa)_, _princeps magnus_, which is also found in\nother inscriptions, from which we may deduce with certainty that this\nking, whom the image also undoubtedly represented, took an active part\nhere. At all events it was only a narrow canal, and not constructed for\nlarge ships. Therefore it might afterwards be again filled up with sand,\nand fall into disuse, and, indeed, be so far forgotten that Aristotle\nmight imagine it had never been completed.\n\nPTOLEMY PHILADELPHUS undertook its restoration. He appears to have had\nthe magnificent intention of restoring a connection by water between\nthe two seas for ships of war also. This alone explains the grand idea\nof constructing a canal to the Bitter lakes, 100 feet wide, and 40 feet\ndeep, which would have been quite unnecessary for common ships of burden.\nAt the same time he constructed an artificial sluice, probably at the\npoint where the sea entered, where he also built the town Arsino\u00eb. But\nas Pliny expressly says, he only carried this work from the sea to the\nBitter lakes. It is only this canal that we must undoubtedly understand\nby the \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03b1\u03bc\u1f78\u03c2 \u03a0\u03c4\u03bf\u03bb\u03b5\u03bc\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2, _amnis Ptolem\u00e6us_, which, according to\nDiodorus and Pliny, received its name from the second Ptolemy. The\nimmense difference between this canal and the two northern ones, is\nvisible in the plan of the French engineer[297], therefore it does not\neven require the ingenious explanation of Letronne in order to understand\nthat it was impossible for Cleopatra, after the battle of Actium, to\ncause ships of war to be brought from the Mediterranean to the Red Sea,\nexcept by land.\n\nWith reference to this last work, Strabo mentions the PTOLEMAIC kings,\nthis, connected with the fact that the town of Arsino\u00eb, since the\ntime of Strabo, is also mentioned under the name \u039a\u03bb\u03b5\u03bf\u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03c2, leads to\nthe supposition that one of the last Ptolemies, or Cleopatra herself,\ncompleted the workings on this canal, perhaps the sluices.\n\nThe name \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03b1\u03bc\u1f78\u03c2 \u03a4\u03c1\u03b1\u03ca\u03b1\u03bd\u03cc\u03c2, by which Letronne also understands the\nwhole connecting way as far as the sea[298], was undoubtedly as limited\nas the name \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03b1\u03bc\u1f78\u03c2 \u03a0\u03c4\u03bf\u03bb\u03b5\u03bc\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2. Ptolemy designedly neither mentions\nArsino\u00eb or the sea; he says that Trajan\u2019s canal flowed through Babylon\nand Heroonpolis. This, therefore, refers to the canal, of which traces\nare also still extant, which received its water much higher up than\nthe ancient one of Sesostris, namely, at Babylon, and was afterwards\nconducted into it, and discharged itself with it into the basin of\nSeba-Biar at Heroonpolis[299].\n\nThis geographical digression, whose length may be excused owing to the\npeculiar interest of the subject, allows us now, as it seems to me,\nto judge confidently on two points, which are important in a critical\nexamination of the Exodus of the Israelites. From the position of the two\ntowns, Abaris and Ramses\u2014the former situated on the Mediterranean Sea,\nnear the mouth of the Pelusaic arm of the Nile, the latter half a degree\nmore to the south, and almost as much more west\u2014it follows that the\nIsraelites, according to the Mosaic accounts, marched out of a different\ntown, as well as in a different direction, from that taken by the\nunclean in the Manethonic narration.\n\nOn the other hand, we have found that the town of Ramses derived its\nname from the King Ramses-Miamun (Sesostris), by whom it was built, and\nthat the ancient Nile canal, on which it was situated, was constructed,\naccording to the Greek accounts, by Sesostris, _i. e._ Ramses-Miamun. It\nis evident that these two works, that of the canal and that of the town,\nare connected, and reciprocally corroborate each other. The new town was\noccasioned by the canal being cut. This connection will be still more\napparent by two other facts.\n\nIn the western part of the Delta there is a village which to this day\nbears the same name as the town we are speaking of, namely, Ramses. This\nvillage also, and its name, are of ancient date, which is proved by the\nmound of ruins at that spot; and, what is still more important to us,\nit is situated, like the eastern Ramses, on the border of an _ancient\ncanal_, which was conducted from the Canopic arm, and brought the water\nof the Nile to Hermopolis Parva (Damanhur)[300]. The existence of\nthese ruins of Ramses appears to me alone to justify the very probable\nsupposition that this great western canal was also cut by Ramses-Miamun,\nand that the royal constructor was worshipped as the eponymous divinity\nin the town which was there built. It is evident that the Israelites\nwould not have been sent hither from Goshen in order to build _this_\ntown[301].\n\nBesides the eastern RAMSES, the Israelites also built the town of PITHOM.\nThe situation of this town cannot easily be mistaken. It has been long\nrecognised in the town of \u03a0\u03ac\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2, of which Herodotus speaks when he\nsays that the eastern Nile canal, which was conducted a little above\nBubastis, flowed past it[302], the Arabian town[303]. It was probably\nsituated opposite Bubastis (Tel Basta), on the border of the desert, and\nat the entrance of the Wadi, through which the canal is led. The ancient\nruins of a town are found there under the name of _Tel el kebir_, and the\n_Itinerarium Antonini_ places the town of _Thoum_, which has certainly\nbeen properly recognised as the ancient town of _Tum_ \u03a0\u03ac-\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2[304],\nexactly in that place, namely, upon the road from Heliopolis to Pelusium,\non the edge of the desert between Vicus Jud\u00e6orum (Tel Jehudeh) and\nTacasartha (Salh\u00eeeh?). Now if the Coptic translation in the passage which\nis cited from Gen. xlvi. 28, writes \u2ca1\u2c93\u2c91\u2c9f\u2c99 in place of Heroonpolis, as\nis translated by the Seventy, it does not mean that Pithom was believed\nto be discovered in Heroonpolis, but that it was thought better to fix\nthe place at which Joseph went to meet Jacob at Pithom rather than at\nHeroonpolis.\n\nPITHOM, therefore, was situated at one end, and RAMSES at the other,\nof the ancient Nile canal, which was constructed by the great Pharaoh,\nRamses-Miamun, in the land of Goshen. Both were founded in consequence of\nthe new canal, and their direct connection in the Mosaic narrative, as\nwell as the statement that they were built by the _Israelites_, is most\ndecidedly confirmed by the geographical circumstances which have been\nexhibited. Taking it in a general point of view, there can be no doubt\nthat the Israelites were chiefly settled in that very country, namely,\nbelow Heliopolis, in the neighbourhood of Bubastis (Tel Basta) and of\nthe modern Belb\u00eas, where ruins are still extant called _Tel Jehudeh_; and\nthe Itinerarium Antonini cites a place called _Vicus Jud\u00e6orum_, where,\nfinally, the Jewish temple of _Onias_ was built, probably at the \u1f48\u03bd\u03af\u03bf\u03c5 of\nPtolemy[305].\n\nThe inference we have arrived at, that if the Israelites built these\ntowns, they must have been still in Egypt in the reign of King Ramses,\nwho founded them, and that they could not have departed several centuries\nprevious, no longer rests upon the name of one single town, which might\nbe explained by an accidental inexactitude of the writer, or by a\nconfusion in dates[306], but upon the close connection of a series of\nfacts, which reciprocally support and explain one another.\n\nHence the oppression took place more especially under Ramses, and\nthe Exodus resulting from it under his son and successor Menephthes.\nAccording to the Mosaic narrative also, the Pharaoh by whom the towns\nwere built was a different one from that of the Exodus[307]. Moses only\nreturned from Midian upon hearing of the death of the first, and it seems\nthat the event of the Exodus was directly connected with the change of\ngovernment.\n\nAnother proof of the correctness of our opinion, that, according to the\nhistory of the Israelites, as recorded in the books of the Old Testament,\nthe Exodus cannot be fixed before the reign of the second Ramses, is\nafforded by the accounts of the settlement of the Jews in Palestine.\nIt is well known, and most thoroughly confirmed by the monuments, and\nthe nearly contemporaneous Egyptian papyrus rolls, that Ramses-Miamun\nattacked and conquered a great part of Asia, and probably during his\nwhole reign held under his dominion the adjoining lands, the peninsula of\nPetr\u00e6a, and all Palestine. We also see his father, Seth\u00f4s I., represented\nupon the monuments in victorious warfare against the people of Syria,\namong whom the Canaanites are expressly named. These were the most\nglorious times in the whole Egyptian history. That they are nowhere\nmentioned in the books of Joshua and Judges, while the numerous far\nmore transitory subjugations of the Israelites by the nations bordering\nupon them are so fully recorded, appears, in fact, to be a fresh proof\nthat those warlike expeditions happened _before_ the Exodus of the\nIsraelites[308].\n\nBut it even appears as if the true epoch of Egyptian history in which\nthe Exodus of the Israelites occurred, has been preserved in late\nJewish traditions. I will at least bring forward one circumstance from\n_Rabbinical chronology_, which deserves, perhaps, to be followed up by\nthose who are more familiar with this literature.\n\nThis Jewish chronology, namely, deviates in a most striking manner from\nevery other, and as late as the times of the Persian kings it differs\nno less than about 160 years from the recognised numbers. The different\nauthorities present few deviations among themselves. They reckon by\nthe years of the world, a mode of reckoning which, as Ideler[309] also\nconsiders, most probably was first discovered, and gradually introduced,\nby the Rabbi Hillel Hanassi, in the year 344 after Christ, simultaneously\nwith the whole of the present arrangement of the year among the Jews.\nThey place the Creation 3761 years before Christ, and till the time of\nJoseph they agree perfectly with the customary mode of reckoning in the\nHebrew text. They fix the Flood 1656 years after Adam; Abraham\u2019s birth\n1948; Isaac\u2019s 2048; Jacob\u2019s 2108; Joseph\u2019s 2199; Jacob\u2019s march to Egypt\n2238; Joseph\u2019s death 2309. It is only when they come to Moses that they\nimmediately deviate about 210 years, because, following the precedent of\nJosephus and others, they reckon the 400 years of the sojourn in Egypt\nfrom the birth of Isaac, and not from the entrance of Jacob[310]. They\nfix the birth of Moses at 2368, and his Exodus at 2448 after the Creation.\n\n_But this year 2448 of their era corresponds with the year 1314 [-1313]_\nB.C.[311], and therefore, according to the Manethonic chronology, occurs\nin the time of King Menephthes, who reigned nineteen years, therefore\nthe _same_ king whom the Egyptian annals called the King of the Exodus.\nBesides this, the latter tell us of a flight of thirteen years which\nthe king made into Ethiopia. If this flight took place, as it probably\ndid, in the first or second year after the change of government, he must\nhave returned and driven away the lepers in the fourteenth or fifteenth\nyear of his reign. _But the year 1314 is exactly the fifteenth year of\nMenephthes_, according to the Manethonic calculation.\n\nThis coincidence is certainly striking, but might possibly be only\naccidental, if other circumstances were not added to it. For instance,\nthe same Jewish chronology places the building of the temple by Solomon,\naccording to the 1 Kings vi. 1, about 480 years after the Exodus,\ntherefore 2928 = 834 B.C., the march of Shishak against Rehoboam 2969 =\n793, that of Zerah against Asa 2998 = 764, the banishment of Israel 3205\n= 557, the destruction of the first Temple by Nebuchadnezzar 3338 = 424,\nDarius (Hystaspes) 3406 = 356, the building of the second Temple 3408 =\n354. These, as well as the intervening numbers, which I omit here, are\nall of them about 165 years too late. But from this place the correct\ndates are suddenly restored; Alexander of Macedon is placed 3442 = 320,\ntherefore only sixteen years too late; his government of the world, and a\nmarch which he is said to have made to Jerusalem, 3448 = 314; his death\n3454 = 308, and so forth.\n\nAbout this time, the Jews being subject to the Syrian government,\nadopted the Syrian _Era of the Seleucid\u00e6_, which was called by them the\n\u201cEra of the Greeks,\u201d or, on account of its being used in civil affairs,\n\u201cthe Era of Contracts.\u201d Its commencement happens, as is well known, in\nthe year 312 before Christ, and we find it adopted in the Book of the\nMaccabees[312]. This era is also mentioned in the rabbinical chronology,\nand is _quite correctly_ placed by the more ancient authorities in the\nyear of the world 3450 = 312 B.C.[313] If Ganz[314], in place of this,\ngives the year 3448 = 314, it is evidently either an arbitrary change,\nor perhaps first devised by him for the sake of the exact period of a\nthousand years between the Exodus (2448) and the new era (3448). This\nconnection that subsisted between the two numbers to form a monarchy\nof a thousand years\u2019 duration, was not in fact very remote; we should\nonly have expected that the number of the Exodus would rather have\nbeen advanced two years, in conformity with the fixed and universally\nintroduced era of the Seleucid\u00e6, and not, on the contrary, that the\nlatter should be sent so far back. But the number 2448 was left standing,\nwhich still more indicates a determinate selection of this year,\nindependent of a cyclical or arbitrary arrangement.\n\nThere is proof also that the Rabbis did not alter the commencement of the\nSeleucidic Era, in the circumstance, that it has retained its correct\nplace in chronology, in spite of the universal displacement in the\nchain of events. According to that displacement, Alexander first began\nto reign 3442 = 320, and died in 3454 = 308. The beginning of the new\nera, therefore, according to this, happened in the reign of Alexander\nhimself, who in reality had been dead twenty-one years at the time of the\nbattle of Gaza, which occasioned the new era. In consequence of these\ncontradictions the _number_ was retained, and the _event_ was changed\nto agree with it, since the introduction of the era of Seleucus was\ntransferred to Alexander, and connected with an account of his presence\nin Jerusalem, which is otherwise only mentioned by Josephus[315], and the\nso-called Barbarus of Scaliger[316].\n\nBut the question is, how we can reconcile the remarkable displacement\nof events with the true numbers? IDELER has shown that we must refer\nthe first establishment of the era of the world, and consequently the\nfoundation of the whole chronological system that we are considering,\nto the author of the Moleds, or new moons, and particularly of the late\nJewish calendars, therefore to the Rabbi Hillel, in the first half of\nthe fourth century. In the time of Eusebius, and Theon of Alexandria,\npeople could not possibly be so completely ignorant of the history of\nthe last centuries before Christ, as the rabbinical chronology supposed.\nIt was least to be believed of such a learned mathematician, astronomer,\nand chronologist, as we imagine the reformer of the Jewish calendar to\nhave been, who founded it upon the nineteenth-yeared cycle of Meton and\nCalippus[317].\n\nIt appears to me, therefore, that the following acceptation is alone\npossible, which I would at least recommend to the closer examination of\nwell-versed labourers in Jewish antiquities. The Talmud contains very\nfew chronological dates, and nothing justifies us in the belief that the\nlearned HILLEL had already given a chronological view of the events, as\nwe afterwards find them. But he must have necessarily had some resting\npoints for his technical chronological works, if he desired to connect\nhis present with the past, and even with the Creation. It could not have\nbeen difficult to find these resting points at that time, so soon after\nAfricanus; the best authorities were still open to him. But the Exodus\nfrom Egypt must have been his most important point, for previous to that\nevent the numbers in the Pentateuch were clear, and without mistakes.\nIt was only necessary for him to decide between the two different views\nconcerning the period between Jacob and Moses. The numbers after the\nExodus were much more uncertain, as the calculations of Josephus have\nalready proved. On the other hand, the well-known era of the Seleucid\u00e6,\nwhich was at that time still in use, naturally formed another fixed point\nwhich he could not avoid. Under these circumstances, every clever and\nmathematically educated chronologist, would be compelled to connect the\ndate of the Exodus with the only certain and astronomically verified\nEgyptian chronology. If the ERA of KING MENEPHTHES, and the exact\nyear of its commencement was familiar to the mathematician, Theon of\nAlexandria, who lived at a later period, must it not have been equally\nwell known to the astronomer Hillel? But nothing more was necessary to\ndetermine the date of the _Exodus_, which took place _under the same King\nMenephthes_[318].\n\nWe should not therefore be surprised to see, even at that time, the\nperfectly correct acceptation of the year 2448 for the Exodus. It was,\nat all events, impossible to determine the year of the Creation without\nhaving obtained the two periods of the Seleucidic Era, and of the Exodus.\n\nOn the other hand, it is very improbable that Hillel set to work as\nIdeler[319] imagines he did. He says \u201cthat Hillel evidently started\nfrom the beginning of the Seleucidic Era, which was at that time\nstill universally employed by the Jews, the autumn of the year B.C.\n312. Reckoning from this point backwards, he made the next epoch the\n_destruction_ of the first Temple, and placed it only 112 years earlier\nthan the Seleucidic Era, counting about 150 years too little, so that\nhe advanced Nebuchadnezzar to the times of Artaxerxes I. Whilst he thus\nwent back still farther to the building of the first Temple, to the\nExodus of the Israelites out of Egypt, to the Flood, and to the Creation,\nfollowing partly the express statements of time in the Bible, partly his\nown explanation of it, he found the beginning of the year, 3450 of the\nworld, to be the epoch of the _Minjan schtaroth_.\u201d As we said before, it\nwas perfectly _impossible_ for a scholar of the fourth century to make\nsuch a gross mistake of nearly 160 years at that late period. But it\nis easily explained, if we believe that after the great gap in Jewish\nliterature, which commenced at the conclusion of the Talmud, about the\nyear 500, and which lasted to the eighth century, the Rabbis had adopted\nthose few correct chronological periods fixed by Hillel, and now first\nundertook to fill up their history of the world, which comprised 5000\nyears, according to the statements of the Old Testament. In fact, we find\nneither in the Talmud, nor even in the first writings of the rabbis,\nwhich succeed the Talmud, _e. g._ in the _Seder Olam Rabah_, one of the\noldest of those writings, the full chronological details, some extracts\nof which we have seen above. It appears to have been first completed in\nthe twelfth century, therefore in the period of a scientific barbarism,\nwhich had been long introduced. It was only necessary to follow the\nnumbers of the Pentateuch from the Creation to the Flood, and to the\nExodus, in order to obtain the given year 2448 = 1314. The convenient\nnumber 480 years, down to the building of the Temple, in the first Book\nof Kings, was afterwards immediately adopted, and the chronology of the\ntimes of the Judges adapted to it. But hereby the historical event next\nfollowing was at the same time displaced to about the 160-170 years we\nhave mentioned, and drew with it the displacement of all the succeeding\nevents. It first became apparent at the next fixed point, about the year\n3450 = 312, that the chain of events was far too long for the stated\ninterval, from the building of the first to the second Temple. Therefore,\nthe period from the erection of the second Temple, built under Darius\nHystaspes, to the time of Alexander, to which was given the name of the\nGrecian Era[320], was cut down without ceremony from 184 years into 34\nyears. This raised no obstacle at first, but afterwards occasioned many\ndifficulties, until these also were got rid of by the simple expedient of\ntaking Darius II. and III for one and the same person. Only thus can we\nexplain the peculiar phenomena of an entirely displaced and afterwards\nmutilated chronology, in which, however, there appears two fixed points\nalone correct, and which afford us at the same time the important, and\nprobably the most exact, determination of the Exodus by a truly learned\nchronologist of the fourth century[321].\n\nViewing it, therefore, from this side, we return to the opinion, that the\ngreat stumbling-block to the whole of the chronology hitherto adopted\nfor the Old Testament was the number 480 years, which was calculated as\nthe period between the Exodus and the building of the Temple mentioned\nin the first Book of Kings[322]. As soon as we set this aside, regarding\nit only as a supplementary multiple of twelve generations, or segments\nof 40 years each, the Hebrew and Egyptian chronologies are no longer\nopposed to each other with reference to the time of the Exodus. All the\nother intimations we meet with in the Hebrew accounts, and their whole\nconnection, demand, on the contrary, precisely the same time, which we\nfind unequivocally stated in the Egyptian annals of Manetho.\n\nThe question now is, whether along with this number 480, to which we\ncan attribute no greater importance than to the simple number _forty_,\nso often repeated in the history of Israel at that period, we must also\ngive up as valueless every other chronological measure of the events\nimmediately succeeding the Exodus. But this is so little the case, that,\non the contrary, in the true chronological scale which the Mosaic\nwritings furnish, we find a fresh refutation of the opinions hitherto\nadopted, and a confirmation of the Egyptian statements. We look upon the\nREGISTER OF GENERATIONS as this scale.\n\nI am not aware whether these numerous family records have ever been fully\nplaced under _one_ point of view, and estimated as a whole in their\ngreat chronological significance, in the same way as they have certainly\nfrequently been used for separate purposes and divisions of time. Such a\nsurvey would very much increase the importance of the separate lists, and\nfacilitate their application to chronological determinations.\n\nIt is well known how in the East at all times, and even to this day, the\nregister of generations and genealogies is orally transmitted, with a\nwonderful fidelity and completeness, through the memories of perfectly\nilliterate and frequently even now nomadic races. The Arabian races are\nespecially noted for this, and their historical recollections are often\nalmost entirely limited to this dry register. I have met with many such\npedigrees in the upper districts of the Nile, south of the province\nof Dongola, among the Arabs who immigrated there from the west, these\nbeing the only written remains of their past, which inform us of their\nimmigration and distribution in those districts. But these lists of names\nare still more to be depended upon among those nations of antiquity, who,\nlike the Egyptians and the Hebrews, were a literary people, and were\naccustomed to preserve in writing these sacred bequests of individual\nfamilies. On the rock of the Kosser-road, in the eastern desert of Egypt,\nI found a hieroglyphical inscription belonging to the time shortly\nbefore the first Persian dominion, in which a chief architect of the\ncountry, named Ranumhet, carries back his direct ancestors as far as the\ntwenty-fourth generation, to an ancestral mother Nofratmu, who, according\nto a rough calculation, must have lived about the end of the 19th\nDynasty, therefore about the time of Moses.\n\nBut the Israelites particularly, above all the nations of antiquity,\nappear to have laid the greatest stress upon the register of\ngenerations, lists of names, and general enumerations of tribes and\ngenerations. The writings of the Old Testament are full of them,\nespecially all the historical books; and the care and exactitude which\nwas expended upon the general preparation of these lists, is evident to\nthe reader. The peculiar destiny of the Israelitish people, firmly bound\ntogether, always separating themselves most rigorously from strangers,\nyet frequently transplanted in masses from one country to another, and\nsettled amidst other nations, enables us perfectly to comprehend this\nuniversal attention to an authentic register of generations. We find\nit stated that they were already twice numbered[323] in the desert;\nfor which purpose the whole people were collected together, and were\nentered in the registers of the births \u201cby their generations, after\ntheir families, according to the number of the names, from twenty years\nand upwards, and by their polls.\u201d On their return from exile it is\nparticularly observed that some of the wanderers could not trace their\ngenealogy[324]. Among these were several priests\u2019 families, of whom it\nis said, \u201cThese sought the register of their generations, but it was not\nfound, and, therefore, they were _rejected_ from the priesthood[325].\u201d It\nfollows from this that the priests of the tribe of Levi were obliged by\nlaw to preserve and continue the register of their generations. This law\nmust naturally only have existed since the Exodus, and, therefore, when\nJosephus[326] asserts that the High priests possessed written registers\nof their generations, as far back as 2000 years, this is, indeed,\nconnected with his opinion about the early epoch of the Exodus; it shows,\nhowever, that they were brought down to his time, which is, indeed, also\nconfirmed by the register of the generations of Jesus Christ[327].\n\nWe need no further justification, therefore, for placing great value\nupon the successive generations, and for discovering in them the _true\nchronological thread_ for those times during which more exact reliable\nstatements are wanting. We fortunately possess a whole array of\ngenealogies for the period between the Exodus and the building of the\nTemple; and, indeed, principally generations of priests, which go back as\nfar as Levi, and are, therefore, from the reasons we have stated above,\nthe most to be depended upon. Altogether, _five_ different generations of\nthe Levites may be distinguished; some obscurities have crept into our\ntext, which probably happened at the time it assumed its present form,\nsince they are found also in the Septuagint; it seems, however, that they\nmay easily be removed[328].\n\nThe following is a survey of the principal genealogies, in which the\n_Levitical generations_ preserve the order in which they are cited,\n1 Chron. vii.[329] This is preceded by the genealogical succession,\naccording to Josephus, from _Levi_ to _Zadok_, and by his series of\n_High priests_ from _Aaron_ to _Zadok_. Lastly, there follows a table of\nthe generations of _Judah_. On the other hand, we have excluded other\ngenealogies; _e. g._ the three of _Ephraim_; Num. xxvi. 35; 1 Chron. vii.\n20, 21, 24-27[330]; because they are evidently confused, and lead to no\nresult[331].\n\n\nTHE GENERATIONS OF THE JEWS FROM ABRAHAM TO DAVID.\n\n  +-------------------------+-------------------------+-----------------+\n  | The Heads of the People |  The Succession of the  | The Ancestors of|\n  | from Abraham to David.  |  High Priests to Zadok, | Zadok, according|\n  |                         |  according to Josephus, |   to Josephus,  |\n  |                         |      A. J. 5, 11, 5.    |  A. J. 8, 1, 3. |\n  +-------------------------+-------------------------+-----------------+\n  | 1. Abraham     100 or 30|                         |                 |\n  | 2. Isaac       100    30|                         |                 |\n  |                ---      |                         |                 |\n  |                200      |                         |                 |\n  | 3. Jacob       100    30|                         |                 |\n  |                       --|                         |                 |\n  |                       90|                         |                 |\n  |                         |                         |                 |\n  | 1. Levi        100    30|                         | 1. \u039b\u03b5\u03c5\u03af.        |\n  | 2. Kohath      100    30|                         | 2. \u039a\u03ac\u03b1\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2.      |\n  | 3. Amram       100    30|                         | 3. \u1f08\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac\u03bc\u03b7\u03c2.    |\n  |                ---    --|                         |                 |\n  |                400    90|                         |                 |\n  |                         |                         |                 |\n  | 1. Moses        40      | 1. \u1f08\u03b1\u03c1\u03ce\u03bd              30| 1. \u1f08\u03b1\u03c1\u03ce\u03bd      30|\n  | 2. Joshua       40      | 2. \u1f18\u03bb\u03b5\u03b1\u03b6\u03ac\u03c1\u03b7\u03c2          30| 2. \u1f18\u03bb\u03b5\u03b1\u03b6\u03ac\u03c1\u03b7\u03c2  30|\n  | 3. Othniel      40      | 3. \u03a6\u03b9\u03bd\u03b5\u03ad\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2           30| 3. \u03a6\u03b9\u03bd\u03b5\u03ad\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2   30|\n  | 4. Ehud         40      | 4. \u1f08\u03b2\u03b9\u03b5\u03b6\u03ad\u03c1\u03b7\u03c2          30| 4. \u1f38\u03ce\u03c3\u03b7\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2    30|\n  | 5. Shamgar      40      | 5. \u0392\u03bf\u03c5\u03ba\u03af              30| 5. \u0392\u03bf\u03ba\u03ba\u03af\u03b1\u03c2    30|\n  | 6. Barak        40      | 6. \u1f4d\u03b6\u03b9\u03c2               30| 6. \u1f38\u03ce\u03b8\u03b1\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2    30|\n  | 7. Gideon       40      | 7. \u1f28\u03bb\u03b5\u03af               30| 7. \u039c\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03af\u03c9\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2  30|\n  | 8. Jephthah     40      | 8. (\u03a6\u03b9\u03bd\u03b5\u03ad\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2)         30| 8. \u1f08\u03c1\u03bf\u03c6\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2   30|\n  | 9. Samson       40      | 9. \u1f38\u03bf\u03c7\u03ac\u03b2\u03b7\u03c2            30| 9. \u1f08\u03c7\u03af\u03c4\u03c9\u03b2\u03bf\u03c2   30|\n  |10. Eli          40      |10. \u1f08\u03c7\u03b9\u03bc\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03c7\u03bf\u03c2 = \u1f08\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 30|10. \u03a3\u03ac\u03b4\u03c9\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2    30|\n  |11. Samuel Saul  40      |11. \u1f09\u03b2\u03b9\u03ac\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 with     30|                 |\n  |12. David        40      |      \u03a3\u03ac\u03b4\u03c9\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2            |                 |\n  |                ---      |                      ---|              ---|\n  |                480      |                      330|              300|\n  +-------------------------+-------------------------+-----------------+\n\n  +-----------------+-----------------+-----------------+\n  |       I.        |        II.      |      III.       |\n  |                 |                 |                 |\n  | The Generation  |The Generation of|The Generation of|\n  |   of Aaron.     |  Gershom-Libni. |Kohath-Amminadab.|\n  | 1 Chron. vii.   |1 Chron. vii. 20,|  1 Chron. vii.  |\n  |  1-9, 50-53.    | 21. ( = VIII.)  | 22-24. ( = VI.) |\n  | Ezra vii. 2-5.  |                 |                 |\n  +-----------------+-----------------+-----------------+\n  | 1. Levi         | 1. Levi         | 1. [Levi]       |\n  | 2. Kohath       | 2. Gershom      | 2. Kohath       |\n  | 3. Amram        | 3. Libni        | 3. Amminadab    |\n  |                 |                 |                 |\n  | 1. _Aaron_    30| 1. (Jahath)     | 1. Korah      30|\n  | 2. _Eleazar_  30| 2. Zimmah       | 2. Assir      30|\n  | 3. _Phinehas_ 30| 3. Joah         | 3. Elkanah    30|\n  | 4. _Abishua_  30| 4. Iddo         | 4. Ebiasaph   30|\n  | 5. _Bukki_    30| 5. Zerah        | 5. Assir      30|\n  | 6. _Uzzi_     30| 6. Jeaterai     | 6. Tahath     30|\n  | 7. Zerahiah   30|                 | 7. Uriel      30|\n  | 8. Meraioth   30|                 | 8. Uzziah     30|\n  | 9. Amariah    30|                 | 9. Saul       30|\n  |10. Ahitub     30|                 |10. (Jonathan) 30|\n  |11. _Zadok_    30|                 |                 |\n  |              ---|                 |              ---|\n  |              330|                 |              300|\n  +-----------------+-----------------+-----------------+\n\n  +---------------------+---------------+--------------------------------+\n  |         IV.         |      V.       |       VI.            VII.      |\n  |                     |               |                                |\n  |         The         |     The       |     The Ancestors of Heman     |\n  |    Generation of    | Generation of |                |               |\n  |   Elkanah-Amasai.   | Merari-Mahli. |   from Izhar.  |  from Amasai. |\n  |    1 Chron. vii.    |   1 Chron.    | 1 Chron. vii.  | 1 Chron. vii. |\n  |   25-28.( = VII.)   |  vii. 29-30.  | 36-38. (= III.)| 33-36. (= IV.)|\n  +---------------------+---------------+----------------+---------------+\n  | 1. [Levi]           | 1. Levi       | 1. Levi        | 1. [Levi]     |\n  | 2. Elkanah          | 2. Merari     | 2. Kohath      | 2. Elkanah    |\n  | 3. Amasai (and)     | 3. Mahli      | 3. Izhar       | 3. Amasai     |\n  |                     |               |                |               |\n  | 1. Ahimoth        30| 1. Libni      | 1. Korah     30| 1. Mahath   30|\n  | 2. Elkanah        30| 2. Shimei     | 2. [Assir]   30| 2. Elkanah  30|\n  | 3. Elkanah Zophai 30| 3. Uzza       | 3. [Elkanah] 30| 3. Zuph     30|\n  | 4. Nahath         30| 4. Shimea     | 4. Ebiasaph  30| 4. Toah     30|\n  |                     |               |                |    (Thohu)    |\n  | 5. Eliab          30| 5. Haggiah    | 5. Assir     30| 5. Eliel    30|\n  |                     |               |                |    (Elihu)    |\n  | 6. Jeroham        30| 6. Asaiah     | 6. Tahath    30| 6. Jeroham  30|\n  | 7. Elkanah        30|               | 7. Zephaniah 30| 7. Elkanah  30|\n  | 8. Samuel         30|               | 8. Azariah   30| 8. Shemuel  30|\n  | 9. Vashni         30|               | 9. Joel      30| 9. Joel     30|\n  |10. ---            30|               |10. [Heman]   30|10. Heman    30|\n  |                  ---|               |             ---|            ---|\n  |                  300|               |             300|            300|\n  +---------------------+---------------+----------------+---------------+\n\n  +--------------------+--------------------+------------------------+\n  |        VIII.       |        IX.         |                        |\n  |                    |                    |                        |\n  | The Ancestors of   |  The Ancestors of  |    The Ancestors of    |\n  | Asaph from Jahath, |  Ethan from Mushi. |    David from Judah.   |\n  |1 Chron. vii. 39-43.|1 Chron. vii. 44-17.|  Ruth iv. 18. 1 Chron. |\n  |        (= II.)     |                    |ii. 4-13. Gos. Matth. i.|\n  |                    |                    | 3-6. Luke iii. 32, 33. |\n  +--------------------+--------------------+------------------------+\n  | 1. Levi            | 1. Levi            | 1. Judah               |\n  | 2. Gershom         | 2. Merari          |                        |\n  | 3. (Jahath)        | 3. Mushi           | 2. Pharez              |\n  |                    |                    |                        |\n  | 1. Shimei        30| 1. Mahli         30| 1. Hezron            30|\n  | 2. Zimmah        30| 2. Shamer        30| 2. Ram               30|\n  | 3. Ethan         30| 3. Bani          30| 3. Amminadab         30|\n  | 4. Adaiah        30| 4. Amzi          30| 4. Nahshon           30|\n  | 5. Zerah         30| 5. Hilkiah       30| 5. Salmon            30|\n  | 6. Ethni         30| 6. Amaziah       30| 6. Boaz              30|\n  | 7. Malchiah      30| 7. Hashabiah     30| 7. Obed              30|\n  | 8. Baaseiah      30| 8. Malluch       30| 8. Jesse             30|\n  | 9. Michael       30| 9. Abdi          30| 9. David             30|\n  |10. Shimea        30|10. Kishi         30|                        |\n  |11. Berachiah     30|11. Ethan         30|                        |\n  |12. Asaph         30|                    |                        |\n  |                 ---|                 ---|                     ---|\n  |                 360|                 330|                     270|\n  +--------------------+--------------------+------------------------+\n\nThe first column contains after the patriarchs from Abraham to Amram,\nthe 12 heads of the people, commencing with Moses, who appear to have\nbeen regarded as the representations of 12 generations of 40 years each,\nand thence to have occasioned the calculation of 480 years. Ewald[332],\nas well as Bertheau[333], gives another list, because, on the whole,\nthe subject admits of no exactitude; the common acknowledgment of\nthe division of the period into twelve parts is alone of importance\nto us. But one (VIII.) of the genealogies we have quoted (1 Chron.\nvii. 39-43[334]) contains twelve generations of _one and the same\nfamily_[335]. It is possible, therefore, that this succession, rather\nthan that uncertain division, gave occasion to the 480 years. It was,\nbesides, distinguished from the others by being continued through\n_Gershom_, the _First-born of Levi_. But the _principal lineage_ of the\nLevites was that of the high priests, who were descended from Aaron and\nKohath (I.); this contains, as well as that of Mushi (IX.), only 11\ngenerations. This might therefore be the reason why the Seventy only\nreckoned 440 years[336].\n\nIn the Chronicles the _second_ succession of Levites is closely connected\nwith the third[337]. But in the Hebrew as well as in the Greek text\na distinct pause is made at verse 22, after _Jeaterai_. The author\nbegins again: \u201c_The son of Kohath; Amminadab, his son; Korah, his\nson_[338];\u201d and so on. The Seventy even write the plural \u03c5\u1f31\u03bf\u1f76 \u039a\u03b1\u03ac\u03b8. A\nnew succession therefore undoubtedly begins here, and we must consider\nthe portion from Gershom to Jeaterai as an incomplete genealogy inserted\nhere, which evidently runs parallel to the first part of our _eighth_\nLevitical series[339]. _Kohath_, who succeeds Jeaterai, was also a son\nof _Levi_, and the names which follow, clearly show that it ought to\nbe the same series as our _sixth_. That the third and sixth series are\nreally identical follows from the name of the grandson of Kohath being\n_Korah_, which recurs in both, and also from the three successive names,\n_Ebiasaph_, _Assir_, _Tahath_, also recurring. The eighth name, Uzziah,\nis also undoubtedly the same name as Azariah in the other text; for the\nvery same change of both names is again found afterwards in the King\nof Judah, the son of Amaziah, who is called Azariah eight times in the\nsame chapter (2 Kings xv.) and is afterwards three times called by his\nusual name, Uzziah[340]. I have not, therefore, hesitated to fill up the\ntwo names of Assir and Elkanah which were wanting after Korah[341] in\nthe _sixth_ series, as the _third_ series is, on the whole, most to be\ndepended on. It has undoubtedly been retained on account of the last name\nof _Saul_, whom we must consider to be no other than _King_ Saul, whose\ngeneration indeed is usually (1 Sam. ix. 1) carried back through Kish and\nAphiah, with an interruption, to Benjamin, but here again also presents\ndifficulties and appears in general to have been disputed.\n\nBut the _sixth_ series does not conclude in the Chronicles with _Joel_,\nbut is continued into our _seventh_, and no text appears to indicate\nthat there is a pause. Yet the correctness of our division here also,\nwill hardly be found doubtful. It would be quite impossible to believe\nthat among six genealogies one alone could have been _as long again_\nas all the others; for if we omitted the two restored members of the\nsixth series, we should still retain nineteen members in place of ten\nor eleven, as in the other genealogies. We should therefore still feel\nobliged to believe there was a mistake, even though unable to point it\nout. But, upon a further investigation, it explains itself.\n\nIt is very apparent that we have the same genealogies in the _fourth_\nseries as in the _seventh_, although there appears to be several\ndeviations in the manner the names are written, and in some passages\ncompletely different names. Let us now see how the _fourth_ series is\nintroduced in the Chronicles. The first part of the seventh chapter (in\nthe Hebrew text made the sixth) brings prominently forward, apart from\nthe other genealogies, that of the generations of the high priests, which\ngoes back through Aaron, Amram, and Kohath, to Levi. The generations\nof the other Levites are afterwards designated, and indeed in _two_\ndivisions. The _first_ proceeds from the _first-born_ of the sons of\nLevi, in which, nevertheless, in the race of Kohath, _Amram_ has already\nbeen removed from the series, and _Amminadab_, _i. e._ _Izhar_, takes\nhis place; the _second_ goes upwards from the three songsters of David,\nHeman, Assaph, and Ethan, as far back as the grandchildren of Levi. The\nancestors of _Heman_ come first, because a _first-born grandson_ of\nLevi stands at the head, _Izhar_, _i. e._ _Amminadab_, whose generation\nwas therefore already mentioned among those of the first-born grandsons\n(III.). The ancestors of _Assaph_ and of _Ethan_ succeed, because\nlater-born grandsons of Levi stand at the head, who are again arranged in\nthe succession of the sons of Levi.\n\nThere is here a strict and duly considered rule, which is made evident by\nthe following survey:\n\n                         LEVI.\n                           |\n         +-----------------+-+-----------------+--------------+\n         |                   |                 |              |\n  1. _Gershom._        2. _Kohath._     3. _Elkanah._   4. _Merari._\n         |                      |              |              |\n         |                I. 1. Amram.         |              |\n         |                         |           |              |\n         |                1. Aaron. 2. Moses.  |              |\n         |                                     |              |\n         |         III. }                      |              |\n  II. 1. Libni.     VI. } 2. Amminadab-Izhar.  |              |\n                                               |              |\n                                       IV.  }  |              |\n  VIII. 2. Jahath-Shimei.  3. Hebron.  VII. } 1. Amasai.   V. 1. Mahli.\n                           4. Uzziah.\n                                              2. Ahimoth.  IX. 2. Mushi.\n\nThis certainty presupposes what has been already assumed here, that\n_Elkanah_ was a _son of Levi_, and, indeed, the THIRD son, although in\nformer passages he is not cited as among the sons of Levi. Little is\nproved by this omission, for there are many such cases, and in this very\nchapter, v. 43, _Jahath_ is called a son of _Gershom_, although in v. 17\nhe is not cited among the sons of Gershom[342]. In such cases, certainly,\nthe conjecture still remains which we admitted above, p. 464, in the\ncase of Jahath, that one name has been _substituted_ for another, as,\nwithout doubt, occurs in many cases; and therefore some might prefer\nhere to suppose _Elkanah_ the same person as _Kohath_, Zuph (VII.) as a\nlater Elkanah (IV.), Toah (VII.) as Nahath (IV.), Azariah (VI.) as Uzziah\n(III.), Joel (VII.) as Vashni (IV.), Laadan as Libni, &c. However, this\nseems very improbable here. In the chapter we allude to the children of\nGershom-Libni are first stated in the series of the first-born, then\nthe children of Kohath-Amminadab, then the children of Elkanah-Amasai,\nlastly the children of Merari-Mahli. Elkanah is, therefore, evidently\nalso placed between _Kohath_ and _Merari_, as one of the _first-born_.\nIf _Elkanah_, the head of this family, were no other than the _Elkanah_\npreviously mentioned in v. 23, the son of _Assir_, this whole genealogy\nwould not belong here, which is evident from the arrangement we have\ngiven above.\n\nBut the same arrangement proves that the first part of the genealogy of\n_Heman_, our _sixth_ series[343], concludes with the same _Joel_ who in\nthe second part in our _seventh_ series appears as the father of _Heman_;\nthat, consequently, we have to complete the end of the _sixth_ series\nwith the name of Heman again; in short, that we have before us, in place\nof one of double length, _two_ single genealogies of _Heman_, which\nspring from his father by different grandfathers[344].\n\nSo much for the generations of Levi from the Hebrew text. With respect to\nthe genealogical succession from Levi to Zadok, according to Josephus, it\ncorresponds with our first Levitical series, but does not entirely agree\nwith it. According to Josephus, the generations belonging here would be\nas follows:\n\n                         \u1f08\u03b1\u03c1\u03ce\u03bd.\n                       +-----------------------------+\n                       |                             |\n                    1. \u1f18\u03bb\u03b5\u03b1\u03b6\u03ac\u03c1\u03b7\u03c2.                \u1f38\u03b8\u03ac\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2.\n                    2. \u03a6\u03b9\u03bd\u03b5\u03ad\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2.                     |\n                                                     |\n                  +------------                      |\n                  |                                  |\n               \u1f38\u03ce\u03c3\u03b7\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2.     3. \u1f08\u03b2\u03b9\u03b5\u03b6\u03ad\u03c1\u03b7\u03c2.            |\n               \u0392\u03bf\u03ba\u03ba\u03af\u03b1\u03c2.     4. \u0392\u03bf\u03c5\u03ba\u03af.                |\n               \u1f38\u03ce\u03b8\u03b1\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2.     5. \u1f4c\u03b6\u03b9\u03c2.                 |\n                                                     |\n  (Meraioth =) \u039c\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03af\u03c9\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2.                        6. \u1f28\u03bb\u03b5\u03af.\n               \u1f08\u03c1\u03bf\u03c6\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2.                            \u03a6\u03b9\u03bd\u03b5\u03ad\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2.\n    (Ahitub =) \u1f08\u03c7\u03af\u03c4\u03c9\u03b2\u03bf\u03c2.                         7. \u1f38\u03bf\u03c7\u03ac\u03b2\u03b7\u03c2.\n           10. \u03a3\u03ac\u03b4\u03c9\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2.                          8. \u1f08\u03c7\u03b9\u03bc\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03c7\u03bf\u03c2.\n                                                 9. \u1f08\u03b2\u03b9\u03ac\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2.\n\nBut the Hebrew series is not only supported by three passages, but it\nhas also more internal probability than that of Josephus. For \u0392\u03bf\u03ba\u03ba\u03af\u03b1\u03c2\nand \u0392\u03bf\u03c5\u03ba\u03af seem to differ but little, and since Zadok and Abiathar are\ncotemporary, a name appears to be wanting in the series of \u03a3\u03ac\u03b4\u03c9\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2, which\nis given in the Hebrew series[345].\n\nIn our series of the successions of the _High priests_ \u03c6\u03b9\u03bd\u03b5\u03ad\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2 is an\ninterposition, because the pontificate passed immediately from Eli to his\ngrandson.\n\nThe genealogy of _Judah_, which we have added, is at the same time the\ntable of the generation of _David_. It is the shortest of all, but ought\nnot therefore to be regarded with suspicion. We must place _Hezron_\nequal with _Moses_, although only _one generation_ is given between\nhim and Judah, for it is said of him (1 Chron. ii. 24) that he died at\nCaleb-Ephratah, therefore after the entrance into Palestine, and that\nhis wife, Abiah, had a son after his death. Therefore there only remains\n_Judah_ and _Pharez_ for the Egyptian time. This need not surprise us,\nsince _Pharez_ was only born to _Judah_ by _Thamar_ after she had been\nalready the wife of his sons; _Pharez_ is, therefore, both the son and\nthe _grandson_ of _Judah_. There remain nine generations for the period\nfrom the Exodus to the building of the Temple; but here, also, we know at\nleast concerning the last name, _David_, that he was the _seventh_ son of\nhis father.\n\nIf we now review the collected series of our table, we find among them\n_eight_ different and complete series, namely, besides six tribes of\nLevi, the tribe of _Judah_, and the series of the High priests. Of these,\n_one_ contains 12 names, _three_ of them 11, _three_ 10, and _one_ 9.\nThis gives as a mean number exactly ten and a half generations.\n\nIf we inquire the mean number for the years of a generation, we must not\nthink of the Hebrew number 40. It is evidently too high a number, and\nwas only sometimes conferred by the Hebrews on the generations, because\nit had been long used by them for undetermined quantities as a round and\nsacred number.\n\nThe 33\u2153rd years also of the Egyptian generations, according to Herodotus\n(ii. 142), was rather a subdivision of the _century_ than a calculation\nof the real succession of generations. The longest series, from which we\ncould obtain a mean number, are the _series of kings_. But we can obtain\nno scale even from them. The kings of Judah only reigned on an average\nnineteen years, those of Israel only twelve years. Successions of reigns\nare, however, always shorter than generations, and in Judah seven out\nof twenty kings were killed, or expelled; in Israel, fully half out of\ntwenty. We shall therefore approach much nearer the truth if we adopt the\n_Greek_ acceptation[346] of thirty years for a generation, in which we\nonly follow most of the modern scholars.\n\nAdmitting this, ten or eleven generations would amount to 300 or 330\nyears, and if we place _Solomon_ about the year 1000, the genealogies\nwould lead us to 1300 or 1330 years before Christ, which most perfectly\nagrees with our earlier results, since, according to Manetho, we believe\nwe ought to place _Menephthes_ 1328-1309. The _Rabbinical_ date of the\nExodus is B.C. 1314, exactly between 1300 and 1330, upon which of course\nno more importance is to be laid than is allowable by the indeterminate\nfactors of the calculation. At any rate the whole discussion leads to\nthis, that the _genealogies_, the only trustworthy although less exact\nchronological thread of those Hebrew times, speak as decidedly against\nthe calculation hitherto adopted of 480 years, as in favour of our\ncalculation of, about, 300 years. This agreement appears to me of the\ngreatest importance in judging both the Egyptian as well as the Jewish\nhistory.\n\nBut if, finally, we look at the numbers in the Book of Judges, we have\nalready seen that, according to the usual mode of reckoning, they are\nby no means found to agree immediately with any other chronological\nacceptation; still the chronological character of many separate numbers\ncannot be mistaken, and we may at least expect that, from our point of\nview also, a simple solution must present itself, which would release\nthe statements of numbers in the Book of Judges from the contradictions\nin which, as hitherto interpreted, they have stood with the Manethonic\nchronology.\n\nBunsen[347] gives us a survey of this period. He compares the \u201cTime of\nForeign Rule and Anarchy\u201d with the \u201cTime of the Judges and of Peace.\u201d\nFor the former he puts 3 _x_ + 111 years, for the latter, including\nthe monarchical time to the building of the Temple, 4 _x_ + 442 years.\nHe considers the first, less historical than the last (p. 212), and\nsupposes that the number 480 is perhaps formed out of the latter 442.\nAt all events, he believes we must start from this number. But I should\nprefer an entirely different combination, which promises to lead sooner\nto a result. If we place the uncertain and round numbers upon one side,\nand the remaining on the other side, we shall obtain the following\nsurvey[348]:\n\n         INDETERMINATE NUMBERS.        |       HISTORICAL NUMBERS.\n  -------------------------------------+---------------------------------\n  40. Years in the Desert.             |\n                                       |\n  _x_ _Joshua_ (25, according to       |\n        Josephus, A. J. V. 1, 29).     |\n                                       |\n  _x_ Successors to Joshua (Joshua     |\n        xxiv. 31).                     |\n                                       |\n  40. _Othniel_ (Judg. iii. 11).       |   8. under Mesopotamia (Judg.\n                                       |      iii. 8.)\n                                       |\n                                       |  18. under the Moabites (Judg.\n  80. _Ehud_ (Judg. iii. 30; according |      iii. 14).\n        to the Seventy 40).            |\n                                       |\n  _x_ _Shamgar._                       |\n                                       |\n                                       |  20. under the Canaanites (Judg.\n                                       |      iv. 3. This Period happens,\n  40. _Deborah_ (Judg. iv. 4) and      |      according to Judg. iv. 4,\n        _Barak_ (Judg. v. 1, 31).      |      perhaps under Deborah).\n                                       |\n  40. _Gideon_ (Judg. viii. 28).       |   7. under the Midianites (Judg.\n                                       |      vi. 1).\n                                       |\n                                       |   3. _Abimelech_ (Judg. ix. 22).\n                                       |  23. _Tola_ (Judg. x. 2).\n                                       |  22. _Jair_ (Judg. x. 3).\n                                       |  18. Philistines (Judg. x. 8).\n                                       |   6. _Jephthah_ (Judg. xii. 7).\n                                       |   7. _Ibzan_ (Judg. xii. 9).\n                                       |  10. _Elon_ (Judg. xii. 11).\n                                       |   8. _Abdon_ (Judg. xii. 14).\n                                       | ---\n  40. Philistines (Judg. xiii. 1).     | 150\n                                       |\n  20. _Samson_ (in the time of the     |\n        Philistines, Judg. xv. 20,     |\n        xvi. 31).                      |\n                                       |\n  _x_ Anarchy (Judg. xvii. 6, xviii.   |\n        1, xix. 1, xxi. 25).           |\n                                       |\n  40. _Eli_ (1 Sam. iv. 18).           |\n                                       |\n  20. _Saul_ (1 Sam. vii. 1, 2;        |\n        compare iv. 18, vi. 1; 2 Sam.  |\n        vi. 3; 1 Chron. xiv. 3.        |\n        According to Acts xiii. 21,    |\n        Jos. A. J. VI. 14, 9, Saul     |\n        reigned 40 years).             |\n                                       |\n  40. _David_ (2 Sam. v. 4, 5; 1       |\n        Kings, ii. 11).                |\n  -------------------------------------+---------------------------------\n  14 times _x_ \u00d7 12 years = 168.         150 + 168 = 318 years.\n\nFrom this juxtaposition alone we obtain a threefold division of the\nwhole period. In the first division we see from the time of Joshua the\ndeterminate and indeterminate numbers alternating almost regularly (for\n_Shamgar_ appears to be included in _Ehud\u2019s_ higher number, and therefore\nto have no number himself), and the historical numbers are certainly\nnot ascribed here to the separate personages, but to the period of the\noppression, therefore the whole time appears to have been one of contest\nand startling revolts, which, by means of a succession of powerful men,\nends at length in a victorious assertion of their own dominion.\n\nThis second period commences with Abimelech, and is only once interrupted\nby the government of the Philistines. Here there is a real succession of\nevents and separate governments, and therefore no round numbers.\n\nThe third division begins with a new, and, as it appears, a far longer\noppression by the Philistines, in which the narrative of _Sampson_ only\nforms a passing episode. It seems to me that the anarchical times, which\nare entirely omitted by others, are connected with this oppression, and,\nalthough there is no date, that they were of considerable duration. They\nform, in a certain degree, the real conclusion of the time of the Judges.\nThe new, the regal time, begins with Eli, which is always alluded to in\nthe time of the anarchy. Before the time of Eli the historical thread\nwas broken; from his time it continues uninterrupted. Eli prepares the\nway for the kings. Samuel grows up under him, and his first action after\nthe death of Eli seems to have been to anoint _Saul_ as king. He appears\nto have continued his _office of judge_ under Saul, whom he has rather\nchosen as a _general_, as he also afterwards anoints _David_ as king.\nThis may be the reason why no time is ascribed to him; the Ark of the\nCovenant, which was taken as booty in the conquest of Mizpah by the\nPhilistines, and was retained for seven months (1 Sam. vi. 1), was thus\nbrought to Kirjath-Jearim, shortly before Saul\u2019s elevation; remained\nthere twenty years (1 Sam. vii. 2), and was first brought away from that\nplace at the elevation of David (2 Sam. vi. 3), \u201c_for we inquired not at\nit in the days of Saul_\u201d (1 Chron. xiii. 3).\n\nIf we now add up the historical numbers, we shall obtain 150 years, so\nthat there is on an average 12 years for each of the twelve governments.\nNow if we apply this mean number (which is best adapted to the purpose,\nand which was also that of the kings of Israel) to the fourteen\ngovernments, whose numbers are uncertain, we shall obtain 168 years,\nwhich, together with the 150, gives 318 years. Now if we count these\nbackward, beginning at Solomon, about 1000 years before Christ, we come\nto the year 1318 before Christ, therefore again under the government of\nPharaoh MENEPHTHES.\n\nWe thus obtain, also, from this side a simple confirmation of our former\nresults. It is at least evident, that the numbers in the Book of Judges\ncan no longer be employed as a refutation of the Manethonic calculation.\nBut this agreement between the chronology of the time of the Judges, and\nthe genealogies of the Chronicles, is of manifest importance to Jewish\nhistory.\n\nAs soon as we may consider the chronological importance of the\ngenealogies established, we are enabled to rise still higher on the\nsame path in the history of Israel, and to obtain a chronological view\nconcerning the period of the sojourn of the Israelites _in Egypt_.\n\nIf in the 40 years of the later generations we can only perceive a\nchronological _garb_, without on that account supposing that the\nsubstance of the narratives are unhistorical, still less should we see\nin the hundred and more years of the generations from Abraham to Moses,\nthe true chronological relation upon which these perfectly credible\nnarratives are founded. The whole array of numbers is rather, as we have\nindicated above, to be judged from a perfectly different point of view,\nthe closer investigation of which does not belong here.\n\nWhen, for the sake of judging the chronology of the times from Moses to\nJacob, and from Jacob to Abraham, we start from the historical importance\nof the genealogies, this period becomes extremely contracted, and we are\nled to new historical comparisons, which appear to throw a clear light\nupon those times.\n\nIn all registers of generations we only find _three_ generations from\n_Joseph_ or _Levi_ to _Moses_. In the pedigree of _Judah_, indeed, we\nonly saw _two_, which was however explained by the unnatural alliance of\nThamar. But _Aaron_ himself, and _Moses_, on the father\u2019s side, stood in\nthe third degree from _Levi_, but from the maternal side in the second;\nfor their father, _Amram_, the grandson of Levi, took to wife in Egypt\nhis aunt _Jochabed_, the daughter of Levi (Exod. vi. 20; Num. xxvi.\n59), who bore him Moses and Aaron. Thus one event explains and confirms\nanother, and allows us still less to doubt the historical reality and the\nnatural relations which the successive generations bear to each other.\n\nTherefore, unless we wish to regard all the narratives of those times,\nand all the accounts, which afterwards refer to them, as mythical and\nunhistorical, for which there is not the slightest ground, we must\nalso here separate the chronological garb from the subject itself, and\nrecognise, as a necessary conclusion, that _only about ninety years\nintervened from the entrance of Jacob to the Exodus of Moses_, and\n_about as much_ from the _entrance of Abraham into Canaan_, to _Jacob\u2019s\nExodus_[349], so that from Abraham to Moses only about 180, or if we wish\nto make the most of it, 215 years passed, which alone, according to the\npresent calculation, are reckoned from Abraham to Jacob.\n\nBut even this result is by no means only founded upon the internal\nimpossibility of the numbers hitherto adopted, nor upon the genealogies\nalone, but upon a much more general historical connection of the events,\nas we find them both in the Egyptian and Israelitish history of those\ntimes.\n\nAll the views hitherto adopted from Josephus, and from those who before\nhis day held the same opinions, down to the most modern scholars, must,\non the supposition that the Jews were the Hyksos\u2014which we have rejected\nabove (p. 422), as not worth refutation\u2014or at least that they departed\n_with_ them, and further that they lived in Egypt from the time of Jacob,\n215 or 430 years, necessarily have led them to the conclusion that Joseph\nand Jacob came to Egypt during the _dominion of the Hyksos_. But an\nattentive and impartial consideration of the passages bearing upon this\npoint, show beyond doubt that this could not be the case according to the\n_Biblical_ accounts, and therefore that either this representation, or\nthe accepted chronology, must contain errors.\n\n\u201cAnd Joseph,\u201d it says, Gen. xxxix. 1, \u201cwas brought down to Egypt, and\nPotiphar, an officer of Pharaoh, captain of the guard, an Egyptian,\nbought him of the hands of the Ishmaelites, which had brought him down\nthither.\u201d\n\nHere, as in all the other passages where the _Egyptian_ king is\nmentioned, he is called _Pharaoh_. This is an Egyptian designation\nand not a _Semitic_ one, as we should have expected if the Semitic\nHyksos[350] had still ruled in Egypt. In that case we should have been\neverywhere compelled to admit in this designation, throughout the history\nof Abraham, Jacob, Joseph, and Moses, an anachronism which cannot easily\nfind a parallel. The captain of the king\u2019s body-guard was also an\n_Egyptian_, as is proved by his name Potiphar, \u200e\u200f\u05e4\u05d5\u05d8\u05d9\u05e4\u05e8\u200f\u200e[351], which is\nwritten by the Seventy \u03a0\u03b5\u03c4\u03b5\u03c6\u03c1\u03ae\u03c2, _i. e._ _Petphra_. Still an _Egyptian_\nin so important a situation at a _Semitic_ court might as well form an\nexceptional case, as the _Hebrew_ Joseph, according to our opinion, at an\n_Egyptian_ court. \u201cAnd Pharaoh took off his ring from his hand, and put\nit upon Joseph\u2019s hand, and arrayed him in vestures of fine linen[352],\nand put a gold chain[353] about his neck. And he made him to ride in\nthe second chariot[354] which he had, and they cried before him, Bow\nthe knee; and he made him ruler over all the land of Egypt. And Pharaoh\nsaid unto Joseph, I am Pharaoh, and without thee shall no man lift up\nhis hand or foot in all the land of Egypt. And Pharaoh called Joseph\u2019s\nname \u200e\u200f\u05e6\u05e4\u05e0\u05ea \u05e4\u05e2\u05e0\u05d7\u200f\u200e (\u03a8\u03bf\u03bd\u03b8\u03bf\u03bc\u03c6\u03b1\u03bd\u03ae\u03c7), and he gave him to wife _Asenath_,\nthe daughter of _Potipherah_, PRIEST OF ON.\u201d (Gen. xli. 42, &c.) The\nfact that the distinctions here conferred upon Joseph are in perfect\naccordance with Egyptian manners[355], would still not be sufficient to\nprove that he lived at an Egyptian court, for the Semitic rulers might\npossibly have brought with them the same customs, or might have adopted\nthem. But if such were our belief, it would be impossible to combine\nwith it the circumstance that Joseph received from Pharaoh expressly\nan _Egyptian_ name. For even if the older Hebrew commentators have\nattempted to derive the name from the Hebrew, these attempts have long\nbeen rejected by modern scholars[356]. We should be able to decide with\nmore complete certainty about the Egyptian signification of the name if\nwe found it written in hieroglyphics. It sounds in Hebrew _Zepnet-ponch_\n(_Zaphnath-phaneach_). It appears to me that the last portion can hardly\nbe referred to any other word than the hieroglyphical \ud80c\udef9\ud80c\ude16\ud80d\udc30\ud80d\udc0d anch, Coptic\n\u2cb1\u2c9b\u03e9, \u2c81\u2c9b\u03e9, with the article \u2ca1 \u2cb1\u2c9b\u03e9, the life; the first part is obscure.\nSince the Seventy write \u03a8\u03bf\u03bd\u03b8\u03bf\u03bc\u03c6\u03b1\u03bd\u03ae\u03c7, it is generally supposed that the\ntwo first letters in the Hebrew text have been misplaced, and that the\nuniting genitive \u2014_n_ (before the labial \u2014_m_) has been omitted. Both are\npossible, but not probable. It seems to me that the Seventy cannot claim\nany more authority on this point than any other interpreter. It is not\nsurprising that, without understanding the hieroglyphical writing, they\nwere as little capable as we are of explaining the old name from the\npopular language. But that they wrote \u03a8\u03bf\u03bd\u03b8 in place of _Zepnet_, or\n_Zpent_, seems to prove that they explained the name something like \u2ca1\n\u2ca5\u2cb1\u2c9b\u2ca7 \u2c99 \u2cab\u2c81\u2c9b\u03e9 _creatio_ (_creator_) vit\u00e6.\n\nBut how is it possible that a _Semitic_ king, who, like the six in the\nlists of the so-called shepherd kings, must undoubtedly have himself\nborne a Semitic name, would have given Joseph an _Egyptian_ name, in\norder to do him honour.\n\n_Asenath_ is of course an _Egyptian_ name like that of her father,\n_Potiphra_, _i. e._ _Petphra_, and his being called a _High priest\nof On_ (Heliopolis) is an additional and more certain proof that the\nSemitic nation of the Hyksos were not reigning here, for they would have\ndestroyed all the Egyptian temples; and they would hardly have permitted\nthe worship of _Ra_ (Helios) to continue in the neighbourhood of Memphis,\nwhose High priest must give his daughter to Joseph for a wife, in order\nto show him particular honour, and to naturalise him completely.\n\nIt is equally evident, from the meeting of Joseph with his brethren, that\nhe lived at a really Egyptian court. Distrust towards their Ph\u0153nician\nneighbours was continually kept alive among the Egyptians, therefore it\nwas easy to form a pretext to attack the Hebrews. \u201cYe are spies, to see\nthe nakedness of the land ye are come.\u201d (Gen. xlii. 9, 12, 14.) When the\nbrethren talk among themselves of the act which they perpetrated against\nJoseph, they speak out loud in the presence of Joseph: \u201cThey knew not\nthat Joseph understood them, for he spake unto them by an _interpreter_.\u201d\n(Gen. xlii. 23.) Joseph had become so completely an Egyptian, and the\nEgyptian language was so exclusively spoken at the court of Pharaoh, that\nthe brethren could not conjecture any one was near them who understood\ntheir language.\n\nWhen, therefore, on their second visit to Joseph\u2019s house, they were about\nto take their meal, it is said, \u201cAnd they set for him by himself, and for\nthem by themselves, and for the Egyptians, which did eat with him, by\nthemselves: _because the Egyptians might not eat bread with the Hebrews,\nfor that is an abomination unto the Egyptians_.\u201d (Gen. xliii. 32.) The\nnative Egyptians could never have expressed this horror, and regulated\ntheir manners accordingly, under the dominion of a Semitic reigning\nfamily. Lastly, it is equally improbable that Joseph would have advised\nthe immigrating family to call themselves shepherds in order to obtain\nfrom Pharaoh a country set apart for themselves. \u201cAnd it shall come to\npass when Pharaoh shall call you, and shall say, What is your occupation?\nThat ye shall say, Thy servant\u2019s trade hath been about cattle from our\nyouth, even until now, both we, and also our fathers; that ye may dwell\nin the land of Goshen; for every shepherd is an abomination unto the\nEgyptians.\u201d (Gen. xlvi. 33.) If the shepherd people of the Hyksos reigned\nin Egypt, how could the shepherds be an abomination to them?\n\nIf it is therefore evident that Joseph lived at an _Egyptian_, and\nnot at a _Semitic_ court, the old tradition of the Jewish interpreters\nthat Joseph came to Egypt in the reign of a shepherd king, Apophis, is\nentirely destroyed, as well as the view taken by more modern scholars\nconcerning the Hebrew chronology of that time.\n\nBut according to Manetho, the Exodus happened in the reign of Menephthes,\nand according to all the Hebrew genealogies, Jacob\u2019s entrance could only\nhave happened 90 or 100 years earlier. Therefore Seth\u00f4s, the father of\nthe great Ramses, must certainly be the Pharaoh under whom Joseph came\ninto Egypt. This is most indubitably confirmed by the unmistakeable\nagreement which exists between the Hebrew account of the Pharaoh of\nJoseph, and what is related by others of King Seth\u00f4s. It is said by the\nformer, \u201cAnd Joseph bought all the land of Egypt for Pharaoh; for the\nEgyptians sold every man his field, because the famine prevailed over\nthem: _so the land became Pharaoh\u2019s_. And as for the people, he removed\nthem to cities from one end of the borders of Egypt even to the other\nend thereof. Only the land of the priests bought he not; for the priests\nhad a portion assigned them of Pharaoh, and did eat their portion which\nPharaoh gave them: wherefore they sold not their lands. Then Joseph said\nunto the people, Behold, I have bought you this day and your land for\nPharaoh: lo, here is seed for you, and ye shall sow the land. And it\nshall come to pass in the increase, that ye shall give the fifth part\nunto Pharaoh, and four parts shall be your own.... And Joseph made it\na law over the land of Egypt unto this day, that Pharaoh should have\nthe fifth part; except the land of the priests only, which became not\nPharaoh\u2019s.\u201d (Gen. lxvii. 20, &c.)\n\nWe find the same great alteration in the agrarian conditions of the\ncountry, and connected with it the introduction of a general ground-tax,\nfrom which the priests alone were excepted, ascribed by Herodotus and\nDiodorus to the King _Sesostris-Sesoosis_.\n\nWe read in Herodotus, ii. 1081, that the king intersected the country\nwith canals, because the places which were remote from the Nile suffered,\nwhen it retreated, from a scarcity of water. It appears from what\nhas been observed above, that it was chiefly Ramses who completed the\nEgyptian system of canals, although it is very probable that the great\ntransformation in the condition of the ground which it occasioned had\nbeen already commenced by his father, _Seth\u00f4sis_. It is well known that\nthe fertility of Egypt alone depends upon the proper and well-maintained\nregulation of the overflowings. Since the time of _M\u00f6ris-Amenemha_, who\nwas the first to bestow any considerable attention upon it, the country\nhad degenerated, owing to its long foreign rule, and had but just risen\nagain to complete independence under the mighty Pharaohs of the 18th\nDynasty. It is quite conceivable that such comprehensive and tedious\nundertakings for increasing the general prosperity, as a universal\nconstruction of canals, especially in the Delta, could only have been\nfirst undertaken by the earlier kings of the 19th Dynasty, _Seth\u00f4sis_\nand _Ramses_, who were both of them favoured by long reigns. Therefore\nuntil that time, a general failure of the crops and a famine might have\nvery frequently occurred, at a low or even a moderate rise of the water,\nand perhaps happened for several successive years. Strabo[357] relates\nthat, before the time of the Prefect Petronius, owing to the water-works\nbeing neglected, famine broke out in Egypt if the Nile only rose 8 ells,\nand 14 ells were necessary for a particularly good year; whereas, by\nhis improvements, it was only necessary for the Nile to rise 10 ells to\nproduce the best harvest, and if it rose but 8 ells no scarcity ensued.\nFamine broke out in Egypt in the Arabian times also from the same\nreason[358]. Thus the famine-years in the time of Joseph may be explained\nto have occurred in the reign of Seth\u00f4s; this event may even have called\nattention to the necessity of a better water regulation in the country.\n\nIn the following chapter Herodotus says, that the King Sesostris \u201cdivided\nthe land between all the Egyptians by giving an equal-sized square\nportion to each, from which he afterwards derived his income by laying\nan annual tax upon it. But when the river carried away a part of any\nperson\u2019s portion, he showed it to the king, who sent people to inquire\nand measure how much smaller the piece of land had become, in order that\nhe might pay the tax for the remainder according to the commands.\u201d This\nis essentially the same arrangement which is ascribed to Joseph, the\nminister of Pharaoh. Herodotus had already[359] mentioned in an earlier\npassage that the priests paid no taxes, but even received their daily\nsustenance besides, exactly as it is related in the Mosaic accounts.\n\nDiodorus[360] says of SESOOSIS, that he \u201cdivided the whole country into\nthirty-six parts,\u201d which the Egyptians called Nomes; over these he placed\nNomarchs, who had the charge of the ROYAL REVENUES, and \u201cruled everything\nbesides in their provinces.\u201d Therefore here again there was an entirely\nnew division and government of the country, in which the taxes to the\nking are not forgotten. Afterwards (c. 57) he adds also, that he raised\nmany great mounds, and upon them _transplanted the towns_ which were\nsituated too low (\u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u1ff4\u03ba\u03b9\u03c3\u03b5\u03bd). The fresh regulations in the country, and\nespecially the new canals, necessarily created a great number of towns\nand villages for the management of the grounds which were portioned out,\nand were now partly cultivated for the first time. To this we may most\nnaturally refer the remark in the Hebrew account that Pharaoh \u201cremoved\nthem to cities from one end of the borders of Egypt even to the other\nend thereof.\u201d (Gen. xlvii. 21.) Diodorus (c. 56) also mentions the hard\ntaskwork which thence became necessary, and that in consequence of it\nthe \u201cBabylonian prisoners, who could no longer bear the toilsome labour,\nrebelled against the king.\u201d\n\nIn the very valuable description of the manner in which the Egyptian\nadministration had subsisted under the _old_[361] kings of the country,\nwhich is drawn from the most ancient sources, Diodorus again mentions\n(c. 73, 74) the arrangement of the Nomes, and a division of the property,\nby which one-third belonged to the priests, one to the king, the other\nto the warriors; and how all the cultivators of the soil, for a small\nreward, only performed task-service for the three orders who possessed\nland. It is here also expressly mentioned, that the priests were exempt\n(\u1f00\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2) from taxation[362]. But it seems that it is only from the\nMosaic narrative we learn that the universal statute of the taxes imposed\non the remaining possessors of the land was fixed upon exactly the _fifth\npart_ of the produce; this narrative here, as well as in other points,\nconfidently completes our knowledge of those circumstances.\n\nNow if the arrangements we have cited, which in fact so essentially\nchanged Egypt, that their introduction could not fail to occupy an\nimportant place in the monuments of that time, and to be thus handed down\nto posterity, were ascribed in the Greek account to SESOSTRIS-SESOOSIS,\nwe should, in the next place, be uncertain whether SETH\u00d4S or his son\nRAMSES was meant. It is not in itself improbable, that works demanding so\nmuch time, and the extensive alterations in the political circumstances,\nmight fully occupy two such long reigns as those of both the kings\nmentioned; and of the canal works especially, we know that at least two\nparticular canals of considerable importance were completed by Ramses,\neast and west of the Delta, and towns were built beside them. But since\nit can now hardly be disputed that those events could not have taken\nplace either earlier or later than under these two reigns, which embraced\nmore than a century, it appears to be perfectly justifiable to suppose\nthat the first and most essential steps to this reform were taken in the\nreign of Seth\u00f4s, because, according to the genealogical calculation of\ntime in the Bible, Joseph must have lived and acted in the first half of\nthe reign of Seth\u00f4sis. The succession of kings in the Mosaic accounts\nalso perfectly agrees with this. We here read of only _three Pharaohs_\nduring that time. Joseph came to Potiphar in Egypt in the reign of the\nfirst, and rose by his wisdom to be first minister of the king. This\nPharaoh was Seth\u00f4sis I., with whom the Manethonic lists begin a new\nDynasty. By means of the new improvements introduced and regulated by\nhim, the country was saved from the years of famine which had hitherto\nbeen constantly dreaded, and the power of the king was increased and\nstrengthened.\n\n\u201cAnd Joseph died, and all his brethren, and his whole race.\u201d \u201cNow there\narose up a new king over Egypt, which knew not Joseph[363].\u201d Seth\u00f4sis\nhad reigned more than fifty years, and Joseph must have lived in the\nfirst part of his reign. It is therefore conceivable that the new King\nRamses II. knew nothing more of him, or wished to know nothing more, and\ntherefore might not on his (Joseph\u2019s) account have favoured the rapidly\nincreasing population of the Israelites in Egypt. We therefore see that\nit was incorrect to explain the words of the account, which are only\ncorrect when taken in their simplest signification, that a _new king_\narose\u2014by understanding that by this the commencement of a new royal house\nis intended after a long and indefinite period. The birth of Moses, and\nhis education at the court of Pharaoh, happened under this King Ramses\nII., and indeed in the latter part of his reign of sixty-six years,\nin which the times of Joseph were still more forgotten, and the hard\noppressions and persecutions of the Jews prevailed. This king, although\nof a Theban family, resided equally, and perhaps in those times, even\nmore at Memphis than at Thebes, as the later Saitic, Bubastic, and other\ndynasties also by no means forsook the old palace in Memphis. There\nexists, therefore, no grounds for imagining the youth of Moses to have\nbeen spent at Thebes rather than at Memphis.\n\nBut when Moses had slain the Egyptian, he fled to Midian. \u201cAnd it came to\npass in process of time, that the _King of Egypt died_; and the children\nof Israel sighed by reason of the bondage[364].\u201d The _third_ king,\ntherefore, succeeded the Pharaoh of the Exodus, MENEPHTHES, the son of\nthe great Ramses, the same under whom, as we believe we have pointed\nout, the Exodus really happened, and from whom the new Sothis period,\nwhich began in his reign, likewise received its name.\n\nIf, in the same manner, we go still farther back in the Hebrew accounts\nfrom Joseph to Abraham, we find this period also only occupied by\nthree generations, which would fix it, according to the views we have\nexhibited, to about 90 or 100 years.\n\nAccording to the chronology hitherto adopted, ABRAHAM\u2019S visit to Egypt\nwould also have happened in the TIME of the HYKSOS. But this is partly\nopposed by the same objections which we mentioned when speaking of the\nimmigration of Jacob. Abraham also comes to the court of a Pharaoh,\ntherefore of a native Egyptian ruler, and, in accordance with the\nManethonic chronology, the visit of Abraham would have happened under\nTuthmosis IV. or Amenophis III., therefore in the middle of the 18th\nDynasty, after the Hyksos had been already expelled by the 17th Dynasty,\nfirst into the lowest country of the Delta, and then from their last\nfortress, Abaris.\n\nTherefore only about 200 years had passed between Abraham\u2019s journey into\nEgypt and the time of the Exodus. But what gave _occasion_ to the number\n_four hundred and thirty years_, so expressly stated in Exodus xii. 40,\nand which appears, in comparison with the round statement of 400 years in\nGen. xv. 13, as more exact, and, at all events, not an unmeaning number?\nWe have already expressed our opinion that the round and indeterminate\nnumbers, as well as the larger calculations, were only adopted at a\nlater period in the writings of the Old Testament. The number 480 or\n440 years between the Exodus and the building of the Temple appeared\nto us to depend upon a calculation of 12 or 11 generations of 40 years\neach. But in the 430 years may, perhaps, lie the first indication of\nthe early-conceived idea mentioned above, that the Israelites were the\nHyksos. For the number would, in fact, be most perfectly explained if it\nwas referred to the residence of these Semitic races in Egypt.\n\nWe shall, namely, point out, in the second part of the chronology, that\nthe long contest between the Egyptians and the Hyksos, mentioned by\nManetho, occurred during the 17th Dynasty from AMOSIS to TUTHMOSIS III.\nThe former completely broke the foreign dominion, and drove back the\nHyksos to the northern part of the Delta; but it was Tuthmosis who first\nsucceeded in sending them out of their last stronghold of refuge, Abaris.\nThence arose the confusion that has so generally prevailed concerning\nthese two kings. The one as much as the other might be regarded as\nthe conqueror of the Hyksos. Manetho specified the whole time of the\nresidence of the Hyksos in Egypt, up to their departure from Abaris, to\nbe 511 years. But it must also have appeared from his narrative, and\nhave been a fact specially known to the priests from their history, that\nthe real dominion of the Hyksos in Egypt was terminated by Amosis. If\nwe now subtract the time from Amosis to Tuthmosis, which was 80 years,\nfrom 511[365], exactly _four hundred and thirty years_ remain for the\ndominion of the Hyksos in Egypt[366]. If, therefore, in the present\nday, the opinion can in any way be maintained and defended that Abraham\n(or Jacob) was King Salatis, and entered Egypt not as a petitioner,\nbut as a powerful and conquering enemy, and that his seed was first\nconquered and driven away in the time of Moses by the native kings,\nthe relation of the above-mentioned numbers would certainly appear as\none of the most important proofs of it. It cannot, however, be argued\nthat an admission which appears, according to our present criticism,\nperfectly impossible, must have appeared equally so in ancient times.\nAn impartial apprehension of the present, and a faithful rendering of\nthe past, was the vocation of an ancient annalist or historian; it is\nonly thus that they are of importance and worthy of consideration in\nour inquiry. Criticism was completely out of their sphere, historical\nas well as philological; and when, nevertheless, we do meet with it, it\nis generally very unsatisfactory, and even from the most distinguished\nwriters, astonishingly feeble. The school of professional Alexandrian\ncritics is by no means excepted. We find the most striking examples of\nthis, particularly in the Christian chronologists, who were not wanting\neither in abundance of authorities, nor in extensive learning and honest\nintentions. But we have actually seen, from the example of Josephus, as\nwell as from earlier and later authors, how the opinion above mentioned,\nof the identity of the Hyksos with the Jews, really gained admittance\nfrom various very superficial foundations, and yet Josephus belonged\nundoubtedly to the most learned antiquarians who we can place under\nour observation here. We ought not, therefore, to be surprised even if\nwe find this view again stated at an earlier period in the arrangement\nand combinations of the Hebrew historical books; and this appears, in\nfact, to be very probable, by the number 430 years, which can neither be\napplied to the three generations of Jacob, nor to the six from Abraham to\nMoses.\n\nThe calculation also verifies itself still further. It was an early\nopinion that Joseph came to Egypt in the reign of the shepherd King\n_Aphophis_. This is expressly said by Eusebius and Syncellus; and the\nvarious changes in the position of Aphophis, who is differently placed\nboth by Josephus and Africanus, appear, upon a closer investigation,\nalways to originate from the same reason, namely, in order to place\nJoseph under Aphophis. The correct position of Aphophis, according to\nManetho, was undoubtedly at the end of the 16th Dynasty, as we find it\nstated by Africanus[367]. Joseph stood, according to the generations,\nexactly between Abraham and Moses. According to the Egyptian chronology,\nthe first Dynasty of the Hyksos reigned 259 years, the second 251\nyears, therefore Aphophis, the last king of the 1st Dynasty, reigned\nin the middle of the time of the Hyksos. This was probably the first\nidea which supported the opinion of the exact division of the 430 years\ninto two equal halves, and the belief that Jacob came to Egypt in the\ntime of Aphophis. Jacob\u2019s entrance, or the end of the first 215 years,\naccordingly happened in the seventeenth year of the Aphophis; Joseph\nwas exalted by Pharaoh 9 years earlier, therefore in the eighth year of\nAphophis.\n\nBut the correct Egyptian statement, that the Hyksos first departed in\nthe reign of Tuthmosis, had been already misunderstood in the time of\nJosephus. He placed the Exodus of the Hyksos and of the Jews under\nAmosis, and made the whole 17th Dynasty of 251 years precede Amosis. It\nwas impossible, therefore, that he could place Joseph under Aphophis.\nHe could as little make the entrance of Abraham happen at the same time\nas that of the Hyksos, for he gave 511 years for the residence of the\nHyksos, 430 for that of the Jews. But he nowhere says either that the\nJews entered with the Hyksos, as they departed with them, or that Jacob\nor Josephus came to Egypt in the reign of Aphophis. He appears rather\nto have believed that the _first_ and not the _second_ entrance of the\nJews into Egypt, therefore the entrance of Abraham happened in the time\nof _Aphophis_; and thus that the tradition, which was no doubt known\nto him, was so to be understood. He must, at least, have thought that\nthe entrance of Abraham really took place in the first Hyksos Dynasty,\nalthough, indeed, not under the _last_, but under the _fourth_ king.\nAccording to my opinion, this was the reason why Josephus made Aphophis\nthe _fourth_ king of the Dynasty.\n\nAfricanus, the most faithful among the reporters, did not admit all these\ncalculations, or seek to explain the Manethonic calculation, and to make\nit agree with his own, but let the contradictions stand, and therefore\nsimply gave the Manethonic tradition, even when he did not understand it,\nand could not correct the mistakes which were handed down to him. We\ntherefore find the correct position of Aphophis retained by him.\n\nEusebius on the other hand, and his uncertain authorities, again wished\nto mediate and to explain. In his account we find the first year of\nthe 16th Dynasty placed contemporaneous with the first year of the\nlife of Abraham, which is evidently an arbitrary proceeding, and one\nthat necessarily drew other changes along with it, which are met with\nplentifully in the numbers substituted for those of Manetho. His 17th\nDynasty names the four first kings of the Manethonic 16th Dynasty, and\nAmosis follows immediately after. In order to fit in again with the later\nhistory, it was necessary to abridge considerably the 16th and 17th\nDynasties. The numbers of Eusebius, as they appear in the Canon, clearly\nstate that he only counted seventy-five years from the first year of\nAbraham to his entrance into Canaan and Egypt, and again 430 years from\nthat time to the Exodus of Moses. This happened, therefore, in the last\nyear of \u03a7\u03b5\u03bd\u03c7\u03ad\u03c1\u03b7\u03c2. The same is given in the codex A of Syncellus, p. 72,\nD. If we here again calculate 215 years to the entrance of Jacob, or 224\nto the exaltation of Joseph, we arrive at his reign of APHOPHIS, as was\nintended. But in codex B, and in the Armenian translation, the two kings,\nAthoris and Chencheres, who are correctly placed in the Eusebian Canon,\nare omitted, and undoubtedly by the oversight of Eusebius himself, not\nof Syncellus. Thence the Exodus was placed in the reign of Achencheres,\nin place of Chencheres. The similarity in the names themselves appears\nto have led to the oversight; thus Syncellus found the text. Now, if\nwe count back from Achencheres 215 or 224 years, we come to Archles,\nthe predecessor of _Aphophis_. Syncellus knew of no better way than to\ntranspose Archles and Aphophis, as we find to be really the case in his\ntext of Eusebius, p. 62, A; this of course can no longer be reconciled\nwith the emendations of the codex A, which were added in a later passage\nout of Eusebius. No doubt seems to be left by this explanation of the\nnumbers.\n\nLastly, Syncellus, who follows the false Sothis, places the Exodus in the\nlast year of MISPHRAGMUTHOSIS, calculates from here backwards 215 years,\nand passing over the 2nd Hyksos Dynasty, which Sothis and Eusebius had\nalready placed before the 1st Hyksos Dynasty, arrives at the fourth king\nof the latter. Therefore, as in Josephus, Aphophis is placed there.\n\nAll these circumstances are easily explained when the aim and the issue\nof the matter is known. But the original grounds why Aphophis, the last\nking of the 1st Manethonic Hyksos Dynasty, was regarded as the Pharaoh of\nJoseph and Jacob, is alone apparent by the simple relation which we have\nfound subsisting between the Hebrew and the Manethonic numbers.\n\nI do not believe that a sound critical examination can consider so many\nand such universal agreements and confirmations to be accidental, or\nthe result of an artificial correction, which, at all events, would of\nnecessity be easily pointed out, the more so as, with the exception of a\nfew individual points, my restoration of the Manethonic chronology was\nprincipally determined before my journey to Egypt.\n\nWe therefore believe, that by means of a new path, namely, the Manethonic\nchronology, we have found the key to the relative portions of time\nin the Old Testament, so far as these are connected with Egypt; and\nin an inverse manner we may now consider the agreement that subsists\nbetween the chronology of the Hebrew history (both the true chronology\nrepresented in the genealogies, and the false one, which was afterwards\nerroneously adopted) and the Egyptian numbers upon which the chronology\nwas originally founded, to be indeed strongly confirmatory of the\nauthenticity of these last, as they appear according to our restoration\nof them.\n\nIt is very evident that our carrying back the Old Testament chronology\nto its natural relations, as far back as Abraham, must be not merely\nof chronological, but of truly historical importance in the highest\nmeaning of the term. The prolongation to above a hundred years, contrary\nto all historical experience, of the thirty-yeared generations of the\nimmediate ancestors of Moses, who lived in the midst of the Egyptians,\nthe length of whose lives was exactly like our own, must either appear\nan intentional miracle, or make us doubt the simple historical reality\nof the persons themselves, and of the events concerning them. The\nsuperhuman duration of life, considered as a miracle, would appear to\nbe entirely without a purpose; besides, in the Old Testament itself it\nis never viewed as such. The Psalmist[368], on the contrary, considered\nas we do, a life of eighty years as a great age. Therefore the most\ndistinguished, and most earnest inquirers of the present day were led to\nthe opinion, evidently from the numbers, that the history of the three\npatriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, was less strictly historical, but\nonly brought before the reader, as it were, three representations of long\nepochs of about a century each[369]. It was likewise necessary to regard\nthe register of generations in the time of the Judges as defective,\nand extremely shortened, because in no other manner could they fill up\nthe long period of 480 years. In order to make this abbreviation more\nprobable, the genealogy of _Haman_ was referred to as the only one which\nwas preserved perfect[370], while we, on the contrary, consider it a\ndouble one.\n\nNow according to our view of the subject, this apparently so well-founded\ndoubt of the real continuity of the events, and of the historical\ncharacter of the contents, in as far as they depend upon the chronology,\nentirely disappears, and I see no longer any reason to consider the\naccounts of the great personality of Abraham, of the non-prominent\nactivity of Isaac, the opulent life of Jacob, and the remarkable fate\nof Joseph, chiefly as typical, and as it were only slightly connected\nwith the historical reality[371]. For although we must still make a\nconsiderable difference between the character of the history of Israel\nbefore and after the building of the temple, yet it cannot be denied that\nthe agreement we have pointed out between the true chronological thread,\nas it is represented to us by the genealogies, and the Egyptian history,\nas well as the confirmation of so many notices respecting Egypt, from the\ntime of Moses and Joseph, establish a far greater _historical_ character\nfor the Hebrew accounts, as far back as Abraham, than would have ever\nbeen allowed them by a strict criticism, had we been obliged to ascribe\nto the old authorities themselves the numbers which were inserted at a\nlater period.\n\n[After some notice concerning the times before Abraham, the author\nconcludes this section as follows:]\n\nIf, however, our entire view of the Old Testament chronology, regarding\nit as founded upon accurately preserved dates, only so far back as the\nseparation of the kingdom, but nevertheless attached from that epoch up\nto the time of Abraham to an evidently authentic thread of historically\nreliable genealogies, offering, however, before the Egyptian period,\nonly cyclical instead of historical numbers and genealogies, and mainly\nconfined to Babylonian sources and traditions\u2014if, I say, this general\nview of the character of the chronological data which leaves untouched\nthe significance of their contents, should, on theological grounds,\narouse scruples in the mind of any one, I would refer him to the\nintroduction which Bunsen has prefixed to the third section of his first\nbook on Egypt, as full of talent as of meaning, and from which I would\nmore especially extract the following passages[372].\n\n\u201cWhoever adopts as a principle that chronology is a matter of revelation,\nis precluded from giving effect to any doubt that may cross his path, as\ninvolving a virtual abandonment of his faith in revelation. He must be\nprepared, not only to deny the existence of contradictory statements,\nbut to fill up chasms; however irreconcileable the former may appear by\nany aid of philology and history, however unfathomable the latter. He\nwho, on the other hand, neither believes in an historical tradition as to\nthe eternal existence of man, nor admits an historical and chronological\nelement in revelation, will either contemptuously dismiss the inquiry,\nor, by prematurely rejecting its more difficult elements, fail to\ndiscover those threads of the research which lie beneath the unsightly\nand time-worn surface, and which yet may prove the thread of Ariadne.\n\n\u201cThe assumption that it entered into the scheme of Divine Providence\neither to preserve for us a chronology of the Jews and their forefathers\nby real tradition, or to provide the later commentators with magic\npowers, in respect to the most exoteric element of history, may seem\nindispensable to some, and absurd to others. Historical inquiry has\nnothing whatever to do with such idle, preposterous, and often fallacious\nassumptions. Its business is to see whether anything\u2014and if so, what\u2014has\nbeen transmitted to us. If it fulfil this duty in a spirit of reverence\nas well as of liberty, sooner or later it will obtain the prize, which,\nif the history of the last 2000 years prove anything at all, Providence\nhas refused to both the other systems.\u201d\n\n[After the two first sections of _The Criticism upon the Authorities_,\nof which the first, upon Herodotus and Diodorus, has been omitted in\nthis translation, while the second, upon the Hebrew tradition, has been\nstrongly dwelt upon, the author proceeds to the third and last section,\nwhich treats of the historical works of Manetho and the authorities\nwhich refer to him. Now, although this section contains the really\ncritical restoration of the Manethonic chronology, considered by the\nauthor as the only one to be relied on in its general features, it has\nnot been considered compatible with the object of the present work to\ncommunicate at full length this difficult research, which was only\nwritten for the profound investigator. We think it sufficient to give the\ntwo passages in which the whole extent of the Manethonic history, down\nto the second Persian conquest, according to a statement obtained from\nManetho himself, is said to amount to 3555 years, and the connection is\npointed out between this time, considered as strictly historical, and the\ncyclically discovered History of the Gods.]\n\nThe number 3555 is, however, alone essential and important, and, in\nspite of all the uncertainties and revisings of the text, there cannot\nbe the slightest doubt about it. It led undoubtedly to the termination\nof the reign of Nectanebus II. If we can, therefore, determine this end\nin other more certain ways, we need no longer trouble ourselves about\nthe calculation of Syncellus; since this, as every one allows, is, at\nall events, incorrect. But it cannot be doubted that Manetho knew, and\ncorrectly stated, the true year of the conquest of Egypt by Ochus, which\nvery likely happened during his lifetime.\n\nThe calculation of this concluding year has, however, been so fully and\nconvincingly proved by B\u00f6ckh (p. 125-133), that I consider it would be\nsuperfluous to return to it again. I assume with him that _the year 340_\nB.C. is perfectly ascertained to be _the concluding year of the Egyptian\ndominion_. Calculating back from this stated terminating point 3555\nEgyptian or 3553 Julian years, we come to the _year 3893 before Christ,\nas the first of Menes_. We consider this to be established as perfectly\nhistorical, in as far as the Manethonic relation founded upon the annals\nof the kingdom may generally be regarded as historically correct.\n\nBut long before the cyclical system of the government of the gods could\nbe founded upon the Sothis periods, which were established in the course\nof history, MENES had already been admitted into the Egyptian annals, and\nwas maintained to be the fixed chronological commencement of Egyptian\nhistory, especially of the history of Lower Egypt. His epoch could be\nno more altered. What happened before his time was ante-historical, and\nmight be adjusted to the cyclical necessities of mythology. The only\nhistorical fact was, that other kings had reigned before Menes, and\nindeed in THIS. In order to distinguish them from the later kings as\nbeing ante-historical, a designation was selected, which we are not yet\nacquainted with in hieroglyphics, but which was translated in Greek by\n\u039d\u03ad\u03ba\u03c5\u03b5\u03c2, _the deceased_; here also undoubtedly establishing the idea that\nthey were deceased MEN.\n\nWe may, however, certainly regard it as the most welcome confirmation\nof the whole of our restoration of the Manethonic chronology, that\nthis ante-historical Dynasty of man of the ten Thinitic kings, the\ninvention of whom could have no other aim than the extension of the\nhistory of man to the commencement of the current Sothis period, most\naccurately indeed fulfils the purpose that was designed. For while we\nadd to the first of the 3555 Manethonic years, namely, to the year 3893\n(3892) B.C. (Julian), the first of the reign of Menes, the 350 civil\nyears of the Thinitic \u039d\u03ad\u03ba\u03c5\u03b5\u03c2, the year 4242 is the result, _which was,\nin reality, the necessarily expected commencement year of the current\nSothis period_. This immediately explains why the number 350, although it\nwas ante-historical, and was therefore invented, is still in itself no\ncyclical number, and is in no way related to the Sothis period. It could\njust as little be a Sothic number as the number 3555, which it completed.\nBut, on the contrary, it thence proves both the truthfulness as well as\nthe historical character of the important and genuine Manethonic number\n3555, and further proves that the establishment of the first historical\nyear, or the Menes epoch, which is directly given by the number 3555\nyears, cannot first proceed from Manetho, but must be at least as old as\nthe invention of the cyclical system of Egyptian mythology inseparably\nunited with it, which no one will or can ascribe first to Manetho,\nbecause we have pointed out the same numbers belonging to the gods before\nhis time. But the establishment of the discovered Menes year must indeed\nbe still older than the formation of the whole cyclical system, since\nthis is first appended to that number, and presupposes it; that is to\nsay, _the Menes epoch designated by Manetho was one which had been given\nfrom the beginning, and was handed down historically_, and was combined\nin the following manner, with the cyclical system of the history of the\ngods.\n\n  PERIOD OF THE GODS.\n\n  _Gods_                                   13,870 years.\n  _Demi-gods_                               3,650   \u201d\n                                           ------\n                                           17,520   \u201d = 12 Sothis periods.\n\n  PERIOD OF MAN.\n\n  _Ante-Historical Dynasty_                   350 years.\n  _30 Historical Dynasties_                  3555   \u201d\n  _Foreign dominion to the time of Antoninus_ 478   \u201d\n                                             ----\n                                             4383   \u201d =  3 Sothis periods.\n\nThus the history of the thirty Manethonic Dynasties, which began with\nMenes and comprised 3555 Egyptian years, was between two Sothis periods,\nwithout coming in contact with them, an evident proof that they were not\nformed with reference to the Sothis periods.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nIn order to take a general survey, we shall now repeat, in a few words,\nthe result of our investigations.\n\nManetho apparently added himself to his detailed history, which was\ncomprised in three Books, a _Review of the Dynasties_, in a continued\nseries, in the style of the old Egyptian annals. These were more often\ntranscribed than the work itself, which seems, indeed, to have been\nless widely distributed, owing to this convenient compendium. Separate\nnarratives, however, from the work itself have been adopted by later\nauthors, and were thereby preserved to us, although not without some\nalterations, after the complete work itself was lost, which must have\nhappened at an early period, perhaps when the Alexandrian library was\ndestroyed.\n\nIt was at least unknown to Josephus in the first century of our\nera; but the more copious, and certainly chiefly _literal extracts_\ncommunicated by him, he has borrowed from other works. Along with these,\nhe either himself combined, or found combined, _another partial list_\nof kings, which only included the names from Amosis down to Menephthes\n(Amenophis), and which was drawn up specially and solely for the learned\npurposes of the Jews, at all events before the time of Josephus.\n\nTheophilus, Bishop of Antioch, in the second century, communicated the\nsame list with slight deviations, and probably not from the writings of\nJosephus.\n\nThe complete Dynastic lists of the Manethonic work, which by a different\nmethod have also themselves been preserved, seem to have been unknown to\nboth. These were first preserved to us by Africanus in the third century.\nThey had undoubtedly before this time passed through several hands, and\nassumed forms partly deviating from one another. The partial Jewish list\nwhich we find in Josephus and Theophilus, was already adopted, in the\ntime of Africanus (though hardly by himself), in the same series with the\nothers, as one peculiarly authenticated, and apparently complete; because\nit contained no subdivision in itself, it was regarded as one single\nDynasty, the 18th, although it really corresponded with the 17th and 18th\nand half of the 19th Dynasty taken together. Thence arose the confusion\nwhich now exists here.\n\nThe necessity for an agreement between the Christian-Jewish and the\nEgyptian computation of time produced, towards the end of the third, or\nthe beginning of the fourth century, two spurious writings; first, the\n_Old Chronicle_, which retained the Egyptian cyclical point of view,\nthat, namely, of the history of the gods, and even extended it, yet in\nsuch a manner that the means of reduction was suggested, by which these\nlarge numbers might be compressed into the period assumed as that given\nby Moses for the time since Adam. With the same end in view the first 15\nDynasties of man were transformed into 15 Generations.\n\nThe second spurious work, the SOTHIS, professed to be Manethonic; and\ncould do this more easily, because a long time had elapsed since the\ngenuine history had been lost. This writing proceeded still further\nupon the same road as the Old Chronicle. By means of alterations and\nabbreviations it reduced the Egyptian numbers to certain epochs, which\nwere considered as Biblical, and on the other hand partly abandoned the\nCyclical basis.\n\nEusebius, who wrote in the fourth century, was deceived by both these\nwritings, and endeavoured to make their statements agree with the genuine\nManethonic Dynastic lists. He had these lists before him in a form which\nwas rather different from, and at all events more negligently drawn up,\nthan that of Africanus. He followed it for the Old Monarchy, which was\nalmost entirely omitted in the two spurious writings. In the New Monarchy\nhe adopted principally the Dynastic numbers of the Old Chronicle. In\nother points he followed the Sothis. His numbers of the gods, like those\nof the spurious writings, are upon the whole founded on the genuine\nManethonic numbers, which he nevertheless combined in a mistaken manner.\n\nIn the commencement of the fifth century the speculative chronologists,\nANIANOS and PANODORUS, laboured with subtle ingenuity at Egyptian\nchronology, but necessarily entirely failed in discovering the truth,\nbecause they considered the two spurious writings as the true basis. They\nendeavoured by ingenious arithmetical calculations to bring the numbers\nof the Old Chronicle and of the Sothis to agree more exactly with their\nacceptations of the Biblical chronology, than it had been the intention\nof these writings themselves.\n\nLastly, in the eighth century, GEORGIUS SYNCELLUS delivered his compiled,\nbut on that very account for us most important work, by which we first\nbecame acquainted with almost all the earlier authorities. Through him\nalone we possess especially the most valuable basis for our Manethonic\nchronology, the Dynastic lists of Africanus. He himself decided\nnevertheless likewise in favour of the two spurious writings, and indeed\nas they were worked out by Panodorus; upon this last he founded his own\nsystem, which therefore is only so far of value to us as we thereby\nbecome acquainted with his authorities.\n\n\n\n\nTABLES OF EGYPTIAN DYNASTIES, COMPILED FOR THIS TRANSLATION.\n\n\nAs many of the readers of this work may not be acquainted with the\nseveral Dynasties which successively reigned over Egypt, and the\napproximate dates which have been assigned to them, the following Tables\nhave been compiled for their convenience, on the authority of the\nChevalier Bunsen[373] and Dr. Richard Lepsius[374], and of Kenrick\u2019s\n\u201cEgypt under the Pharaohs.\u201d\n\nManetho, High Priest of the Temple of Isis at Sebennytus, in Lower Egypt,\nin the reign of the first Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, surnamed Soter,\n322 to 284 B.C., a man of the highest reputation for wisdom, and versed\nin Greek as well as in Egyptian lore, published various works for the\npurpose of informing the Greeks. Although his history is lost, we have\nthe Dynasties tolerably entire. His excellence as an historian is placed\nin the clearest light by the monuments which are now made accessible\nto us; and the notices concerning him transmitted by Greek and Latin\nauthors, are in no respect contradictory. The writers by whom the works\nof Manetho have been preserved to us, are:\n\n  Julius Africanus, Bishop of Emm\u00e6us, or Nicopolis, in Jud\u00e6a, a man\n  of learning, research, and probity, who wrote in the beginning of\n  the third century, A.C.;\n\n  Eusebius, Bishop of Cesarea, in Palestine, about a hundred years\n  later than Africanus; and\n\n  Syncellus, a Byzantine monk, of the beginning of the ninth\n  century.\n\nThe lists of Manetho comprise 30 Dynasties. Egyptian history is divided\ninto three periods\u2014the Old Monarchy, which comprised 13 Dynasties; the\nMiddle Monarchy, which included the 14th and 17th Dynasties; and the New\nMonarchy, which, commencing with the 18th, ended with Nectanebus, the\nlast of the Pharaohs, 339 years before Christ.\n\n  \u201cThe result of our chronological investigations (Bunsen and\n  Lepsius) has been, to carry us up to the foundation of an empire\n  in Egypt, and to a series of kings whose names have not only been\n  registered and transmitted to us by the Egyptians themselves, but\n  which are now legible on Egyptian monuments, most of them erected\n  in the lifetime of the kings whose names they record.\u201d\u2014BUNSEN.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+----------------+\n  |DYNASTY.     |                |                      |   Approximate  |\n  |  ORIGIN.    |    Names of    |                      | Dates B.C. of  |\n  |             |    the Kings   |    Names of          |    beginning   |\n  |             |  in the Lists  | the same Kings       |   of Dynasty.  |\n  |             |   of Manetho,  |   in other           +-------+--------+\n  |             |      or of     |    Authors.          |Bunsen.|Lepsius.|\n  |             |  Eratosthenes. |                      |       | [375]  |\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |I.           |Menes           |Menaios, _Herodotus_  | 3643  |  3893  |\n  | THINITE.    |Athothis        |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Kenkenes        |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Menephis        |Mnevis, _Pliny_       |       |        |\n  |             |Semempses      {|Ismandes,             |       |        |\n  |             |               {| _Strabo_             |       |        |\n  |             |               {|Osymandyas,           |       |        |\n  |             |               {|  _Diodorus_          |       |        |\n\n  REMARKABLE EVENTS.\n\n    MENES, born at Abydos, or This, in Upper Egypt. Several States existed\n      in the Thebaid and Delta before his time, and he united them in one\n      Monarchy. He founded Memphis.\n\n    Under Semempses, the building of the Pyramid at the Labyrinth in the\n      Fayoum, the oldest existing in Egypt.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |II.          |Boethos         |                      |       |        |\n  | THINITE.    |Kaiechos        |Choos-Kechoos         |       |        |\n  |             |Binothris       |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Tlas            |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Sethenes        |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Chaires         |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Nephercheres    |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Sesochris       |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Cheneres        |                      |       |        |\n\n    Under Kaiechos, the introduction of the worship of the Bull,\u2014APIS at\n      Memphis, and MNEVIS at Heliopolis, and of the Mendesian Goat.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |III.         |Sesorcheres     |                      | 3453  |  3640  |\n  | MEMPHITE.   |Toichares       |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Sesortosis      |\u00c6gyptus, _Diodorus_   |       |        |\n  |             |Mares           |Sasychis, _Herodotus_ |       |        |\n  |             |An-Soyphis      |                      |       |        |\n\n    Under Sesortosis the introduction of building with hewn stones; also\n      improvements in the art of writing.\n\n    Building of the Pyramids of Dashour.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |IV.          |Saophis        {|Cheops, _Herodotus_   | 3229  |  3426  |\n  | MEMPHITE.   |               {|Chufu                 |       |        |\n  |             |Saophis II.   { |Chephren              |       |        |\n  |             |              { |Schafra               |       |        |\n  |             |Mencheres      {|Menkera               |       |        |\n  |             |Mencheres II.  {|Mykerinus             |       |        |\n  |             |Pamm\u00eas          |                      |       |        |\n\n    Builder of the Great Pyramid of Gizeh.\n\n    Builds the second Pyramid.\n\n    Builds the third Pyramid.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |V.           |Usercheris      |                      |       |c. 3150 |\n  | ELEPHANTINE.|Snephres        |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Nephercheres    |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Sisires         |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Cheres          |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Rathures        |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Mencheres       |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Tancheres       |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Onnos           |Unas                  |       |        |\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |VI.          |Othoes          |                      | 3074  |        |\n  | MEMPHITE.   |Phios           |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Methusuphis     |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Phiops          |Apappus, _Eratos._,   |       |        |\n  |             |Menthesuphis    |  the M\u0153ris of the    |       |        |\n  |             |Nitokris (a     |  Greeks and Romans   |       |        |\n  |             | queen), widow  |                      |       |        |\n  |             | of Phiops,     |                      |       |        |\n  |             | resigned after |                      |       |        |\n  |             | the death      |                      |       |        |\n  |             | of her son     |                      |       |        |\n  |             | Menthesuphis   |                      |       |        |\n\n    Phiops (M\u0153ris) formed out of the desert, the fertile district of the\n      Fayoum.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |VII. to XI.  |} Manetho does not give the names of   | 2967  |c. 2960 |\n  |             |} the Kings of these Dynasties; none   |       |        |\n  |             |} between Nitokris and Amenemes.       |       |        |\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XII. & XIII. |{ Amenemhe I.   |                      | 2801  |c. 2330 |\n  | THEBAN.     |{ Sesortesen I. |Osirtasen             | 2654  |c. 2120 |\n  |             |  Amenemhe II.  |                      |       |        |\n  |             |  Sesortesen II.|The Great Sesostris   |       |        |\n  |             |                |  of the Greeks       |       |        |\n  |             |  Amenemhe III. |Mares Amenemes        |       |        |\n  |             |                |  Memnon of the Greeks|       |        |\n\n    Sesortesen I. conquers Ethiopia; erects the Obelisk of Heliopolis.\n      Amenemhe III., the builder of the Labyrinth in the Fayoum.\n      Foundation of Thebes by Sesortesen I.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XIV.         |}                                      |       |        |\n  |XV.          |}                                      |       |        |\n  |XVI.         |} The Hyksos, or Shepherd Kings.       |       |        |\n  |XVII.        |}                                      |       |        |\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XVIII.       |Amos            |Aahmes                | 1638  |        |\n  | THEBAN.     |                |Amasis                |       |        |\n  |             |Amenophis I.    |Amenatep              |       |        |\n  |             |Tuthmosis I.    |Tuthmes               |       |        |\n  |             |    \u201d     II.   |   \u201d                  |       |        |\n  |             |    \u201d     III.  |   \u201d                  |       |        |\n  |             |Amenophis II.   |Amenatep              |       |        |\n  |             |Tuthmosis IV.   |Tuthmes               |       |        |\n  |             |Amenophis III.  |Amenatep              |       |        |\n  |             |Horus           |Her                   |       |        |\n\n    Under Tuthmosis III. the temple on the eastern side of Thebes was\n      built\u2014Drove the Hyksos from the frontier\u2014The Israelites sorely\n      oppressed.\n\n    Erection of the obelisks at Alexandria by Tuthmosis III.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XIX.         |Ramesses        |Ramses                | 1409  |c. 1440 |\n  | THEBAN.     |Seth\u00f4s I.       |Seti                  |       |        |\n  |             |Ramesses II.    |Sesostris             |       |        |\n  |             |  Miamun        |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Menophthah      |Menophres             | 1322  |        |\n  |             |Seth\u00f4s II.      |Seti                  |       |        |\n\n    Ramesses II. built many of the chief monuments now existing. Formed\n      the Cave Temples at Abu-Simbel.\n\n    His monument, the Colossus at Mitrahenny, on the site of Memphis.\n\n    Great extension of Thebes under Seth\u00f4s I.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XX.          |Merr-Ra         |Phuoro, Nilus         | 1297  |c. 1270 |\n  | THEBAN.     |Ramses III.     |                      |       |        |\n  |             |   \u201d   IV.      |                      |       |        |\n  |             |   \u201d   V.       |                      |       |        |\n  |             |   \u201d   VI.      |                      |       |        |\n  |             |   \u201d   VII.     |                      |       |        |\n  |             |   \u201d   VIII.    |                      |       |        |\n  |             |   \u201d   IX.      |                      |       |        |\n  |             |   \u201d   X.       |                      |       |        |\n  |             |   \u201d   XI.      |                      |       |        |\n  |             |   \u201d   XII.     |                      |       |        |\n  |             |   \u201d   XIII.    |                      |       |        |\n\n    Ramses III. leads great armies into Asia, and is a conqueror nearly\n     equal in renown to Seth\u00f4s I. and his son Ramesses II. Built the\n     Temples of Med\u00eenet-H\u00e2bu.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XXI.         |Smendes         |Smen-Titi             | 1112  |        |\n  | TANITE.     |Phusemes        |Pi-Scham              |       |        |\n  |             |Nephercheres    |Nefru-ke-ra           |       |        |\n  |             |Menophthes      |Menephthah            |       |        |\n  |             |Osochor         |Peher-Se-Amen         |       |        |\n  |             |Phinaches       |Pianch                |       |        |\n  |             |Phusemes        |Pi-Scham-Miamn II.    |       |        |\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XXII.        |Sheshonk I.     |Sesonchis             |  982  |        |\n  | BUBASTITE.  |Osorkon I.      |Usuken, Userken,      |       |        |\n  |             |                |  Oserkan             |       |        |\n  |             |Peher           |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Osorkon II.     |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Sheshonk II.    |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Takelet I.      |Takiloth              |       |        |\n  |             |Osorkon III.    |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Sheshonk III.   |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Takelet II.     |                      |       |        |\n\n    Sheshonk I. takes Jerusalem about 970, and  many cities in Jud\u00e6a. He\n      is the Schischak of the Bible.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XXIII.       |Petubastes      |Pet-subast, Pet-Pacht |  832  |        |\n  | TANITE.     |Osorcho         |Oserkna, Userken      |       |        |\n  |             |Osorcho         |P-Si-Mut              |       |        |\n  |             |Zet, Seth\u00f4s     |                      |       |        |\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XXIV.        |Bocchoris       |                      |  743  |        |\n  | SAITE.      |                |                      |       |        |\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XXV.         |Sevech I.       |Shabak, Sabako        |  737  |        |\n  | ETHIOPIAN.  |Sevech II.      |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Tirhaka         |Tahraka, Taheika      |       |        |\n\n    Schabak and Tahraka are the So and Tirhakah of the Bible.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XXVI.        |Stephinales     |                      |  687  | c. 680 |\n  | SAITE.      |Nechepsos       |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Necho I.        |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Psammetik I.    |Psammetichus          |       |        |\n  |             |Necho II.       |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Psammetik II.   |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Psammetik III.  |                      |       |        |\n\n    Arches in the tombs near the Pyramids of Gizeh.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XXVII.       |Cambyses        |                      |  525  |   525  |\n  | PERSIAN.    |Darius I.       |                      |       |        |\n  |             |  Hystaspes     |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Xerxes I.       |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Artabanos       |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Artaxerxes      |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Xerxes II.      |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Sogdianos       |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Darius II.      |                      |       |        |\n  |             |  Nothus        |                      |       |        |\n\n    Conquest of Egypt by Cambyses.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XXVIII.      |Amyrteos        |                      |  414  |        |\n  | SAITE.      |                |                      |       |        |\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XXIX.        |Nepherites      |                      |  408  |   399  |\n  | MENDESIAN.  |Achoris         |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Psammuthis      |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Nephorites      |                      |       |        |\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  |XXX.         |Nectanebus I.   |                      |  387  |   378  |\n  | SEBENNYTIC. |Teos            |                      |       |        |\n  |             |Nectanebus II., |                      |       |        |\n  |             |  last of the   |                      |       |        |\n  |             |  Pharaohs      |                      |       |        |\n\n    Nectanebus I. builds a temple at Phil\u00e6.\n\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n  | PERSIAN.    |Alexander       |Ochus                 |  340  |   340  |\n  |             |  conquers      |Arses                 |  338  |   338  |\n  |             |  Egypt         |Darius                |  336  |   336  |\n  |             |                |                      |  332  |   332  |\n  +-------------+----------------+----------------------+-------+--------+\n\n  +---------------------------------------+----------+\n  |         AGE OF THE PTOLEMIES.         | Lepsius. |\n  +---------------------------------------+----------+\n  |    I. Ptolemy Lagus, Soter I.         |   305    |\n  |   II.    \u201d    Philadelphus            |   285    |\n  |  III.    \u201d    Euergetes I.            |   247    |\n  |   IV.    \u201d    Philopator I.           |   222    |\n  |    V.    \u201d    Epiphanes               |   205    |\n  |   VI.    \u201d    Eupator                 |   181    |\n  |  VII.    \u201d    Philometor              |   181    |\n  | VIII.    \u201d    Philopator II.          |   146    |\n  |   IX.    \u201d    Euergetes               |   146    |\n  |    X.    \u201d    Soter II.               |   117    |\n  |   XI.    \u201d    Alexander I.            |   107    |\n  |  XII.    \u201d    Alexander II.           |    81    |\n  | XIII.    \u201d    Neos Dionysos           |    81    |\n  |       Cleopatra VI. Philopator.       |          |\n  |               With Ptolemy XIV.       |    52    |\n  |               With    \u201d    XV.        |    48    |\n  |               With    \u201d    XVI. C\u00e6sar |    45    |\n  |               With Mark Antony        |    37    |\n  |       Egypt a Roman province          |    30    |\n  +---------------------------------------+----------+\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX.\n\n(A, p. 239.)\n\n  _Observations on the Discovery, by_ Professor LEPSIUS, _of\n  Sculptured Marks on Rocks in the Nile Valley in Nubia; indicating\n  that, within the historical period, the river had flowed at a\n  higher level than has been known in Modern Times._ By LEONARD\n  HORNER, Esq., F.R.S.S. L. & E., F.G.S., &c. (_This paper is here\n  reprinted[376] at the request of_ Professor LEPSIUS.)\n\n\nThe recent archaiological researches of Professor Lepsius in Egypt,\nand the Valley of the Nile, in Nubia, have given a deserved celebrity\nand authority to his name, among all who take an interest in the early\nhistory of that remarkable portion of the Old World. While examining\nthe ruins of a fortress, and of two temples of high antiquity at Semne,\nin Nubia, he discovered marks cut in the solid rocks, and in the\nfoundation-stones of the fortress, indicating that, at a very remote\nperiod in the annals of the country, the Nile must have flowed at a level\nconsiderably above the highest point which it has ever reached during\nthe greatest inundations in modern times. This remarkable fact would\npossess much geological interest with respect to any great river, but it\ndoes so especially in the case of the Nile. Its annual inundations, and\nthe uniformity in the periods of its rise and fall, have been recorded\nwith considerable accuracy for many centuries; the solid matter held in\nsuspension in its waters, slowly deposited on the land overflowed, has\nbeen productive of changes in the configuration of the country, not only\nin times long antecedent to history, but throughout all history, down to\nthe present day. Of no other river on the earth\u2019s surface do we possess\nsuch or similar records; and, moreover, the Nile, and the changes it has\nproduced on the physical character of Egypt, are intimately associated\nwith the earliest records and traditions of the human race. Everything,\ntherefore, relating to the physical history of the Nile Valley must\nalways be an object of interest; but the discovery of Professor Lepsius\nis one peculiarly deserving the attention of the geologist; for he does\nnot merely record the facts of the markings of the former high level of\nthe river, but he infers from these marks that since the reign of M\u0153ris,\nabout 2200 years before our era, the entire bed of the Nile, in Lower\nNubia, must have been excavated to a depth of about 27 feet; and he\nfurther speculates as to the process by which he believes the excavation\nto have been effected.\n\nIt will be convenient, before entering upon the observations I have to\noffer upon the cause assigned by Professor Lepsius for the former higher\nlevels of the Nile indicated by these marks, that I should give the\ndescription of the discovery itself, by translating Dr. Lepsius\u2019s own\naccount of it, in letters which he addressed to his friends, Professors\nEhrenberg and B\u00f6ckh of Berlin, from the island of Phil\u00e6, in September,\n1844[377].\n\n  \u201cYou may probably remember, when travelling to Dongola on the\n  Lybian side of the Nile, and in passing through the district\n  of Batn el hag\u00e9r, that one of the most considerable of the\n  cataracts of the country occurs near Semne, a very old fortress,\n  with a handsome temple, built of sandstone, in a good state of\n  preservation; the track of the caravan passing close to it,\n  partly over the 4000-year-old artificial road. The track on the\n  eastern bank of the river is higher up, being carried through the\n  hills; and you must turn off from it at this point in order to\n  see the cataract. This Nile-pass, the narrowest with which I am\n  acquainted, according to the measurement of Hr. Erbkam, is 380\n  metres (1247 English feet) broad[378]; and both in itself, and\n  on account of the monuments existing there, is one of the most\n  interesting localities in the country, and we passed twelve days\n  in its examination.\n\n  \u201cThe river is here confined between steep rocky cliffs on both\n  sides, whose summits are occupied by two fortresses of the most\n  ancient and most massive construction, distinguishable at once\n  from the numerous other forts, which, in the time of the Nubian\n  power in this land of cliffs, were erected on most of the larger\n  islands, and on the hills commanding the river. The cataract\n  (or rapid) derives its name of Semne from that of the higher of\n  the two fortresses on the western bank; that on the opposite\n  bank, as well as a poor village lying somewhat south of it, is\n  called Kumme. In both fortresses the highest and best position is\n  occupied by a temple, built of huge blocks of sandstone, of two\n  kinds, which must have been brought from a great distance through\n  the rapids; for, southward, no sandstone is found nearer than\n  Gebel Abir, in the neighbourhood of Amara and the island of Sai\n  (between 80 and 90 English miles), and northward, there is none\n  nearer than the great division of the district at Wadi Halfa (30\n  miles distant).\n\n  \u201cBoth temples were built in the time of Tutmosis III., a king\n  of the 18th dynasty, about 1600 years before Christ; but the\n  fortresses in which they stand are of a more ancient date. The\n  foundations of these are granite blocks of Cyclopian dimensions,\n  resting on the rock, and scarcely inferior to the rock itself\n  in durability. They were erected by the first conqueror of the\n  country, King Sesurtesen III., of the 12th Dynasty, in order\n  to command the river, so easily done in so narrow a gorge. The\n  immediate successor of this king was Amenemha III., the M\u0153ris of\n  the Greeks: he who accomplished the gigantic work of forming the\n  artificial lake of M\u0153ris, in the Fayoum, and from whose time\u2014the\n  most flourishing of the whole of the old Egyptian kingdom\u2014the\n  risings of the Nile in successive years, doubtless by means of\n  regular markings, as indeed Diodorus tells, remained so well\n  known, that, according to Herodotus, they were recorded in\n  distinct numbers from the time of M\u0153ris. It appears that this\n  provident king, occupied with great schemes for the welfare of\n  his country, considered it of great importance that the rising\n  of the Nile on the most southern border of his kingdom should be\n  observed, and the results forthwith communicated widely in other\n  parts of the land, to prepare the people for the inundations. The\n  gorge at Semne offered greater advantages for this object than\n  any other point; because the river was there securely confined\n  by precipitous rocky cliffs on each side. With the same view\n  he had doubtless caused Nilometers to be fixed at Assuan and\n  other suitable places; for without a comparison with these, the\n  observations at Semne could be of little use.\n\n  \u201cThe highest rise of the Nile in each year at Semne, was\n  registered by a mark, indicating the year of the king\u2019s reign,\n  cut in the granite, either on one of the blocks forming the\n  foundation of the fortress, or on the cliff, and particularly\n  on the east or right bank, as best adapted for the purpose. Of\n  these markings eighteen still remain, thirteen of them having\n  been made in the reign of M\u0153ris, and five in the time of his two\n  next successors. These last kings discontinued the observations;\n  for, in the mean time, the irruption of the Asiatic pastoral\n  tribes into Lower Egypt took place, and well-nigh brought the\n  whole kingdom to ruin. The record is almost always in the same\n  terms, short and simple: _Ra en Hapi en renpe_ ... mouth or gate\n  of the Nile in the year.... And then follows the year of the\n  reign, and the name of the king. It is written in a horizontal\n  row of hieroglyphics, included within two lines\u2014the upper line\n  indicating the particular height of the water, as is often\n  specially stated\u2014\n\n  [Illustration: \ud80c\udc8b\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udfe4\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\ude16\ud80c\udf9b\ud80c\udc9d\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udeaa\ud80c\ude18\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\ude16\ud80c\uddb3\ud80c\udfcf\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\uddf3\ud80c\udf86\ud80d\udc31\ud80c\udf86\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udffd...]\n\n  \u201cThe earliest date preserved is that of the sixth year of the\n  king\u2019s reign, and he reigned 42 years and some months. The next\n  following dates are, the years 9, 14, 15, 20, 22, 23, 24, 30, 32,\n  37, 40, 41, and 43; and include, therefore, under this king, a\n  period of 37 years. Of the remaining dates, that only of the 4th\n  year of his two successors is available; all the others, which\n  are on the west or left bank of the river, have been moved from\n  their original place by the rapid floods which have overthrown\n  and carried forward vast masses of rock. One single mark only,\n  that of the 9th year of Amenemha, has been preserved in its\n  original place on one of the building stones, but somewhat below\n  the principal rapid.\n\n  \u201cWe have now to consider the relation which these\u2014the most\n  ancient of all existing marks of the risings of the Nile\u2014bear to\n  the levels of the river in our own time. We have here presented\n  to us the remarkable facts, that the highest of the records now\n  legible, viz., that of the 30th year of the reign of Amenemha,\n  according to exact measurements which I made, is 8\u00b717 metres (26\n  feet 8 inches) higher than the highest level to which the Nile\n  rises in years of the greatest floods; and further, that the\n  lowest mark, which is on the east bank, and indicated the 15th\n  year of the same king, is still 4\u00b714 metres (13 feet 6\u00bd inches):\n  and the single mark on the west bank, indicating the 9th year, is\n  2\u00b777 metres (9 feet) above the same highest level.\n\n  \u201cThe mean rise of the river, recorded by the marks on the east\n  bank, during the reign of M\u0153ris, is 19\u00b714 metres (62 feet 6\n  inches) above the lowest level of the water in the present day,\n  which, according to the statements of the most experienced\n  boatmen, does not change from year to year, and therefore\n  represents the actual level of the Nile, independently of its\n  increase by the falls of rain, in the mountains in which its\n  sources are situated. The mean rise above the lowest level,\n  at the present time, is 11\u00b784 metres (38 feet 8 inches); and,\n  therefore, in the time of M\u0153ris, or about 2200 years before\n  Christ, the mean height of the river, at the cataract or rapid of\n  Semne, during the inundation, was 7\u00b730 metres (23 feet 10 inches)\n  above the mean level in the present day.\u201d\n\nSuch are the facts recorded by Dr. Lepsius; and then follow, in the same\nletter, his views as to the cause of the remarkable lowering of the level\nof the river.\n\n  \u201cThere is certainly no reason for believing,\u201d he says, \u201cthat\n  there has been any diminution in the general volume of water\n  coming from the south. The great change in the level can,\n  therefore, only be accounted for by some changes in the land,\n  and these must also have altered the whole nature of the Nile\n  Valley. There seems to be but one cause for the very considerable\n  lowering of the Nile; namely, the washing out and excavations of\n  the catacombs (_Auswaschen und Aush\u00f6len der Katakomben_[379]);\n  and this is quite possible from the nature of the rocks\n  themselves, which, it is true, are of a quality that could not\n  well be rent asunder, and carried away by the mere force of the\n  water, but might be acted upon directly by the rising of the\n  water-level, and the consequent effects of the sun and air on\n  the places left dry, causing cracks, into which earth and sand\n  would penetrate, which would then give rise to still greater\n  rents, until, at last, the rocks would of themselves fall in, by\n  having been hollowed out, a process that would be hastened in\n  those parts of the hills where softer and earthy beds existed,\n  and which would be more easily washed away. But that, in\n  historical times, within a period of about 4000 years, so great\n  an alteration should take place in the hardest rocks, is a fact\n  of the most remarkable kind\u2014one which may afford ground for many\n  other important considerations.\n\n  \u201cThe elevation of the water-level at Semne must necessarily have\n  affected all the lands above; and, it is to be presumed, that\n  the level of the province of Dongola was at one time higher, as\n  Semne cannot be the only place in the long tract of cliffs where\n  the bed of rock has been hollowed out. It is to be conceived,\n  therefore, that not only the widely-extended tracts in Dongola,\n  but those of all the higher country in Mer\u00f6e, and as far up\n  as Fasogle, which, in the present day, are dry and barren on\n  both sides of the river, and are with difficulty irrigated\n  by artificial contrivances, must then have presented a very\n  different aspect, when the Nile overflowed them, and yearly\n  deposited its fertile mud to the limits of the sandy desert.\n\n  \u201cLower Nubia also, between Wadi Halfa and Assuan, is now arid\n  almost throughout its whole extent. The present land of the\n  valley, which is only partly irrigated by water-wheels, is, on\n  an average, from 6 to 12 feet higher than the level to which the\n  Nile now rises; and although the rise at Semne might have no\n  immediate influence upon it, yet what has occurred there makes\n  it more than probable that at Assuan there was formerly a very\n  different level of the river, and that the cataracts there, even\n  in the historical period, have been considerably worn down. The\n  continued impoverishment of Nubia is a proof of this. I have no\n  manner of doubt that the land in this lower part of the valley,\n  which, as already stated, is at present about 10 feet above the\n  highest rise of the Nile, was inundated by it within historical\n  time. Many marks are also met with here, that leave no doubt\n  regarding the condition of the Nile Valley antecedent to history,\n  when the river must have risen much higher; for it has left an\n  alluvial soil in almost all the considerable bays, at an average\n  height of 10 metres (32 feet 9 inches) above the present mean\n  rise of the river. That alluvial soil, since that period, has\n  doubtless been considerably diminished in extent by the action\n  of rain. On the 17th of August Hr. Erbkam and I measured the\n  nearest alluvial hillock in the neighbourhood of Korusko, and\n  found it 6\u00b791 metres (22 feet 7 inches) above the general level\n  of the valley, and 10\u00b726 metres (33 feet 7 inches) above the\n  present mean rise of the river. That rise, which at Semne, on\n  account of the greater confinement of the stream between the\n  rocks, varies as much as 2\u00b740 metres (7 feet 10 inches) in\n  different years, varies at Korusko less than 1 metre (3 feet 3\n  inches).\n\n  \u201cNear Abusimbel, on the west bank, I found the ground of\n  the temple 6\u00b750 metres (21 feet 2 inches) above the highest\n  water-level. This temple, it is well known, was built under\n  Rameses the Great, between 1388 and 1322 years before Christ.\n  Near Ibr\u00eem there are, on the east bank, four grottoes excavated\n  in the vertical rock that bounds the river, which belong partly\n  to the 18th and partly to the 19th Dynasties; the last, under\n  Rameses the Great, is also the lowest, and only 2\u00b750 metres (8\n  feet 1 inch) above the highest inundation; the next in height is\n  2\u00b770 metres (8 feet 9\u00bd inches) above the former, and was made 250\n  years earlier, under Tutmes III. Although I only measured the\n  present level of the valley near Korusko, nevertheless it appears\n  to me that, during the whole of the new kingdom, that is, from\n  about 1700 years before Christ to this time, the Nile has not\n  reached to the full height of the low land of the valley.\n\n  \u201cIt is, however, conceivable that, at the time when the present\n  low land of the Nubian Valley was formed, the cataracts at Assuan\n  were in a totally different state; one that would, in some\n  degree, justify the overcharged descriptions of the ancients,\n  according to whom they made so great a noise that the dwellers\n  near them became deaf. The damming up of the inundation at Assuan\n  could have no material influence on Egypt, any more than that at\n  Semne, or the land from thence to Assuan.\u201d\n\nIt appears, therefore, from the above statements, that at the time\nmentioned, the Nile, during the inundations, stood 26 feet 8 inches\nhigher than the highest level to which it now rises in years of the\ngreatest floods; and that, to account for this, Professor Lepsius\nconceives that, between the time of M\u0153ris and the present day, the bed of\nthe Nile, from a considerable distance above Semne to Assuan, must have\nbeen worn down to that extent. In the index to the volume of the Berlin\nMonatsbericht, in which the letters of Professor Lepsius are inserted,\nthere is the following line:\u2014\n\n  \u201cNIL, _senkung seines Bettes um 25 Fuss seit 4000 Jahren_.\u201d\n\n  \u201c_Nile_, sinking of its bed about 25 feet (Paris) within the last\n  4000 years.\u201d\n\nRivers are, undoubtedly, among the most active agents of change that are\noperating on the earth\u2019s surface; the solid matter which renders their\nwaters turbid, and which they unceasingly carry to the sea, afford\nindisputable proof of this agency. But the power of rivers to abrade and\nwear down the rocks over which they flow, and to form and deepen their\nown bed, depends upon a variety of circumstances not always taken into\naccount; and although the great extent of that power, in both respects,\nis shown in the case of many rivers, to conclude, as some have done,\nfrom these instances, that all rivers have excavated the channels in\nwhich they flow, is a generalisation that cannot be safely assented\nto. The excavation of the bed of a river is one of those problems in\ngeological dynamics which can only be rightly solved by each particular\ncase being subjected to the rigorous examination of the mathematician\nand the physicist. The solid matter which rivers carry forward is in\npart only the produce of their own abrading power; and the amount of it\nmust be proportional to that power, which is mainly dependent on their\nvelocity; they are the recipients of the waste of the adjoining lands by\nother combined agencies, and the carriers of it to the lower districts\nand to the sea. They often afford the strongest evidence of the vast\nlapse of time that must be included between the beginning and close of\na geological period; and, when they flow through countries whose remote\npolitical history is known to us, they supply a scale by which we may\nmeasure and estimate that lapse of time. This is especially so in the\ncase of the Nile.\n\nWhen so startling an hypothesis as that now referred to, viz., that the\nentire bed of so vast a river as the Nile, for more than 250 miles,\nfrom Semne to Assuan, has been excavated, within historical time, to a\ndepth of 27 feet, is made by a person whose name carries so much weight\nin one department of philosophical inquiry, the statement involves\nsuch important geological considerations, that it becomes the duty of\nthe geologist to examine, and thoroughly test, the soundness of the\nexplanation, in order that the authority of Professor Lepsius for the\naccuracy of the facts observed, may not be too readily admitted as\nconclusive for the correctness of his theory of the cause to which they\nowe their existence. That there has been such an undoubting admission,\nappears from the following passage in the work of one of the latest\nwriters on Nubia:\n\n  \u201cThe translation of the name of this town (Asw\u00e1n) is \u2018the\n  opening;\u2019 and a great opening this once was, before the Nile had\n  changed its character in Ethiopia, and when the more ancient\n  races made this rock (at the first cataract) their watch-tower\n  on the frontier between Egypt and the south. That the Nile has\n  changed its character, south of the first cataract, has been made\n  clear by some recent examinations of the shores and monuments\n  of Nubia. Dr. Lepsius has discovered water-marks so high on the\n  rocks and edifices, and so placed as to compel the conviction\n  that the bed of the Nile has sunk extraordinarily by some great\n  natural process, either of convulsion or wear. The apparent\n  exaggerations of some old writers about the cataracts at Syene\n  may thus be in some measure accounted for. If there really was\n  once a cataract here, instead of the rapids at the present day,\n  there is some excuse for the reports given from hearsay by Cicero\n  and Seneca. Cicero says, that \u2018the river throws itself headlong\n  from the loftiest mountains, so that those who live nearest are\n  deprived of the sense of hearing, from the greatness of the\n  noise.\u2019 Seneca\u2019s account is: \u2018When some people were stationed\n  there by the Persians, their ears were so stunned with the\n  constant roar, that it was found necessary to remove them to a\n  more quiet place[380].\u2019\u201d\n\nThe learned author of an article on Egyptian Chronology and History in\nthe \u201cProspective Review\u201d for May, 1850, in referring to the contributions\nof Professor Lepsius to Egyptian history, says: \u201cHe has discovered\nundescribed pyramids, equal in number to those known before; has traced\nthe Labyrinth, and ascertained its founder. _He has detected inscriptions\non the banks of the Nile, which show that its bed has subsided many feet\nin historic times._\u201d _9th June, 1850._\n\nIn the assumption of an excavation of the bed of the river, we have no\nsmall amount of wear to deal with, for the distance from Semne to Assuan,\nfollowing the course of the river, is not less than 250 miles; and if, as\nProfessor Lepsius supposes, the excavation extended to Mer\u00f6e, we have a\ndistance, between that place and Assuan, of not less than 600 miles.\n\nAlthough these records of a former high level of the Nile at Semne had\nnot been noticed by any traveller prior to Professor Lepsius, we may\nrest fully assured of the accuracy of his statements, from the habitual\ncare and diligence, and the established character for fidelity, of the\nobserver. The silence of other travellers may be readily accounted for by\nthis, that none of them appear to have remained more than a very short\ntime at this spot\u2014not even the diligent Russegger\u2014whereas we have seen\nthat Professor Lepsius passed twelve days in the examination of this\ngorge in the Nile Valley.\n\nThe theory of a lowering of the bed of the river by wearing, involves\ntwo main considerations, viz., the power of the stream, and the degree\nof hardness of the rocks acted upon. The power depends upon the volume\nand velocity of the river\u2014the velocity on its depth, and the degree of\ninclination of the bed: the hardness of the rocks we can form a tolerable\nestimate of when we know their nature. To judge, therefore, of the\nprobability of the hypothesis of Professor Lepsius, we must inquire into\nthe physical and geological features of the Nile Valley, in Nubia.\n\nIn the observations I have now to offer, my information has been derived\nof course entirely from the works of other travellers, particularly those\nof Burckhardt, R\u00fcppell, and Russegger[381], and especially the latter,\nwho travelled in Nubia in 1837; for he not only enters far more into\nthe details of the natural history of the country, but he is the only\ntraveller in Nubia who appears, from previous acquirements, to have been\ncompetent to describe its natural history with any degree of accuracy\u2014I\nrefer more particularly to the physical and geological features of\nthe country. Besides full descriptions in his volumes, he has given a\ngeological map of Nubia, and also several sections, or what may more\nproperly be called _vertical sketches_\u2014a term that would, perhaps, be\na more appropriate designation for all sections that are not drawn to\na true scale, or at least when the proportion of height to horizontal\ndistance is not stated.\n\n\n_The Physical Geography of Lower Nubia[382]._\n\nRussegger informs us[383], that he believes he was the first traveller\nwho had succeeded in making a series of barometrical measurements along\nthe Nile Valley, from the Mediterranean to Sennaar and Kordofan, and\nthence to the 10th degree of north latitude. He gives the following\naltitudes, above the sea:\n\n                                                Paris Feet.  English Feet.\n\n  The upper part of the Cataract of Assuan          342    =   364\u00b737\n  Korusko, on the right bank of the Nile, in Nubia  450    =   479\u00b743\n  Wadi Halfa                                        490    =   522\u00b700\n  New Dongola                                       757    =   806\u00b752\n  Abu Hammed                                        963    =  1026\u00b700\n\nI shall now give the length of the Nile along its course from Abu\nHammed to the island of Phil\u00e6, at the head of the cataract of Assuan. I\nemploy for this purpose the map in the atlas which accompanies the work\nof Russegger, which bears the date of 1846, and which, doubtless, was\nconstructed on the best authorities. He mentions a map of General von\nProkesch with great praise[384]. It flows:\n\n                                                German M.    English M.\n\n  From NE. to SW., from Abu Hammed to Mer\u00f6e, about   31    =   150\n\n  It makes a curve between Mer\u00f6e and Old Dongola,\n    of about                                         16    =    77\n\n  It flows between Old and New Dongola, from SE.\n    to NW., about                                    16    =    77\n\n  Then, with some short windings, nearly due north\n    to the island of Sais, for about                 30    =   145\n\n  And from Sais to the island of Phil\u00e6, from SW.\n    to NE., about                                    68    =   327\n                                                    ---        ---\n  Making the whole length of the course, from Abu\n    Hammed to Phil\u00e6, about                          161    =   776\n\nAscending the river, we have, between Phil\u00e6 and Korusko, a distance of\n24 German, or 115\u00bd English miles, and without any rapid, except one near\nKalabsche. Korusko being 115 feet above the head of the cataract of\nAssuan, at Phil\u00e6, we have an average fall of the river between these two\nplaces of a foot in a mile.\n\nBetween Korusko and Wadi Halfa there is no rapid. The distance being 20\nGerman, or 96\u2153 English miles, and the difference of altitude being 42\u00bd\nfeet, we have an average fall throughout that part of the river\u2019s course\nof not more than 5\u00b73 inches in a mile.\n\nThis very inconsiderable fall need not surprise us; for the average\nfall of the Nile in Lower Egypt, at the lowest water, is little more\nthan one-third of that now stated. At the time of the highest water the\nsurface of the Nile, at Boulak, near Cairo\u2014that is, about 116 miles in a\ndirect line from the coast\u2014is only 43\u00b7437 English feet above the level of\nthe Mediterranean, and at the time of the lowest water, only 17\u00b733 feet.\nThus, in the first case, there is an average fall of about 5\u00b700 inches;\nin the second, of not more than 1\u00b780 inches in a mile[385].\n\nBetween Wadi Halfa and Dale, a distance of about 94 miles, six cataracts,\nor schellals, as they are called in the language of the country, are\nmarked in Russegger\u2019s map. And here, it may be as well to notice, that\nthere are no cataracts, in the ordinary sense of the term, on the Nile;\nno fall of the river over a precipice; all the so-called cataracts\nare rapids, where the river rushes through rocks in its bed; the\nrapids varying in their length and degrees of inclination. We have no\nmeasurements of their lengths or of their falls, except as regards the\nfirst and second cataracts. The former, according to Russegger, has a\nfall of about 85 English feet in a distance of about 8 miles; and he\ndescribes the latter as extending from 5 to 6 _stunden_; that is, from 12\nto 14\u00bd miles, but he does not give the height. Speaking of the schellals\nabove Semne, Russegger says, that all may be passed in boats without\ndifficulty for about six weeks, or two months in the year. This is the\ncase also at the cataract or rapid of Assuan. But between Wadi Halfa and\nDale, with some inconsiderable spaces of free navigable water, in the\nordinary state of the river, there is an almost uninterrupted series of\nrapids. We have no measurement of the height of Dale above Wadi Halfa,\nnear to which the second great cataract of the Nile occurs; but this is\nthe part of the river\u2019s course where the fall is greatest, and from Semne\nto Dale there are about 45 miles of this more rapid fall.\n\nFrom Dale to New Dongola, a distance of 35 German, or about 168 English\nmiles, only three rapids are marked on Russegger\u2019s map\u2014the highest being\nat Hannek, about 26 English miles below New Dongola. New Dongola being\n806 English feet above the sea, and the distance from that place to the\nrapid of Hannek being 26 miles only, we may with probability estimate\nthe surface of the river at the rapid of Hannek at 780 feet above the\nsea. Now, Wadi Halfa being 522 feet, we have a difference of height,\nbetween these two last-named places, of 258 feet; and the length of the\nriver\u2019s course between them being 236 miles, we have an average fall\nof 13\u00b712 inches in a mile; that is, in the part of the river\u2019s course\nwhere nine rapids occur, in the provinces of Batn-el-Hadjar, Sukk\u00f4t, and\nDar-el-Mahass, where the river flows over granite and other plutonic\nrocks; gneiss, mica-schist, and other hard rocks, which Russegger\nconsiders to be metamorphic. But between Semne and the head of the\nsecond cataract at Wadi Halfa, there is not a continuous rapid stream;\nfor Hoskins says, that about two miles above that cataract, the river\nhas a width of a third of a mile, and, when he passed it, the water was\nscarcely ruffled[386].\n\nFrom the rapid of Hannek to Abu Hammed the distance is 329 English miles,\nand the difference of altitude is 246 English feet. We have thus an\naverage fall in that distance of 9\u00b700 inches in a mile.\n\nThus, in the 776 miles between Abu Hammed and Phil\u00e6, we have an average\nfall of the Nile\n\n  Of 9\u00b700 inches in a mile, for a distance of 329 miles.\n  Of 13\u00b712            \u201d               \u201d       236   \u201d\n  Of 5\u00b730             \u201d               \u201d        96   \u201d\n  Of 12\u00b700            \u201d               \u201d       115   \u201d\n\n\n_Of the Breadth, Depth, and Velocity of the Nile, in Nubia._\n\nOur information is very scanty respecting the breadth and depth of the\nriver, either at the time of lowest water or during the inundations.\nAbout two miles above Phil\u00e6, it is stated by Jomard[387] to be 3000\nmetres, or nearly two English miles wide. At the second cataract, or\nrapid of Wadi Halfa, it spreads over a rocky bed of nearly two miles and\na quarter in width (2000 klafter)[388], but contracts above the rapid to\na third of a mile. Russegger also states, that the Nile, near Boulak,\nin Lower Egypt, is 2000 toises, nearly two-and-a-half English miles in\nbreadth, and yet that it is considerably wider in some parts of Southern\nNubia; but Burckhardt says that the bed of the Nile in Nubia is, in\ngeneral, much narrower than in any part of Egypt. Near Kalabsche, about\n30 miles above Phil\u00e6, the river runs through a gorge not more than 300\npaces wide, and its bed is full of granite blocks. It shortly afterwards\nagain widens for some distance; but near Sialla, 78 miles above Phil\u00e6,\nit is contracted by the sandstone hills on both sides coming so near\neach other, that the river\u2019s bed is again not more than from 250 to 300\npaces wide. It is about 600 yards broad about two miles above the second\ncataract near Wadi Halfa, but is again very much contracted in the rocky\nregion of Batn-el-Hadjar. At Aulike it is only 200 paces broad[389].\n\nI have not met with any measurements of the depth of the river in any\npart of its course in Nubia; but Hoskins describes it as being so\nshallow at the island of Sais, 327 miles above Phil\u00e6, on the 9th of June,\nwhich would be before the commencement of the inundation, as only to\nreach the knees of the camels[390]. Near Derr, about 86 miles below the\nCataract of Wadi Halfa, Norden, in January, found the river so shallow\nthat loaded camels waded through it, and his boat frequently struck the\nground. In May, Burckhardt found the river fordable at Kostamne, 53 miles\nabove Phil\u00e6; and Parthey states, that between Phil\u00e6 and the island of\nBageh, to the west of it, the river is so shallow before the commencement\nof the inundation, that it may be waded through[391]. Burckhardt says,\nthat from March to June the Nile-water, in Nubia, is quite limpid[392].\nMiss Martineau, who visited Nubia in December and January, speaking of\nthe river above Phil\u00e6, says, that it \u201cwas divided into streamlets and\nponds by the black islets. Where it was overshadowed it was dark-grey or\ndeep blue, but when the light caught it rushing between a wooded island\nand the shore, it was of the clearest green[393].\u201d At the second cataract\nshe describes the river as \u201cdashing and driving among its thousand\nislets, and then gathering its thousand currents into one, proceeds\ncalmly in its course[394].\u201d\n\nAlthough we have no accurate measurements of the velocity of the Nile in\nNubia, we may arrive at an approximate estimate of it by comparing its\nfall with that of a river well known to us.\n\nI have stated the fall of the Nile in different parts of its course to\nbe 5\u00b730, 9\u00b700, 12\u00b700, and 13\u00b712 inches in a mile. The fall of the Thames\nfrom Wallingford to Teddington Lock, where the influence of the tide\nends, is as follows:\n\n  +-----------------------------------+---------+----------+----------+\n  |                                   | Length  |          |  Fall in |\n  |                                   |  of     |   Fall.  |  Inches  |\n  |                                   | Course. |          | per Mile.|\n  |                                   +---------+----------+----------+\n  |                                   |Miles. F.| Feet. in.|          |\n  |                                   |         |          |          |\n  |From Wallingford to Reading Bridge |   18\u00b70  |   24\u00b71   |   15\u00b772  |\n  |From Reading to Henley Bridge      |    9\u00b70  |   19\u00b73   |   25\u00b768  |\n  |From Henley to Marlow Bridge       |    9\u00b70  |   12\u00b72   |   16\u00b720  |\n  |From Marlow to Maidenhead Bridge   |    8\u00b70  |   15\u00b71   |   22\u00b732  |\n  |From Maidenhead to Windsor Bridge  |    7\u00b70  |   13\u00b76   |   23\u00b716  |\n  |From Windsor to Staines Bridge     |    8\u00b70  |   15\u00b78   |   23\u00b752  |\n  |From Staines to Chertsey Bridge    |    4\u00b76  |    6\u00b76   |   17\u00b728  |\n  |From Chertsey to Teddington Lock   |   13\u00b76  |   19\u00b78   |   17\u00b740  |\n  |                                   +---------+----------+----------+\n  |                                   |  77\u00b74   |  125\u00b711  |          |\n  +-----------------------------------+---------+----------+----------+\n\n\u201cIn general, the velocity may be estimated at from half a mile to two\nmiles and three-quarters per hour; but the mean velocity may be reckoned\nat two miles per hour. In the year 1794, the late Mr. Rennie found the\nvelocity of the Thames at Windsor two miles and a half per hour[395].\u201d\n\nIt will thus be seen that the velocity of the Nile is probably greatly\ninferior to that of the Thames; for it appears that, except during the\ninundation, for more than half the year the depth is inconsiderable.\nThe average fall when greatest, that is, including the province of\nBatn-el-Hadjar, where the rapids chiefly occur, is considerably less than\nthat of any part of the above course of the Thames; so that there must\nbe long intervals between the rapids where the fall must be far less\nthan 13 inches in a mile. The breadth of the Nile is vastly greater; but\nsupposing the depth of the water to be the same as that of the Thames, on\naccount of the friction of the bed, the greater breadth would add very\nlittle to the velocity. If we assume the average depth of the Thames\nin the above distance to be 5 feet, and that it flows with an average\nvelocity of 2 miles in an hour, and if we assume the average depth of\nthe Nile in that part of its course where the fall is 13\u00b712 inches to be\n10 feet, when not swollen by the rise, the velocity would be 2\u2158 miles\nnearly in an hour[396], if the fall were equal to that of the Thames. We\nshall probably come near the truth, by assuming the velocity of the Nile\non this part at 2 miles in an hour. That it must be considerably less in\nthe other divisions of the course I have named, and especially in that\npart immediately below the second cataract, where the average fall is\nonly 5\u00b730 inches for a distance of 96 miles, is quite evident.\n\nThe power of a river to abrade the soil over which it flows, so far as\nwater is by itself capable of doing so, must depend upon its volume and\nvelocity, and the degree of hardness of the material acted upon. The\npower is increased when the water has force enough to transport hard\nsubstances. But even transported gravel has little action on the rocks\nwith which it comes in contact, when it is free to move in running water,\nunless the fall be considerable, and, consequently, the velocity and\nforce of the stream great. When stones are firmly set in moving ice, they\nthen acquire a great erosive power, cutting and wearing down the rocks\nthey are forcibly rubbed against; but this condition never obtains in\nLower Nubia, as ice is unknown there.\n\n\n_Geological Structure of Lower Nubia._\n\nOne kind only of regularly stratified rock occurs in the 776 miles from\nAbu Hammed to Phil\u00e6; viz., a silicious sandstone, similar to that which\noccurs to a great extent on both sides of the Nile in Upper Egypt, and\nwhich Russegger, after a very careful examination of it there, considers\nto be an equivalent of the greensand of the cretaceous rocks of Europe.\nThe tertiary nummulite limestone, so abundant in Egypt, has not hitherto\nbeen met with in Nubia.\n\nThe Nile flows over this sandstone for nearly 426 miles of the entire\ndistance, but not continuously. At Abu Hammed, it flows over granitic\nrocks, and these continue from that place for about 120 miles. There is\nthen about 215 miles of the sandstone, which is succeeded by igneous and\nmetamorphic rocks, that continue for 195 miles without any interruption,\nexcept a narrow stripe of sandstone of about 15 miles near Amara. It is\nin this region of hard igneous rocks that nearly all the rapids occur,\nbetween that of Hannek and the great or second cataract at Wadi Halfa.\nFrom the latter place there is sandstone throughout a distance of about\n196 miles, and then commences the granitic region of the Cataract of\nAssuan, through which the Nile flows about 35 miles. Thus we have about\n350 miles of igneous and metamorphic rocks, and about 426 of sandstone.\n\nThe general hard nature of the igneous and metamorphic rocks, over\nwhich the Nile flows for about 155 miles above Semne, and for about\n40 immediately below it, will be recognised by my naming some of the\nvarieties described by Russegger, viz., granites of various kinds, often\npenetrated by greenstone dykes; sienite, diorite, and felspar porphyries;\ngneiss, and clay slate, penetrated by numerous quartz veins.\n\nThe siliceous sandstone is very uniform in its character; and in Nubia,\nas in Egypt, the only organic bodies which it has as yet been found\nto contain, are silicified stems of wood. Occasionally, as in the\nneighbourhood of Korusko, interstratified beds of marly clay are met\nwith[397].\n\nWhen, therefore, we take into account the hard nature of the siliceous\nsandstone, the durability of which is shown by the very ancient monuments\nof Egypt and Nubia, that are formed of it, and the still greater hardness\nof the granites and other crystalline rocks, it is manifest that the\nwearing action of a river flowing over so gentle a fall, can scarcely\nbe appreciable. If the occasional beds of marly clay occur in the bank\nof the river, they may be washed out, and blocks of the superincumbent\nsandstones may fall down; but such an operation would have a tendency to\nraise rather than deepen the bed of the river at those places; unless the\ntransporting power of the stream were far greater than can exist with so\nmoderate a fall, especially in that part of the river below Semne, where,\nfor 96 miles, it is not more than 5\u00b73 inches, and for 115 miles below\nthat, not more than 12 inches in a mile. Even if we suppose the river to\nhave power to tear up its bed for some distance above Semne and below\nit, as far as the rapid of Wadi Halfa, it is evident that the materials\nbrought down would be deposited, except the finest particles, in that\ntranquil run of 96 miles, which may be almost compared to a canal. The\ndrains in Lincolnshire are inclined 5 inches to a mile[398]. When the\nannual inundations commence, the water of the Nile comes down the rapid\nat Assuan of a reddish colour loaded with sand and mud only; whatever\ndetrital matter of a larger and heavier kind the Nile may have brought\nwith it, is deposited before it reaches that point.\n\nFrom all these considerations, therefore, I come to the conclusion, that\nthe bed of the Nile cannot have been excavated, as Professor Lepsius\nsupposes, since the date of the sculptured marks on the rock at Semne. He\nsays, \u201cEs l\u00e4sst sich kaum eine andere Ursache f\u00fcr das bedeutende Fallen\ndes Nils denken, als ein Auswaschen und Aush\u00f6len _der Katakomben_.\u201d By\nthe word _Katakomben_[399] he can only mean natural caverns in the rock;\nbut such caverns are rarely, if ever, met with in sandstones, and only\noccasionally in limestones. If the course of the Nile were over limestone\ninstead of sandstone, we could not for a moment entertain the idea of a\nsuccession of caverns for 200 miles beneath its bed, sometimes two miles\nin width, the roofs of which were to fall in; and where the igneous rocks\nprevail, this explanation is wholly inapplicable.\n\nBut besides the objections arising from the nature of the rocks, and the\ninconsiderable fall of the river, there is still another difficulty to\novercome. It is to be borne in mind, that this lowering of the bed of the\nNile, from Semne to Assuan, is supposed to have taken place within the\nlast 4000 years. Between the first cataract at Assuan and the second at\nWadi Halfa there are numerous remains of temples on both banks of the\nNile, some of very great antiquity. \u201cFrom Wadi Halfa to Phil\u00e6,\u201d says\nParthey, \u201cthere is a vast number of Egyptian monuments, almost all on the\nleft bank of the river, and so near the water that most of them are in\nimmediate contact with it[400].\u201d We may rest assured that the builders of\nthese would place them out of the reach of the highest inundations then\nknown. Although we have many accurate descriptions of these monuments,\nthe heights of their foundations above the surface of the river are not\noften given; they are, however, mentioned in some instances. I shall\ndescribe the situations of some of these buildings relatively to the\npresent state of the river\u2019s levels, and shall begin with those on the\nisland of Phil\u00e6.\n\nThis island, according to the measurements of General von Prokesch, is\n1200 Paris feet (1278 English) in length, and 420 (447) in breadth, and\nis composed of granite. Lancret informs us, that, \u201c\u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9poque des hautes\neaux, l\u2019\u00eele de Phil\u00e6 est peu \u00e9lev\u00e9e au-dessus de leur surface: mais,\nlorsqu\u2019elles sont abaiss\u00e9es, elle les surpasse de huit m\u00e8tres.\u201d It was\nformerly surrounded by a quay of masonry, portions of which may be traced\nat intervals, and in some places they are still in good preservation.\nThe south-west part of the island is occupied by temples. According\nto Wilkinson, the principal building is a temple of Isis commenced by\nPtolemy Philadelphus, who reigned from 283 to 247 years before Christ;\nand he adds, that it is evident an ancient building formerly stood\non the site of the present great temple. Lancret, in referring to\nthis more ancient building, says:\u2014\u201cIl y a des preuves certaines d\u2019une\nantiquit\u00e9 bien plus recul\u00e9e encore, puisque des pierres qui entrent dans\nla construction de ce m\u00eame grand temple, sont des d\u00e9bris de quelque\nconstruction ant\u00e9rieure.\u201d Rosellini considers that it was built by\nNectanebus. The first king of Egypt, of the Sebennite Dynasty of that\nname, ascended the throne 374 years B.C., the second and last ceased to\nreign about 350 years B.C.[401]\n\nRosellini[402] informs us, that on the island of Bageh, opposite to\nPhil\u00e6, there are the remains of a temple of the time of Amenophis II.,\nand a sitting statue of granite representing him. He was a king in the\nearlier years of the 18th Dynasty, which, according to the Chevalier\nBunsen[403], began in the year 1638, and ended in 1410 B.C.\n\nGAU[404], in describing a temple at Debu, about 12 miles above Phil\u00e6,\nwhich he visited in January, and consequently during the time of low\nwater, states that he discovered under the sand, at the edge of the\nriver, the remains of a terrace leading towards a temple.\n\nA short distance north of Kalabsche, about 30 miles above Phil\u00e6, at\nBeil-nalli, Rosellini[405] speaks of a small temple in the following\nterms:\u2014\u201cAmong the many memorials that still exist of Ramses II., the\nmost important, in a historical point of view, is a small temple or\ngrotto excavated in the rock!\u201d and Wilkinson mentions it \u201cas a small but\ninteresting temple excavated in the rock, of the time of Ramses II.,\nwhom Champollion supposes to be the father of Sesostris or Rameses the\nGreat[406].\u201d He was the first king of the 19th Dynasty, which began in\nthe year 1409 B.C.[407]\n\nGau[408] thus describes a monument at Gerb\u00e9 Dandour:\u2014\u201cLa cha\u00eene de\nmontagnes qui borde le Nil est, dans cet endroit, si approch\u00e9e du lit de\nce fleuve, qu\u2019il ne reste que tr\u00e8s peu d\u2019espace sur la rive. Cet espace\nest presque enti\u00e8rement occup\u00e9 par le monument, et la rivi\u00e8re, dans ses\nd\u00e9bordemens, arrive jusqu\u2019au pied du mur de la terrasse.\u201d\n\nParthey informs us that the temple of Seb\u00fba is about 200 feet distant\nfrom the river, in which distance there are two rows of sphinxes, and\nthat the road between them, from the temple, ends in wide steps at the\nwater\u2019s edge; and he adds that Champollion refers this temple to the time\nof Rameses the Great[409].\n\nIt thus appears that monuments exist close to the river, some of which\nwere constructed at least 1400 years before our era; so that taking the\ntime of Amenemha III. to be, as Professor Lepsius states, 2200 years\nB.C., the excavation of the bed of the Nile which he supposes to have\ntaken place, must have been the work, not of 4000 years but of 800. If\nthe erosive power of the river was so active in that time, it cannot be\nsupposed that it then ceased; it would surely have continued to deepen\nthe bed during the following 3000 years.\n\nAt all events, the buildings on the island of Phil\u00e6 demonstrate that the\nbed of the Nile must have been very much the same as it is now, 2200\nyears ago; and even a thousand years earlier it must have been the same,\nif the foundation of the temple on the island of Bageh, opposite to\nPhil\u00e6, be near the limit of the highest rise of the Nile of the present\ntime; so that there could be no barrier at the Cataract of Assuan to dam\nup the Nile when they were constructed; and thus the deafening sound of\nthe waterfall recorded by Cicero and Seneca must still be held to be an\nexaggeration.\n\nThe existence of alluvial soil, apparently of the same kind as that\ndeposited by the Nile, in situations above the Cataract of Assuan, at\na level considerably above the highest point which the inundations of\nthe river have reached in modern times, to which allusion is made by\nProfessor Lepsius, has been noticed by other travellers, and even at\nstill higher levels than those he mentions. Whether that alluvial soil be\nidentical with, or only resembles the Nile deposit, would require to be\ndetermined by a close examination, and especially with regard to organic\nremains, if any can be found in it. There is no evidence to show that\nit was deposited during the historical period, and it may be an evidence\nof a depression and subsequent elevation of the land antecedent to that\nperiod. It may not be of fresh-water origin, but the clay and sand, or\ntill, left by a drift while the land was under the sea. For remote as\nis the antiquity of Nubia and Egypt, in relation to the existence of\nthe human race, it appears to be of very modern formation in geological\ntime. The greater part of Lower Egypt, probably all the Delta, is of\npost-pliocene age, and even late in that age; and the very granite of\nthe Cataract of Assuan, that of which the oldest monuments in Egypt\nare formed, and which, in the earlier days of geology, was looked upon\nas the very type of the rock on which the oldest strata of the earth\nwere founded, is said to have burst forth during the later tertiary\nperiod. We learn from Russegger, that the low land which lies between\nthe Mediterranean and the range of hills that extends from Cairo to the\nRed Sea at Suez, and of which hills a nummulite limestone constitutes a\ngreat part, is composed of a sandstone which he calls a \u201cMeeresdiluvium,\u201d\na marine diluvial formation, and considers to be of an age younger than\nthat of the sub-appennines[410]. This sandstone he found associated with\nthe granite above Assuan, and covering the cretaceous sandstone far into\nNubia. It appears, therefore, that, in the later ages of the tertiary\nperiod, this north-eastern part of Africa must have been submerged, and\nthat very energetic plutonic action was going forward in the then bed of\nthe sea. The remarkable fact of the granite bursting through this modern\nsandstone is thus described by Russegger:\n\n  \u201cWe arrived at a plateau of the Arabian Chain south-east of\n  Assuan. It is about 200 feet above the bed of the Nile, and\n  consists of the lower and upper sandstone, which are penetrated\n  by innumerable granite cones from 20 to 100 feet in height,\n  arranged over the plateau in parallel lines, very much resembling\n  volcanic cones rising from a great cleft. The sandstone is\n  totally altered in texture near the granite, and has all the\n  appearance as if it had been exposed to a great heat. \u2018I cannot\n  refrain,\u2019 he says, \u2018from supposing that the granite must have\n  burst, like a volcanic product, through long wide rents in\n  the sandstone, and that, in this way, the conical hills were\n  formed[411].\u2019\u201d\n\nAn eruption of a true granite during the period of the sub-appennine\nformations, one possessing the same mineral structure as that we know\nto have been erupted during the period of the pal\u00e6ozoic rocks, would\nbe a fact of so extraordinary a kind, that its age would require to be\nestablished on the clearest evidence, and especially by that of organic\nremains in the sandstone.\n\nHaving thus ventured\u2014I trust without any want of the respect due to so\neminent a person\u2014to reject the hypothesis proposed by Professor Lepsius\nfor the high levels of the Nile at Semne, indicated by the sculptured\nmarks he discovered, it may perhaps be expected that I should offer\nanother more probable explanation. If in some narrow gorge of the river\nbelow Semne, a place had been described by any traveller, where, from\nthe nature of the banks, a great landslip, or even an artificial dam,\ncould have raised the bed to an adequate height; that is, proportionate\nto the fall of the river, as it was more distant from Semne, a bar that,\nin the course of a few centuries, might have been gradually washed away,\nI might have ventured to suggest such a solution of the problem. But\nwithout any information of the existence of such a contraction of the\nriver\u2019s channel, or any exact knowledge of the natural outlets and dams\nto running water along the 250 miles of the Nile Valley, from Semne to\nAssuan, it would be idle to offer even a conjecture. These marks are\nunquestionably very difficult to account for, in the present imperfect\nstate of our knowledge of the structure of that portion of the Nile\nValley; and any competent geologist, well versed in the questions of\nphysical structure involved, who may hereafter visit Nubia, would have a\nvery interesting occupation in endeavouring to solve the difficulty.\n\n_7th April, 1850._\n\n\n_Translation of a Letter from Dr. Lepsius to Mr. Horner, dated Berlin\nthe 12th of April, 1853._\n\n  DEAR SIR,\u2014I observe from a letter of your daughter, that she is\n  desirous of adding to her translation of my Letters a note upon\n  the height of the water of the Nile, with reference to your paper\n  in the \u201cEdinburgh Philosophical Journal.\u201d I wish that you would\n  get reprinted in that note the whole of the small memoir, as it\n  possesses great interest, and abounds in data not easily brought\n  together; for in that case the subject may probably be further\n  discussed.\n\n  I will, at all events, avail myself of this opportunity to\n  make some remarks, which you may, if you like, propose to have\n  introduced into the contemplated note.\n\n  I must first remark that the word _Katakomben_ was entirely a\n  typographical error for _Katarakten_, as was unfortunately the\n  case in many other instances in those things which were printed\n  during my absence.\n\n  But in respect of the explanation of the observed facts, my\n  views are perhaps less different from yours than you imagine.\n  You imagine a natural or artificial barrier which has broken\n  down, but this appears to me of insufficient magnitude; I too\n  imagine barriers to have existed, and natural ones, but that\n  there must have been several of them. I do not, moreover, regard\n  it as impossible, that at certain periods, when the country was\n  in its most flourishing condition, artificial dams may have been\n  constructed in order to obtain a higher rise of the water within\n  a particular space, such as was necessary for an overflowing. But\n  if we imagine an entire dam thrown across the river, this, if\n  I am not mistaken, could only hold back the current for a very\n  short way, namely, where there is a greater general fall. If,\n  for example, we imagine a barrier at Assuan, it would require to\n  be several hundred feet high to have any effect on the height\n  of the water at Semneh, and then the whole valley from Phil\u00e6 to\n  Wadi Halfa would be a great lake, as it may indeed have been in\n  geological time.\n\n  If we imagine a succession of barriers which would be especially\n  formed where veins existed in the primitive rock, then the\n  present entire physiognomy of the Nile valley seems to be more\n  easily explained. The river-bed, amidst granitic or other\n  upheaved rock, is not level, like a chalk or sandstone channel,\n  but forms sometimes lakes, sometimes barriers. The force of\n  the swollen current at these last, of which there is one at\n  Semneh itself, does not act in the mean proportion of a space\n  of considerable extent, but with immense effects, exceeding all\n  calculation, especially when, in addition, there is a contraction\n  of the sides, as at Semneh. Immediately below this barrier the\n  bed again spreads out, and the rocks disappear in the current.\n  The colossal rock-fragments on that bank, whose inscriptions\n  sometimes show that above 4000 years ago they were still not\n  broken loose, display the Titan force of a current thus hemmed\n  in, and allow us to conceive how at that spot it gradually washed\n  out its bed, sometimes to a great depth, but sometimes also to\n  a greater breadth, which has the same effect, and how all that\n  is broken away, or that during the time of low water splits to\n  a considerable depth in the bed of the river from the summer\n  heat, rolls away, until arrested by falling into hollows. But\n  if these single barriers are only washed away in the course of\n  thousands of years, then the whole river must receive an equable\n  fall, and it will never rise in the very rocky districts, but can\n  only continue to be still more excavated, and will only again\n  deposit the heavier portions it bears along with it, below the\n  cataracts, where every obstruction disappears. The monuments can\n  hardly be cited in opposition to the view of a gradual sinking\n  of the bed of the river in the higher districts. All of them\n  lie tolerably far above the region of the rise of the Nile\u2014for\n  example, the temple on the island of Bigeh, to which there is a\n  considerable ascent. Phil\u00e6 has only been built upon since the\n  time of Nectanebus, and there is nothing to indicate buildings\n  of an earlier date. The sinking of the surface of the water even\n  at Phil\u00e6 and Assuan must also have been far less than at Semneh.\n  Nevertheless, special researches with respect to the relative\n  condition of the ancient temple and rock-inscriptions to the\n  present surface of the water would certainly be of the greatest\n  utility.\n\n  Herr von Humboldt, after reading some observations on the same\n  subject by Wilkinson in the Nouv. Ann. des Voyages, i., without\n  recollecting my views, wrote to me as follows:\n\n  \u201cBreaches in dams, I imagine, cause only temporary rises of\n  water, unless in earlier times (for which I see no reason)\n  there was a greater accumulation of water in the valley of the\n  river, from meteorological causes. Primeval conditions, where\n  broad valleys were filled with waters, are not applicable to\n  periods when there were inscriptions. Does it not seem to you\n  more probable, that the height of the water was at one time at a\n  greater elevation, on account of the bed of the river not having\n  been so much furrowed out, because at an earlier period the\n  bottom of the river was not at _c d_, but at _e f_.\n\n  [Illustration]\n\n  \u201cThere are rivers whose beds are elevated and rendered more\n  shallow by deposition, others which furrow out their bed _qui\n  creusent un lit plus profond_.\u201d\n\n                 With sincere respect, your faithful,\n\n                                                         R. LEPSIUS.\n\nAPPENDIX B. (P. 303 and 318.)\u2014The tradition of Gebel M\u00fbsa being the Mount\nof the Law, became gradually more decided and exclusive for this view\nafter the time of Procopius in the sixth century; mainly, no doubt, on\naccount of the church founded at that spot in the reign of Justinian. I\nam not aware that there are any modern travellers and savants who have\nthrown doubts on the correctness of this assumption. Not even Burckhardt,\nalthough from the numerous inscriptions on Serb\u00e2l he was led to infer\nthat that mountain might have been at one time _incorrectly_ regarded\nby the pilgrims as Sinai. The words of this distinguished traveller are\nas follows: (Trav. in Syr. p. 609.) \u201cIt will be recollected that _no\ninscriptions_ are found either _on the Mountain of Moses, or on Mount\nSt. Catherine_; and that those which are found in the Ledja valley at\nthe foot of Djebel Catherine, are not to be traced above the rock from\nwhich the water is said to have issued, and appear only to be the work of\npilgrims who visited that rock. From these circumstances _I am persuaded\nthat Mount Serb\u00e2l was at one period the chief place of pilgrimage in\nthe Peninsula; and that it was then considered the mountain where Moses\nreceived the tables of the law; though I am equally convinced, from a\nperusal of the Scriptures, that the Israelites encamped in the Upper\nSinai_, and that either Djebel Mousa, or Mount St. Catherine, is the\nreal Horeb. It is not at all impossible that the proximity of Serb\u00e2l to\nEgypt, may at one period have caused that mountain to be the Horeb of\nthe pilgrims, and that the establishment _of the convent_ in its present\nsituation, _which was probably chosen from motives of security, may have\nled to the transferring of that honour to Djebel Mousa_. At present\nneither the monks of Mount Sinai nor those of Cairo consider Mount\nSerb\u00e2l as the scene of any of the events of sacred history; nor have the\nBedouins any tradition among them respecting it, but it is possible, that\nif the Byzantine writers were thoroughly examined, some mention might be\nfound of this mountain, which I believe was never before visited by any\nEuropean traveller.\u201d\n\nMore recently the remarkable book of travels by E. ROBINSON form a marked\nepoch in our knowledge of the Peninsula as well as of Palestine. With\nreference to the position of Sinai, he for the first time especially\nurges the favourable vicinity of the great plain of R\u00c2HA, to the north\nof Gebel M\u00fbsa, in which there was ample space for the encampment of the\npeople of Israel. (Palestine, vol. i., p. 144, &c.) In his determination,\nhowever, of the actual Mount of the Law, he deviates from the previous\ntradition, since he endeavours to prove that Moses did not ascend Gebel\nM\u00fbsa, but the mountain ridge jutting out from the south, above the\nplain, which is now called HOREB by the monks, and whose highest point\nis named Sefs\u00e2f. (Vol. i. p. 176.) Unfortunately he did not visit Wadi\nFir\u00e2n and the adjoining Serb\u00e2l. In a more recent treatise (Bibl. sacra.\nvol. iv. No. xxii. May, 1849, p. 381, &c.) the learned author returns to\nthe question with reference to my view of it, with which he had become\nacquainted, and in opposition he especially mentions the arguments which\nhe had formerly maintained in favour of Gebel Sefs\u00e2f. He comprehends\nthese under the three following heads, which he extracts from the Mosaic\nnarrative, as being eminently striking, and which must therefore also\nnow be pointed out: \u201c1st. A mountain summit overlooking the place where\nthe people stood. 2nd. Space sufficient adjacent to the mountain for\nso large a multitude to stand and behold the phenomena on the summit.\n3rd. The relation between this space where the people stood and the\nbase of the mountain must be such that they could approach and stand at\n\u2018the nether part of the mount,\u2019 that they could also touch it; and that\nfurther bounds could appropriately be set around the mount, lest they\nshould go up into it, or touch the border of it.\u201d Of these three heads,\nthe first would speak against Gebel M\u00fbsa, and not against Serb\u00e2l. This\nlast, says Robinson, is excluded by the second and third head. Now with\nrespect to the second, I must only call to mind that the encampment of\nthe people at Sinai is not related in a different manner from all the\nprevious stations. If, therefore, we take such a circumscribed view\nof the encampment as to believe that we must provide for sufficient\n_space_ for the settlement of such a great people, we should then have\nto indicate a plain of R\u00e2ha at all the previous stations, especially in\nRaphid\u00eem (which by almost unanimous opinion was situated at the foot of\nthe Serb\u00e2l), because here manifestly they remained for a considerable\ntime, Moses was visited by Jethro, by his advice divided the whole people\ninto tens, and organised them according to a form of law, from which we\nshould be compelled to conclude that there, for the first time, existed\na distinct locality for each individual. He who imagines a multitude\nof two millions of men, about as many as the inhabitants of London, or\nof the whole of Egypt at the present day, placed in an enclosed camp\ncomposed of tents, of which they must have had two hundred thousand, if\nwe reckon one for every ten, like a huge, well-arranged military camp,\neven to him the plain of R\u00e2ha would appear too small; but he who assumes\nthat a comparatively small number could assemble round the chief quarters\nof Moses, but that all the others must have sought for shady places,\ncaves in the rock-precipices, and the scanty herbage of the adjacent\nvalleys, can as easily imagine the camp to have been placed in Wadi\nFir\u00e2n, or at any other station. Wadi Fir\u00e2n besides, as far down as El\nHessue, even if we only take its most fertile portion (more inviting as\na settlement than any other spot), would offer, in combination with the\nbroad Wadi Aley\u00e2t, just as large, and at all events a far more habitable\nspace, for a combined encampment than the plain of R\u00e2ha. Indeed, if it be\ntrue that we can gain anything from such single facts, such an encampment\nwould render it still more comprehensible why the people were led _out of\nthe camp_ towards God at the foot of the mountain in the upper portion\nof Wadi Aley\u00e2t, in order to have a complete survey of the mountain. To\nobtain such a view would be impossible at Gebel M\u00fbsa, and unnecessary\nat Gebel Sefs\u00e2f. Finally, the command not to ascend the mountain, which\nis expressed still more imperatively, that no one \u201cshould touch the\nborder of the mountain,\u201d applies to every mountain, which rises simply\nbefore the eyes, and whose means of access can be shut out by a fence.\nImmediately beyond the fence lies the border of the mountain.\n\nWith reference to this last point, Robinson appeals to my own map of\nSerb\u00e2l, and the description of Wadi Aley\u00e2t, by Bartlett (Forty Days in\nthe Desert, p. 54, 59). It would be difficult, however, to prove from my\nmap that the people could not have spread themselves out at the foot of\nthe mountain, and Bartlett seems to me rather to share my opinion. As\nthis traveller is so well known by his descriptions of countries, which\nare both beautifully illustrated and clearly and graphically described,\nand as he is just one of the few who have examined the localities with\nhis own eyes in reference to the question started by me without holding\nany previous views on the subject, it may not be inappropriate to insert\nhere those words relating to it, from a book cited by Robinson in favour\nof his own view; so much the rather, as I could not possibly have placed\nthe chief heads of the question in a more convincing point of view.\n\nHe says, p. 55[412]: \u201cIf we endeavour to reconcile ourselves to the\nreceived but _questionable system_ which seeks to accommodate the\nmiraculous with the natural, _it is impossible_, I think, _not to close\nwith the reasoning advanced in favour of the Serb\u00e2l_. There can be no\ndoubt that Moses was personally well acquainted with the Peninsula,\nand had even probably dwelt in the vicinity of Wadi Feir\u00e2n during his\nbanishment from Egypt; but even common report as to the present day,\nwould point to this favoured locality AS THE ONLY FIT SPOT _in the whole\nrange of the desert for the supply, either with water or such provisions\nas the country afforded_, of the Israelitish host: on this ground alone,\nthen, he would be led irresistibly to fix upon it, when meditating a\nlong sojourn for the purpose of compiling the law. This consideration\nderives additional force when we consider the supply of wood and other\narticles requisite for the construction of the tabernacles, and which\ncan only be found readily at Wadi Feir\u00e2n, and of its being also, in all\nprobability, from early times a place visited by trading caravans. But\nif Moses were even unacquainted previously with the resources of the\nplace, he must have passed it on his way from the sea-coast through the\ninterior of the mountains, and _it is inconceivable that he should have\nrefused to avail himself of its singular advantages for his purpose_,\nor that the host would have consented, without a murmur, to quit, after\nso much privation, this fertile and well-watered oasis for new perils\nin the barren desert, or that he should, humanly speaking, have been\nable either to compel them to do so, or afterwards to fix them in the\n_inhospitable, unsheltered position of the monkish Mount Sinai, with\nthe fertile Feir\u00e2n but one day\u2019s long march in their rear_. Supplies of\n_wood_, and perhaps of _water, must, in that case, have been brought\nof necessity from the very spot they had but just abandoned_. We must\nsuppose that the _Amalekites_ would oppose the onward march of the\nIsraelites, _where they alone had a fertile territory_ worthy of being\ndisputed, and from which Moses must, of necessity, have sought to expel\nthem. If it be so, then in this vicinity, and no other, we must look for\nRaphid\u00eem, from whence the Mount of God was at a very short distance. We\nseem thus to have a _combination of circumstances, which are met with\nnowhere else_, to certify that it was here that Moses halted for the\ngreat work he had in view, and that the scene of the law-giving is here\nbefore our eyes in its wild and lonely majesty. The principal objection\nto this is on the following ground, that there is no open space in the\nimmediate neighbourhood of the Serb\u00e2l suitable for the _encampment_ of\nthe vast multitude, and from which they could ALL OF THEM AT ONCE have\nhad a view of the mountain, as is the case at the plain Er Rahah at Mount\nSinai, where Robinson supposes, principally for that reason, the law to\nhave been given. _But is this objection conclusive_? We read, indeed,\nthat Israel \u2018camped BEFORE THE MOUNT,\u2019 and that \u2018the Lord came down in\nsight of all the people;\u2019 moreover, that bounds were set to prevent the\npeople from breaking through and violating even the precincts of the\nholy solitude. Although THESE conditions are more LITERALLY fulfilled\nat Er Rahah, yet, if we understand them as couched in general terms,\n_they apply perhaps well enough to the vicinity of the Serb\u00e2l_. A glance\nat the view, and a reference to this small rough map[413], will show\nthe reader that the main encampment of the host must have been in Wadi\nFeir\u00e2n itself, from which the summit of the Serb\u00e2l is only here and\nthere visible, and that it is by the lateral Wadi Aley\u00e2t that the base\nof the mountain itself, by a walk of about an hour, is to be reached.\nIt certainly struck me, in passing up this valley, as a very unfit, if\nnot impracticable spot for the encampment of any great number of people,\n_if they were all in tents_; though well supplied with pure water, the\nground is rugged and rocky\u2014towards the base of the mountain awfully\nso; but still _it is quite possible that a certain number might have\nestablished themselves there, as the Arabs do at present_, while, as on\nother occasions, the principal masses were distributed in the surrounding\nvalleys. I do not know that there is any adequate ground for believing,\nas Robinson does, that because the people were warned not to invade the\nseclusion of the mount, and a guard was placed to prevent them from doing\nso, that THEREFORE THE ENCAMPMENT ITSELF pressed closely on its borders.\nCuriosity might possibly enough lead many to attempt this even from a\ndistance, to say nothing of those already _supposed to be located_ in the\nWadi Aley\u00e2t, near the base of the mountain, to whom the injunction would\nmore especially apply. Those, however, who press closely the literal\nsense of one or two passages, should bear in mind all the difficulties\npreviously cited, and the _absolute destitution of verdure, cultivation,\nrunning streams, and even of abundant springs, which characterise the\nfearfully barren vicinity of the monkish Sinai_, where there is indeed\nroom and verge enough for encampment, BUT NO RESOURCES WHATEVER. If we\ntake up the ground of a CONTINUAL AND MIRACULOUS PROVISION _for all the\nwants of two millions of people_, doubtless they may have been subsisted\nthere as well as in any other place; _otherwise it seems incredible_\nthat _Moses_ should ever have abandoned a spot, offering such _unique\nadvantages as Feir\u00e2n_, to select instead _the most dreary and sterile\nspot in its neighbourhood_.\u201d\n\nThis was the distinct impression, and one frankly offered, after\ncomparing those localities with the Biblical narration, by a man\nwho nevertheless finally remains doubtful whether, in spite of all\nthe reasons cited, it would not be more advisable to follow \u201cthe\nother system,\u201d in accordance with which we must assume it to be an\nuninterrupted miracle from the beginning to the end, even though this\nis not expressed in the Bible (see p. 19 of the work cited), whereby,\nassuredly, all considerations about the most probable _human_ course of\nthat great historical event become worthless. The author then passes\nto some _individual points_, which he himself only calls attention to\nas such; in which he deviates from my mode of comprehension, since,\nfor instance, he feels himself obliged to place the attack of the\nAmalekites somewhat farther down the valley towards El Hessue. The\nvarious possibilities in the explanation of the shorter marches oblige\nus always to point out again, that it is only by taking a view of the\nmost essential points of the question, as a whole, that we can arrive\nat a positive conviction; this would necessarily drive those objections\ninto the background, which might arise from regarding it only from any\nindividual point.\n\nShortly after Robinson, in the year 1843, Dr. John Wilson travelled\nthrough Palestine and the Peninsula of Arabia Petr\u00e6a; he published his\nextensive travels (_The Lands of the Bible_, 2 vols. Edinburgh, 1847),\nbut did not by any means attain the high standing point held by his\nlearned predecessor. Nevertheless, I cannot but accord with some of the\nobjections which (vol. i. p. 222, &c.) he makes to Robinson\u2019s assumption\nthat Sefs\u00e2f is the Mount of the Law. He coincides with the tradition\nin recognising the Mount of the Law in Gebel M\u00fbsa. In Serb\u00e2l, on the\ncontrary, he believes that he recognises the Mount Paran of the Bible\n(p. 199), which we could only suppose, if we admit Mount Paran to be\nanother expression for Sinai, and if we identify the last with Serb\u00e2l.\nAt the close of the second volume (p. 764, &c.) the author adds a note\nin the Appendix, in which he guards himself against my different view as\nto the position of Sinai. He does not, however, here touch upon the most\nessential arguments which I have everywhere placed in the foreground,\nbut only speaks of individual points, some of which can be easily\novercome, and of others which have no influence on the chief question.\nHe places DAPHKA, which is not once mentioned in the principal account,\nand therefore assuredly must have been a subordinate spot, in Wadi\nFir\u00e2n, and Raphid\u00eem, \u201cthe places for rest,\u201d in the barren sandy Wadi e\u2019\nScheikh, because there was _no_ water there. But, that I may use his own\nweapons, what has become of the spring of Moses? \u201c_Few in the kingdom\nof Great Britain_ at least,\u201d says the author, \u201cwill be disposed to\nsubstitute the _Wadi Feir\u00e2n_, with clear running water, for _Rephidim_,\nwhere there was no water for the people to drink.\u201d I think he wrongs\nhis countrymen in making them deviate so universally from the almost\nunanimous tradition, and reject as a rationalistic explanation what is\nadmitted even by the learned Fathers of the Church, who place Raphid\u00eem in\nFir\u00e2n, and consequently regard the spring there as belonging to Moses;\nbesides, independently of H. BARTLETT, many others of his countrymen\nhave distinctly declared themselves in favour of my view, which includes\nthis point, among whom I may mention Mr. HOGG (see below, concerning\nhis pamphlet about this particular point), the Rev. Dr. CROLY, and the\nauthor of the Pictorial Bible. If he is of opinion that I had overlooked\nthe fact that the Wilderness of Sin and the Wilderness of Sinai had\ndifferent meanings, I refer him to my pamphlet, p. 47, where precisely\nthe opposite occurs; I have not either left unnoticed the words \u201c_out_\nof the Wilderness of Sin\u201d (p. 39), which has not either been done by\nEusebius nor St. Jerome, who equally make the Wilderness of Sin extend as\nfar as the Wilderness of Sinai. The fight with Amalek, as it is related\nin Exodus, presupposes a universal, obstinate, and probably a prepared\ncontest; that the principal attack of the front was immediately supported\nby an attack of the rear-guard is not excepted, as it is added besides\nin Deuteron. xxv. 18; the double attack besides appeared distinctly\nindicated in the words \u200e\u200f\u05e7\u05b8\u05e8\u05b0\u05da\u05b8 \u05d1\u05b7\u05bc\u05d3\u05b6\u05bc\u05e8\u05b6\u05da\u05b0 \u05d5\u05b7\u05d9\u05b0\u05d6\u05b7\u05e0\u05b5\u05bc\u05d1\u200f\u200e \u1f00\u03bd\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b7 \u03c3\u03bf\u03b9 \u1f10\u03bd\n\u03c4\u1fc7 \u1f41\u03b4\u1ff7, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f14\u03ba\u03bf\u03c8\u03ad \u03c3\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03c1\u03b1\u03b3\u03af\u03b1\u03bd. At Elim, certainly, twelve _springs_\n\u200e\u200f\u05e2\u05b5\u05d9\u05e0\u05b9\u05ea\u200f\u200e not _wells_ are mentioned; but this does not alter the\ncase, as nevertheless we cannot imagine twelve _rushing_ springs like\nthose in the Wadi Fir\u00e2n, but as the author (vol. i. p. 175) himself\nobserves, only _standing_ water underground, which must be specially dug\nfor\u2014therefore, in fact, wells. Their great number alone remains worthy of\nconsideration, from which we may conclude that it was an important place.\nI knew the Sheikh Abu Zel\u00eemeh very well; but that would not prevent the\nexistence of a connection between the name and the locality, although I\ndo not lay the slightest weight on such accordance of names.\n\nThe author omits some other reasons, which he believes he can prove in\nopposition to my views; these might perhaps have referred precisely to\nthe chief points of the whole question, which had hitherto remained\nuncontested. The author now perhaps feels himself obliged to repeat\nhis arguments, with reference to the separate remarks of one of his\ncountrymen, Mr. John Hogg, who handled the subject in a very complete\nmanner, and worked it out still further, first in the _Gentleman\u2019s\nMagazine_, March, 1847, and afterwards in the _Transact. of the R. Soc.\nof Literature_, 2 Ser. vol. iii. p. 183-236 (read May, 1847, Jan. 1848),\nunder the title: _Remarks and Additional Views on Dr. Lepsius\u2019s Proofs\nthat Mount Serb\u00e2l is the true Mount Sinai; on the Wilderness of Sin; on\nthe Manna of the Israelites; and on the Sinaitic Inscriptions_. This\nlearned author combines the earliest testimonies about the tradition, and\nfrom them endeavours to prove, that before the time of Justinian it was\nin favour of Serb\u00e2l, and not of Gebel M\u00fbsa. He seems, in fact, to have\nsucceeded in proving this, but we shall return, to this question below.\n\nSince then the comprehensive work of my respected friend CARL RITTER\nhas appeared, which is executed with his usual mastery of the subject:\n_Vergleichende Erdkunde der Sinai-Halbinsel, von Pal\u00e4stina und Syrien,\nerster Band_, Berlin, 1848. Although he has employed and worked out\nall imaginable authorities, from the most ancient to those of modern\ndate, and has formed a complete picture of the Peninsula as a whole\nand in details, with a clear perception and steady hand, both in its\ngeographical bearing and in the historical relations of its population,\nhe has nevertheless not neglected the question now under consideration,\nin which geography and history are more intimately connected than in any\nother. Sinai is to the Peninsula of Sinai what Jerusalem is to Palestine,\nand as it is certain that the erection of the church on Gebel M\u00fbsa in\nthe sixth century, from a belief that it was founded on the spot of\nthe law-giving, caused the _historical_ centre of the Peninsula, which\npreviously coincided indisputably with the town of Pharan and its forest\nof palms (the natural _geographical_ centre), to be sundered for the\nfirst time, and gradually, since the tenth century, from this, and to\nbe removed several days\u2019 journey farther to the south,\u2014so it is equally\ncertain that the decision of the question, whether this was a _first_\nor _second_ separation between the historical and geographical centre,\nmust bear most essentially on the comprehension and delineation of the\nearliest history of the Peninsula, and might even exercise an influence\nnot only on the future form of Sinaitic literature, but even on many\nrelative conditions of the Peninsula itself, which are in no small degree\nregulated by the objects aimed at by the constantly increasing number\nof travellers. Ritter\u2019s representation was compelled at the very outset\nto decide for one of these two views. At the same time, the new view,\nproffered at the latest termination of the preliminary works of merit,\nand in opposition to what had been held with implicit faith for the last\nthousand years, and maintained without exception by all recent writers of\ntravels, now first appeared in the form of an occasional and necessarily\nimperfect traveller\u2019s account, and might very naturally lay even less\nclaim to a favourable hearing, not having hitherto received critical\nexamination from any quarter, nor been noticed by later travellers.\nFor this reason I so much the more value the careful and impartial\nexamination of the grounds in favour of Serb\u00e2l being Mount Sinai, for\nwhich Ritter has granted a place in his work.\n\nHe does this at p. 736, &c. He here rejects the opinion that the\ntradition of the convent on Gebel M\u00fbsa, known only since the sixth\ncentury, could have any weight in forming a decision; \u201cthe tradition of\nthe still older convent of Serb\u00e2l, and of the town of Serb\u00e2l in Wadi\nFir\u00e2n, might be said to have existed just as truly, but has only been\nlost _to us_.\u201d Other reasons, therefore, derived from nature and history,\nmust speak in its favour. He then cites the view adopted by Robinson,\nwho places Raphid\u00eem in the upper part of the Wadi e\u2019 Scheikh; but with\njustice he places in opposition to this, that it then encroaches upon the\nfarther march, and would be mentioned; and shortly afterwards he says,\nin as convincing a manner, that we cannot then conceive how the people\ncould have murmured for want of water, already one day\u2019s journey beyond\nthe Fir\u00e2n, which was so richly supplied with water, while this can be\neasily explained on the long way from Elim, as far as the neighbourhood\nof Fir\u00e2n. Ritter therefore agrees with me and the old tradition in\nregarding the wonderful brook of Fir\u00e2n as the spring of Moses. He\nonly thinks, if Moses struck the spring out of the rock, it must then\nhave been at the beginning, and not at the termination of the present\nbrook, and he therefore transfers Raphid\u00eem into the uppermost portion\nof Wadi Fir\u00e2n, whose fertility did not exist before the appearance of\nthe spring. With respect to the position of the Mount of the Law, he\nevades positive decision for the time. \u201cAlready,\u201d he says, \u201cin both the\nalmost contemporaneous narrators, Jerome (Procopius?) and Cosmas, we see\nthe division of the views entertained about these localities, neither\nof which, even in the most recent double view, it appears by decisive\nand sufficient grounds, can be preferred, by us at least, alone before\nthe others. Since each of these two modes of explanation of a text so\nindeterminate in topographical respects, and of a locality still known\nso imperfectly, can only serve as _hypothetical probabilities_ in a more\nexact interpretation, allow me to point out cursorily our _hypothetical\nview_ of this affair, which will perhaps never be placed in a perfectly\nclear light.\u201d\n\nIt amounts finally to this, that _the_ \u201cMount of God,\u201d where Moses was\nencamped when he was visited by Jethro in Raphid\u00eem, _could have in\nno case meant the convent mountain of Sinai_ (_i. e._ _Gebel M\u00fbsa_),\nalthough this, on a later occasion, is even thus called, as that of the\ntrue God, _but from which they at that time under every supposition\nwere far removed_, though _probably_ it might have been a designation\nfor the overtowering and far nearer _Serb\u00e2l_ when they were still in\nthe camp at \u201cRaphid\u00eem.\u201d He afterwards acknowledges that before the 19th\nchapter there was an _interruption of the connection_ with the preceding\nchapters, but seeks a reason for this in a _gap_ in the text, while I\nwould rather assume that there was a short _interpolation_. Let the\nprogress of the people from the Feir\u00e2n valley into the upper valley of\nthe Scheikh, and to Gebel M\u00fbsa, the true Sinai, be thrown into this gap.\nThis at first is only called \u201cthe Mount\u201d (Exodus xix. 2), and becomes a\n\u201cMount of God\u201d for the first time _after_ the law-giving (which, however,\nthe following verse, xix. 3, contradicts), while Serb\u00e2l might have been\ncalled \u201cthe Mount of God\u201d from a heathen deity there worshipped. \u201cBoth\nmounts, the Mount of God (Serb\u00e2l) in Raphid\u00eem, and the mount in the\nWilderness of Sinai, are therefore just as different by name as they\nappear removed from each other by the last day\u2019s marches between both\nplaces of encampment.\u201d He regards the general natural conditions of the\ncountry about Gebel M\u00fbsa on account of the greater security and coolness,\nand from the pasture-land bearing a greater resemblance to the Alps, as\nmore adapted for a longer sojourn of the people. The name of HOREB only,\nwhich is already mentioned in Raphid\u00eem, might serve as an objection, yet\nhe sees no sufficient ground not to extend this name to some of the lower\nmountains attached to Serb\u00e2l itself, for already ROBINSON, HENGSTENBERG,\nand others, comprehend it as a general designation.\n\nSo far as I know, this is the first time that it has been attempted to\nprove that there were _two_ Mounts of God, Serb\u00e2l _and_ Gebel M\u00fbsa. This,\nhowever, certainly is the _necessary result, though not yet expressed by\nothers, which all must arrive at who place Raphid\u00eem in Fir\u00e2n_. In this,\nit appears to me, lies a main proof with reference to the criticism of\nthe text, that _both_ Mounts of God are to be recognised in _Serb\u00e2l_.\nWe must not lay too much stress on the greater security of the plain of\nR\u00e2ha for a \u201charnessed\u201d (Exodus xiii. 18) army of 600,000 men, after it\nhad set firm footing in the land, besides Serb\u00e2l must have at all times\noffered an admirable place of reserve. The cold in the high mountain\nrange, which, according to R\u00dcPPELL and ROBINSON, freezes the water into\nice in the convent (5000 feet above the sea) even as late as February\n(Ritter, p. 445, 630), would have alone rendered an open encampment on\nthe plain of R\u00e2ha during the winter impossible, for a population lately\naccustomed to the Egyptian climate. But with respect to the vegetation\nin those districts, which has indeed been differently described by\ndifferent travellers, the idea that not the slightest doubt existed as\nto this having been at one time the sojourn of the Israelites, may have\npartly caused many to presuppose the existence of more herbs in the\nneighbourhood than they momentarily saw; partly, no doubt, the season\nof the year occasions some variations. I therefore only observe that I\nvisited the Peninsula about the same time of the year in which, according\nto the Mosaic narration, the Israelites also went thither.\n\nRitter, finally, has expressed his views on the Sinai question on another\noccasion in a popular essay, \u201cThe Peninsula of Sinai, and the Path of the\nChildren of Israel to Sinai,\u201d in the \u201cEvangelical Calendar,\u201d Almanack for\n1852, published _by F. Piper_, p. 31, &c. Here also he places Raphid\u00eem\nin Fir\u00e2n, and traces the _Mount of God_ at _Raphid\u00eem_ in _Serb\u00e2l_. But\nin opposition to the identity of Serb\u00e2l and Sinai, he here adduces\nprincipally the two following reasons. As it has been now proved that\nthe so-called Sinaitic inscriptions have a Pagan origin, and that they\nindicate that Serb\u00e2l, to which they principally refer, was the \u201ccentre\nof an ancient worship,\u201d then this remarkable mount, if already a holy\nmount of the _idolater_, could not have been at the same time a \u201cMount\nof _Jehovah_\u201d (p. 51), and further (p. 52), \u201cIsrael\u2019s holy Mount of God\nwas not situated in the territory of _Amalek_, like Serb\u00e2l, but in the\neastern and southern territory of _Midian_, for it is said expressly\n(Exodus iv. 19), that the Lord commanded Moses in Midian to go to Egypt,\nand to lead the people to sacrifice to him upon this Mount Horeb and\nSinai in Midian\u201d (Exodus iii. 1-12). With respect to these two points\nhowever, the first, namely that Serb\u00e2l was also a _holy_ mount for\nthe Semitic people ruling over the Peninsula at a later period, seems\nto me a reason of great weight _in favour_ of Serb\u00e2l-Sinai, as indeed\nalso already, _before_ the law-giving, it was not called \u201cIdol Mount,\u201d\nbut _Mount of God_ (Exodus iii. 1, iv. 27, xviii. 5), just as much as\n_after_ the law-giving (Exodus xxiv. 13, 1 Kings xix. 8), and a heathen\nreadoption at a later period of the worship of this mount must certainly\nbe less surprising. But that Moses dwelt with Jethro in MIDIAN, when\nthe Lord spoke to him, offers no ground to place the Mount of the Law\nin Midian, for that is nowhere said. We only know that Raphid\u00eem, where\nMoses was visited by Jethro out of Midian, was situated in the territory\nof the _Amalekites_, as these here made the attack. Eusebius, who (s.\nv. \u1fec\u03b1\u03c6\u03b9\u03b4\u03af\u03bc, see note, p. 313) expressly places Raphid\u00eem and Choreb in\nPharan, says (s. v. \u03a7\u03c9\u03c1\u03ae\u03b2) that this Mount of God lay in MADIAN. In the\nItinerar. Antonini, c. 40, also, Pharan is placed in MADIAN.\n\nI trust these remarks, in which I think I have touched upon all the\nessential objections of the respected author, may prove to him how high a\nvalue I place on each of his arguments, as being those of one who is more\ncompetent to judge in this field than any other person. Ritter\u2019s long\nproved acuteness for tracing the correct view of such questions, would\nhave excited more consideration in me against my own view of the subject,\nthan all the reasons he has adduced, which, taken singly at least, seem\nto me refutable, had I not in _this_ case, at any rate, had the advantage\nof a personal view of the localities, without any preconceived influence;\nthis might render my judgment of earlier narrators more independent than\ncould be the case with him.\n\nAPPENDIX C. (P. 306.)\u2014Robinson gives the distances from Ay\u00fbn M\u00fbsa to the\npoint where Wadi Scheb\u00eakeh and Wadi T\u00e2ibeh meet, vol. iii. Div. ii. p.\n804; these accord with BURCKHARDT, p. 624, 625, who also records the more\nremote points as far as Wadi Fir\u00e2n; these last are confirmed by mine, if\nwe calculate his circuitous route by Dhafari. Robinson\u2019s calculation, p.\n196, does not, however, take into consideration the circuitous route,\nfrom four to five hours longer from the Convent, through Wadi e\u2019 Scheikh,\nfor Burckhardt passed over the Nakb el Haui in eleven hours to Fir\u00e2n,\nwhile we occupied sixteen, without including the short way round through\nthe Kteffe valley. After this the distances stand thus: From Ay\u00fbn M\u00fbsa\nto Ain Haw\u00e2reh 18 hours 35 minutes; then to Wadi Gharandel, 2 hours\n30 minutes (not from one hour and a half to two hours from Robinson\u2019s\nplace of encampment as it is calculated above, p. 307); to the outlet\nof the valley near Abu Zel\u00eemeh, 7 hours 12 minutes; to the sea, 1 hour;\nto Wadi Schell\u00e2l, 4 hours 15 minutes; to Fir\u00e2n, 13 hours 45 minutes;\nto the Convent, 16 hours. Robinson cannot remove the encampment in the\nWilderness of SIN to a more southern point than the outlet of WADI\nSCHELL\u00c2L, because the people here, according to him, stept forth out of\nthe Wilderness of Sin. For the same reason he is compelled to place ALUS\nin FIR\u00c2N. On the other hand, in my opinion, not alone is the encampment\nat the sea not different from that at the outlet of the valley at Abu\nZel\u00eemeh, but the Wilderness of Sin mentioned in the Book of Exodus, which\nextended as far as Sinai, and ended with Raphid\u00eem, is also the same as\nthe two stations mentioned in the Book of Numbers, Daphka and Alus, and\ntherefore in the last passage should as little have been mentioned as\npeculiar places of encampment, as the Red Sea. The Wilderness of Sin\naccordingly, like the Wilderness of S\u00fbr, embraced three days\u2019 journey.\nThe stations, and their remoteness from each other, stand therefore as\nfollows:\n\n  According to ROBINSON.\n\n         HOURS.  MIN.\n\n     I.    6     12 } three Stations from Ay\u00fbn M\u00fbsa to Ain\n    II.    6     12 }   Haw\u00e2reh = MARAH.\n   III.    6     12 }\n\n    IV.    2     30   to Wadi Gharandel = ELIM.\n\n     V.    8     12   to the Sea.\n\n    VI.    4     15   to Wadi Schell\u00e2l = Wilderness of SIN.\n\n   VII.    7        } two Stations to Fir\u00e2n = DAPHKA and ALUS.\n  VIII.    7        }\n\n    IX.    8        } two Stations to the Plain of R\u00e2ha = Raphid\u00eem\n     X.    8        }   and SINAI.\n\n  According to _my_ assumption.\n\n     I.    7        } three Stations to Wadi Gharandel = MARAH.\n    II.    7        }\n   III.    7        }\n\n    IV.    7     12   to the Outlet of the Valley near Abu Zel\u00eemeh = ELIM.\n\n     V.    6        } three Stations to Fir\u00e2n, _i. e._ by DAPHKA and\n    VI.    6        }   ALUS to Raphid\u00eem at SINAI.\n   VII.    6        }\n\nIt is easy to imagine why the latter stations are somewhat shorter than\nthe first, on account of the greater difficulty of the road. According to\nRobinson, the fourth station would be scarcely explicable. Why did the\npeople murmur so near the twelve springs of Elim? How would precisely\nthat strikingly long journey of more than eight hours, from Elim to the\nsea, not have been mentioned at all? And how was it possible that the\ndays\u2019 marches should have constantly increased in length amidst the lofty\nmountains and difficult ground?\n\nAPPENDIX D. (P. 314 and 318.)\u2014The expounders of this passage take the\nwords: \u200e\u200f\u05d1\u05b7\u05bc\u05d7\u05b9\u05d3\u05b6\u05e9\u05c1 \u05d4\u05b7\u05e9\u05b0\u05c1\u05dc\u05b4\u05d9\u05e9\u05b4\u05c1\u0594\u05d9\u200f\u200e \u201c_In the third month_,\u201d as if it were\nwritten, \u201c_On the first day of the third month_,\u201d and therefore refer the\nfollowing \u201c_the same day_,\u201d equally to the _first_ day of the month. See\nGESENIUS, Thesaur. p. 404, b: \u201ctertiis calendis post exitum,\u201d and p. 449,\nb: tertio novilunio, _i. e._ calendis mensis tertii. Ewald, Gesch. des V.\nIsr. ii. p. 189. \u201c_The Day (?) of the third month_ (_i. e._ _however of\nthe new moon, therefore the first day_.\u201d) But the Seventy at all events\nhave not understood it in this manner, as they translate: \u03a4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03bc\u03b7\u03bd\u1f78\u03c2\n\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u1f21\u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u1fb3 \u03c4\u03b1\u03cd\u03c4\u1fc3. It also appears that the Jewish tradition\nhave not comprehended it thus, as the LAW-GIVING, which according to\nExod. xix. 11, 15, occurred on the _third_ day after their arrival,\nis even now solemnised by the Jews on the fifth or sixth day of the\nthird month, simultaneously with the appointed harvest-feast, on the\nfiftieth day after the Exodus (Leviticus xxiii. 15, 16); in accordance\nwith this, the arrival at Sinai must have happened on the _third_ day\nof the third month. We cannot, however, but perceive, how \u200e\u200f\u05d7\u05b9\u05d3\u05b6\u05e9\u05c1\u200f\u200e\nwithout addition, might here be employed for _new moon\u2019s day_, although\nin all other passages of customary speech it had lost this etymological\nsignification, and only meant _month_; even in passages where the _new\nmoon\u2019s day_ itself was spoken of, as in Exod. xl. 2, 17; Numb. i. 1;\nxxxiii. 38, where everywhere \u200e\u200f\u05d1\u05b0\u05bc\u05d0\u05b6\u05d7\u05b8\u05d3 \u05dc\u05b7\u05d7\u05b9\u05d3\u05b6\u05e9\u05c1\u200f\u200e is especially added\nto it, \u201con the _first_ (day) of the month,\u201d whereas passages like Numb.\nix. 1, and xx. 1, cannot naturally be cited, because here, there lies as\nlittle reason as in Exod. xix. 1, to understand _first_ of the month, and\nthe Seventy also do not translate, \u1f10\u03bd \u1f21\u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u1fb3 \u03bc\u03b9\u1fb7, or \u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03b7\u03bd\u03af\u1fb3 as in the\nformer passages, but only in the simple sense of the words \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03bc\u03b7\u03bd\u1f76 \u03c4\u1ff7\n\u03c0\u03c1\u03ce\u03c4\u1ff3. Our passage, Exod. xix. 1, therefore, would alone remain, from\nwhich it would be possible to conclude that there was such a double and\nequivocal employment of \u200e\u200f\u05d7\u05b9\u05d3\u05b6\u05e9\u05c1\u200f\u200e, because here certainly the following\nwords, \u201cthe same day,\u201d indicate a particular single day, which particular\nday, nevertheless, cannot be guessed from our present text. But in my\nopinion this is exactly an additional and not unimportant reason, to\nassume either a transposition or a later insertion of these two verses.\nThe last is also assumed by EWALD, in so far as he, indeed (Gesch. des\nV. Isr. p. 75), ascribes the account, xix. 3-24, but not the two first\nverses, to the oldest sources. I have already mentioned above (p. 316)\nthat JOSEPHUS (Ant. iii. 2, 5), who also does not understand the words\nfrom the _first_ day of the month, transposes the passage, and indeed _to\nthat very place_ whither I, ignorant of this, had already placed it in my\nearlier printed account, p. 48, namely, _immediately after the battle\nof the Amalekites_, to which \u201cthe same day\u201d most naturally refers. If\nthis is correct, then the original text ran thus: that the Israelites\nat Raphid\u00eem, in Wadi Fir\u00e2n, where they fought the battle, were not only\nnear Horeb, but also near Sinai, that is to say, that both Mounts of\nGod are one; and that, in fact, Moses first at Sinai received the visit\nof Jethro, and, as appears most natural, first at Sinai organised his\npeople; but at the same time it must be allowed that Sinai, or Horeb, was\nno other mountain than SERB\u00c2L.\n\nSupposing that, in this manner, we have correctly understood the original\nconnection, it did not first of all require any statement of the month;\nthis would probably be only added upon the isolation of the following\nsection referring to the law-giving. In this case, only three exact dates\nfor the journey could exist. The people pass out from Ramses in the first\nyear, the first month, on the fifteenth day; they proceed from Elim,\nwhich is half-way, just one month after, in the first year, second month,\non the fifteenth day. The days of rest at the stations are unknown, but\nif we assume that the people proceeded without sojourning, then they came\nto Raphid\u00eem on the third day from Elim; received the water, and were\nattacked by Amalek on the fourth, fought on the fifth till after sunset\nto the commencement of the sixth day, and on the same sixth day (for the\nHebrew day began in the evening) encamped at Sinai. This would have been\nin the first year, in the second month, on the twentieth day. Now as the\nretreat from Sinai followed in the second year, in the second month, the\ntwentieth day, then the sojourn at Sinai would have lasted exactly _one\nyear_. This coincidence was perhaps originally as little the result of\naccident as the duration of just _one month_ between the first departure\nfrom RAMSES and the second from ELIM.\n\nAPPENDIX E. (P. 319.)\u2014Two inscriptions in marble, referring to the\nfoundation of the convent, still exist, which are let into the external\nwall facing the convent-garden, one in _Greek_, the other in _Arabic_.\nBURCKHARDT (Trav. p. 545) says: \u201cAn Arabic inscription _over the gate_,\nin modern characters, says that Justinian built the convent in the\nthirtieth year of his reign, as a memorial of himself and his wife\nTheodora. It is curious to find a passage of the Koran introduced into\nthis inscription: it was probably done by a Moslem sculptor, without the\nknowledge of the monks.\u201d The Arabic inscription is certainly over the\nsmall door leading into the garden. But if Burckhardt saw it here, it is\ninconceivable that he did not see the _Greek_ inscription beside it, let\ninto the wall with a similar border and shelter. ROBINSON saw neither of\nthem (i. p. 205); RICCI caused the Greek inscription to be copied, and\nfrom his copy this has been communicated and translated by LETRONNE in\nthe _Journ. des Sav._ 1836, p. 538, with some slight deviations. But as\nearly as 1823, another copy, which escaped Letronne, was published by Sir\nFr. Henniker (_Notes during a Visit to Egypt, &c._ p. 235, 236), which,\nhowever, is very inaccurate, although it endeavours to render the written\ncharacters themselves. The _Arabic_ inscription, as far as I am aware,\nis still quite unknown. I have taken an impression of both on paper, and\noffer a faithful representation of them here. The Greek runs thus:\n\n  \u1f18\u03ba \u03b2\u03ac\u03b8\u03c1\u03c9\u03bd \u1f00\u03bd\u03b7\u03b3\u03ad\u03c1\u03b8\u03b7 \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf \u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03a3\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5 \u1f44\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2,\n  \u1f14\u03bd\u03b8\u03b1 \u1f10\u03bb\u03ac\u03bb\u03b7\u03c3\u03b5\u03bd \u1f41 \u03b8\u03b5\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u039c\u03c9\u03c5\u03c3\u1fc7 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c4\u03b1\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03ad\u03c9\u03c2 \u1fec\u03c9\u03bc\u03b1\u03af\u03c9\u03bd\n  \u1f38\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03b9\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f00\u0390\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u03bc\u03bd\u03b7\u03bc\u03cc\u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c3\u03c5\u03b6\u03cd\u03b3\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\n  \u0398\u03b5\u03bf\u03b4\u03ce\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2\u00b7 \u1f14\u03bb\u03b1\u03b2\u03b5 \u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c4\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f14\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6,\n  \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b7\u03c3\u03b5\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f21\u03b3\u03bf\u03cd\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u1f40\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b9 \u0394\u03bf\u03c5\u03bb\u1fb6 \u1f10\u03bd \u1f14\u03c4\u03b5\u03b9 \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd\n  \u1f08\u03b4\u1f70\u03bc \u0375\u03db\u03ba\u03b1\u02b9 \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03a7\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c6\u03ba\u03b6\u02b9.\n\n  \u201cThis holy convent of Mount Sinai, where God spoke to Moses, was\n  built from the foundation by Justinian, the lowly king of the\n  Romans, in eternal remembrance of the same, and of his consort\n  Theodora; it was completed in the thirtieth year of his reign,\n  and he placed a chief in the same, one of the name of Dulas, in\n  the year 6021 since Adam, 527 since Christ.\u201d\n\nLETRONNE read in the second line \u1f10\u03bd \u1fa7 \u03c0\u03c1\u1ff6\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd in place of \u1f14\u03bd\u03b8\u03b1, and in the\nseventh line \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b7\u03c3\u03b5 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd in place of \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b7\u03c3\u03b5\u03bd. The written characters\nindicate about the twelfth or thirteenth century. As the Emperor\nJustinian reigned from 527-565, it is assumed by the writer that the\ndetermination to found the convent, and at the same time the appointment\nof his abbot Dulas, occurred in the first year of the reign of the\nemperor, although the completion of the edifice is not placed before\nthe thirtieth year of the same, _i. e._ 556 after Christ. The year 6021\nfrom the creation of the world corresponds to the year 527 after Christ,\naccording to the Alexandrine era of PANODORUS and ANIANUS.\n\nThe Arabic inscription is this:\n\n  \u200e\u200f\u0627\u0646\u062b\u0627 \u062f\u064a\u0631 \u0637\u0648\u0631 \u0633\u064a\u0646\u0627 \u0648 \u0643\u0646\u064a\u0633\u0629 \u062c\u0628\u0644 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0646\u0627\u062c\u0627\u0629 \u0627\u0641\u0642\u064a\u0631 \u0644\u0644\u0647 \u0627\u0644\u0631\u0627\u062c\u064a\u200f\u200e\n  \u200e\u200f\u0639\u0641\u0648 \u0645\u0648\u0644\u0627\u0647 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0644\u0643 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0647\u0630\u0628 \u0627\u0644\u0631\u0648\u0645\u064a \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0630\u0647\u0628 \u064a\u0648\u0633\u062a\u064a\u0627\u0646\u0633 \u062a\u0630\u0643\u0627\u0631\u0627 \u0644\u0649\u200f\u200e\n  \u200e\u200f\u0648\u0644\u0632\u0648\u062c\u062a\u0647 \u062b\u0627\u0648\u0636\u0648\u0631\u0647 \u0639\u0644\u064a \u0633\u0631\u0648\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u0632\u0633\u0627\u0646 \u062d\u0646\u064a \u0628\u0631\u062b \u0627\u0644\u0644\u0651\u0647 \u0627\u0644\u0627\u0631\u0636 \u0648\u0645\u0646\u200f\u200e\n  \u200e\u200f\u0639\u0644\u064a\u0647\u0627 \u0648\u0647\u0648 \u062e\u064a\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u0648\u0627\u0631\u062b\u064a\u0646 \u0648\u062a\u0645 \u0628\u0646\u0627\u0648\u0647 \u0628\u0639\u062f \u062b\u0644\u0627\u062b\u064a\u0646 \u0633\u0646\u0629 \u0645\u0646 \u0645\u0644\u0643\u0629\u200f\u200e\n  \u200e\u200f\u0648\u0646\u0635\u0628 \u0644\u0647 \u0631\u064a\u0633\u0627 \u0627\u0633\u0628\u0647 \u0630\u0648\u0644\u0627\u0633 \u062c\u0631\u064a \u0630\u0644\u0643 \u0633\u0646\u0627 \u0666\u0660\u0662\u0661 \u0644\u0627\u062f\u0645 \u0627\u0644\u0648\u0627\u0641\u0642\u200f\u200e\n  \u200e\u200f\u0644\u062a\u0627\u0631\u064a\u062e \u0627\u0644\u0633\u064a\u062f \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0633\u064a\u062d \u0633\u0646\u0629 \u0665\u0662\u0667\u200f\u200e\n\n  \u201cThe convent of T\u00d4R (Mount) Sina, and the Church of the Mount of\n  the Interview, was built by the dependent on God, and hoping in\n  the promise of his Lord, the pious King of the Greek Confession,\n  Justianus (for Justinian), in remembrance of himself and his\n  consort Theodora to last for all times, in order that God might\n  inherit the earth, and who upon it: for _he is the best of the\n  heirs_. And the building was completed after thirty years of his\n  reign. And he appointed it a chief, with the name of Dhulas. And\n  this happened after Adam 6021, which corresponds with the year\n  527 of the era of the Lord Christ.\u201d\n\nThe written characters of the inscription, according to the learned\njudgment of the consul, Dr. WETZSTEIN, who has also most kindly taken\nupon himself the re-writing and translation of the inscription here\ncommunicated, indicate that it did not exist before the year 550 of\nthe Mohammedan era, which thus refers to the period when the Greek\ninscription was also composed. The passage in the Koran which BURCKHARDT\nalready mentions, is to be found, S\u00fbr. 21, v. 18.\n\nAnother large stone is immured in the same wall, but much higher up, over\na far larger gate, now built up, at a spot behind which the kitchen is\nat present situated, the ornamental part of which [Illustration] might\nlead us to infer that another still older inscription might still exist\nhere. Unfortunately I was unable to bring a ladder to the spot to examine\nthe stone more accurately. It is to be hoped some future traveller may\naccomplish this.\n\nAPPENDIX F. (P. 319.)\u2014The history of the _Palm-wood of Pharan_ forms the\ncentral point of the history of the whole Peninsula. The accounts of it\ngiven by the Greeks and Romans furnish a new proof for this, although\ntheir geographical determinations in great measure have not hitherto been\ncorrectly comprehended. Thus the POSEIDION of Artemidorus, Diodorus, and\nStrabo, is generally placed at the extremity of the Peninsula, which is\nnow called R\u00c2S MOHAMMED; also by Gosselin, Letronne, and Grosskurd, who\nnevertheless had already recognised the manifestly incorrect comment of\nthe Strabonic manuscripts (p. 776: \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 [\u1f18\u03bb\u03b1\u03bd\u03af\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5] \u03bc\u03c5\u03c7\u03bf\u1fe6). As Poseidion\nwas situated _within_ (\u1f10\u03bd\u03b4\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u03c9) the Gulf of Suez, and here the _west\ncoast_ of the Peninsula was to be described, this altar of Poseidion\ntherefore of necessity was situated either at RAS ABU ZEL\u00ceMEH, the\nharbour of Faran, or at RAS GEHAN, whence there was a more southern and\nshorter communication with Wadi Fir\u00e2n through Wadi Dhaghadeh. That the\n_palm-grove_ (\u03a6\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u03ce\u03bd) of those authors is not to be sought at T\u00d4R, but\nin the Wadi Fir\u00e2n, has been already justly acknowledged by Tuch (Sinait.\nInschr. p. 35), although he still places Poseidion at R\u00e2s Mohammed (p.\n37). It was the SERB BAL, the _palm-grove_ of Baal, from which the\nmountain first received its name. It appears, in earlier times, while the\ngrove itself was still called by the inhabitants SERB BAL, that the name\nof Faran was especially employed for the harbour at Abu Zel\u00eemeh, and for\na Pharanitic settlement on the site of ancient ELIM, near the present\nGebel Hamm\u00e2m Fara\u00fbn, still always called FARAN by the Arabic authors.\n(See note, p. 307.) Here also, probably, was the spot where ARISTON\nlanded under Ptolemy Philadelphus, and founded POSEIDION.\n\nArtemidorus (in Strabo, p. 776) and Diodorus (3, 42) mention \u039c\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd\u1fd6\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9,\nin place of which Gosselin, Ritter, Tuch, and others, read \u03a6\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd\u1fd6\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9. As\nthe MARANITES, however, inhabited the _eastern coast_ of the Peninsula,\nand are said to have been totally destroyed by the Garind\u00e6es, I cannot\nsee any support for this supposition. The ravine of PHARA, mentioned by\nJOSEPHUS (Bell. Jud. 4, 9, 4), in Jud\u00e6a, does not belong hither.\n\nThe name of the PHARANITES on the western coast of the Peninsula first\nappears in Pliny (H. N. 37, 40), for there is no reason to regard the\n_Pharanitis gens_, whom he places in _Arabia Petr\u00e6a_, as differing from\nthe _Pharanitai_ of Ptolemy. That the northern station PHARA (circa ten\nhours west of Aila) has nothing to do on the tablet of Peutinger with the\nPharanitic palm-grove, is placed beyond a doubt by Ritter (p. 147, &c.).\n\nPtolemy, in the third century, is the first who mentions a _place_\ncalled PHARAN (\u03ba\u03ce\u03bc\u03b7 \u03a6\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac\u03bd); but on account of the detailed comparison\nnot agreeing, the basis and the connection of his statements deviating\nwidely from the true conditions, they have for that very reason hitherto\nremained in obscurity. His construction of the Peninsula becomes clear\nat once, when we take into account that he has evidently taken the blunt\nangle of the coast at RAS GEHAN (whither by his latitude he removes Cape\nPharan, instead of to Hamm\u00e2m Fara\u00fbn) to be the most southern point of\nthe Peninsula, from which the more remote coast runs up again towards\nthe north-east. Thereby the Peninsula, according to him, becomes about\n50\u2032 too short, although the longitude of his point corresponds with\nthe true one. The real extremity (R\u00e2s Mohammed) now corresponds with\nthe point whither he places the bend of the Elanitic Gulf (\u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c6\u1f74\n\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f18\u03bb\u03b1\u03bd\u03af\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u03ba\u03cc\u03bb\u03c0\u03bf\u03c5). The whole of the Elanitic Gulf (Gulf of Akaba)\ncontracts with him into a small angle (\u03bc\u03c5\u03c7\u03cc\u03c2) of 15\u2032, because all is\npushed too far to the north. The coast from the \u201cbend\u201d as far as \u1f4c\u03bd\u03bd\u03b7\nin reality corresponds with that from RAS FURTAK (the \u03ac\u03ba\u03c1\u03c9\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2\n\u1f20\u03c0\u03b5\u03af\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5 of Diodorus and Artemidorus, in front of which was situated the\nisland of Phokes) to \u02beAIN UNEH, and his Elanitic Gulf, the north part of\nwhich (\u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c6\u03ae) he places 66\u00b0 lon., 29\u00b0 lat., now assumes the form of\nthe gulf whose innermost point is now marked by \u02beAIN UNEH. He imagines\nthe Bay of Pharan (\u03bc\u03c5\u03c7\u1f78\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03a6\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac\u03bd) to be from Cape Faran (\u1f00\u03ba\u03c1\u03c9\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\n\u03a6\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac\u03bd) to the inland town of the same name, as the angle of Elana, and\nthe innermost angle of Heroonpolis north of Arsino\u00eb. From this same\nconstruction of the Peninsula it followed that the RAITHENES, who were\nsituated below the Pharanites, on the same coast near T\u00f4r (even now\ncalled \u1fec\u03b1\u03b9\u03b8\u03bf\u1fe6), are now placed on the coast facing Arabia (\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd\n\u1f40\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u1f74\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u0395\u1f50\u03b4\u03b1\u03af\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f08\u03c1\u03b1\u03b2\u03af\u03b1\u03c2), therefore on the eastern, in place of\nthe western coast of the Peninsula; and finally, as the natural result\nof this, he makes the primitive chain of mountains extending from Faran\nto R\u00e2s Mohammed (\u1f44\u03c1\u03b7 \u03bc\u03ad\u03bb\u03b1\u03bd\u03b1) run towards Jud\u00e6a, therefore up towards the\nnorth-east, in place of down towards the south-east.\n\nFrom all this, it is evident, that the place PHARAN of Ptolemy is\nidentical with the well-known Pharan in the Wadi Fir\u00e2n, and the Ph\u0153nikon\nof Artemidorus and Strabo. Still less can we doubt that the PHARAN of\nEusebius also (s. v. \u1fec\u03b1\u03c6\u03b9\u03b4\u03af\u03bc), and of Jerome, which is expressly (s.\nv. \u03a6\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac\u03bd) called a _town_ (\u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b9\u03c2, _oppidum_), and situated (certainly\nsomewhat too near) three days\u2019 journey from Aila, was the town in Wadi\nFir\u00e2n, although by a confusion with the Biblical wilderness of Paran, it\nis added that the Israelites on their way back from Sinai went past this\nPharan. (Compare Ritter, p. 740.)\n\nAccording to the manuscript of the monk AMMONIUS (Illustr. Chr. Martyr\nlecti. triumphi ed. Combefis. Paris, 1660), the town of Pharan was\nconverted to Christianity in the middle of the fourth century by a monk\nMoses, born in Pharan itself, but his narration, which is evidently an\ninvention, and belongs to about 370, must by no means be employed as\nan historical authority for that period, and seems to rest chiefly on\nsome passages of a romance of Nilus, which was written for an edifying\nobject, and his seems to have been composed with a similar intention. In\nNILUS, who is placed about 390, but over whose period and writings much\nuncertainty still hangs, a Christian counsellor (\u03b2\u03bf\u03c5\u03bb\u03ae) of the town of\nPharan is mentioned (Nili opp. qu\u00e6dam, 1539. 4\u1d52). Soon after this, since\nthe first half of the fifth century, Le Quien, from authorities of very\nunequal value indeed (Oriens, Christ. vol. iii. p. 751), cites a list\nof _bishops of_ PHARAN, who can be followed down to the middle of the\ntwelfth century. (See Reland, Pal\u00e6st. vol. ii. p. 220.) All the monks of\nthe entire mountain range were subordinate to these bishops.\n\nWith reference to the foundation of the present convent on Gebel M\u00fbsa,\nit is indeed ascribed to the Emperor JUSTINIAN by SA\u00cfD BEN BATRIK\n(Eutychius), who wrote about 932-953 (D\u2019Herbelot, s. v.), as well as in\nthe convent inscriptions of the twelfth or thirteenth centuries, which\nhave been communicated above; but this is most decidedly contradicted by\nthe far more reliable testimony, peculiarly valuable here, of PROCOPIUS,\nwho was the _cotemporary_ of Justinian. He says, in his special treatise\nabout the buildings founded by Justinian (Proc. ed. Dind. vol. iii. de\n\u00e6dif. Just. p. 326), that the emperor built a _church_ to the mother of\nGod, \u201c_not_ upon the summit of the mountain, but _a considerable way\nbelow it_\u201d (\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u1f7a \u1f14\u03bd\u03b5\u03c1\u03b8\u03b5\u03bd, in accordance with the locality, which can\nonly mean on the intermediate space of ground half-way up the mountain,\nwhere the chapel to Elijah now stands). Separated from this he had also\nerected a very strong castle (\u03c6\u03c1\u03bf\u03cd\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd) at the foot of the mountain\n(\u1f10\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f44\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c0\u03bf\u03b4\u03b1), and provided it with a good military guard\nto check the incursions of the Saracens into Palestine. As Procopius\ndirectly before and afterwards, as well as throughout the whole paper,\ndistinguishes very exactly between the _convents_ and the _churches_,\nand the military _guard-houses_, it is evident that, according to him,\nJustinian did _not_ found the present convent together with his church.\nThe military castle was, however, probably at a later period employed,\nand rebuilt into a convent. Besides, the church founded by Justinian\nhigher up the hill was not dedicated, like the present convent church,\nto St. KATHARINE (see Le Quien, vol. iii. p. 1306), but to MARY. What\nis said by Eutychius (who ROBINSON first cited, though he placed him\nsomewhat too early, still in the tenth century), both about the building\nof the convent, and in still more direct contradiction with Procopius,\nabout a church built upon the _summit of the mountain_, deserves\ntherefore no more credit than the conversation between the emperor and\nthe architect, which is communicated. As little must we ascribe to\nJustinian, on the statement of Ben Batrik, the foundation of the convents\nof RAYEH (at T\u00f4r) and of KOLZUM (a _bishop_ of Clysma, by name Poemes,\nis inserted at the Constantinopolitan Council as early as 460; see Acta\nConcil. ed. Harduin, ii. 696, 786), as in this case he would undoubtedly\nhave been mentioned by Procopius. PHARAN is not mentioned by Procopius.\nOn the contrary, he narrates (de bell. Pers. i. 19, 164; de \u00e6dif. 5,\n8) the important fact, that the Saracen Prince Abocharagos, reigning\nthere, had presented the Emperor Justinian with a large palm-grove\n(\u03c6\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03bd\u03b1), situated in the centre of the land (\u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c3\u03bf\u03b3\u03b1\u03af\u1fb3). On\ncloser consideration of this account, scarcely a doubt can remain that\nthe palm-grove of PHARAN is here understood, not the place on the coast\n\u03a6\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u03af\u03ba\u03c9\u03bd \u03ba\u03ce\u03bc\u03b7, mentioned by Ptolemy (vi. 7, 3), or a palm-grove totally\nunknown to us, also situated in the midst of a solitary wilderness,\nwholly unprovided with water. According to Ammonius and Nilus all the\ninhabitants of Pharan had then become Christian, and a church at all\nevents existed there; thereby it is easier to understand the gift made\nby Abocharagos, which Justinian himself presented to the Phylarch of the\nPalestinian Saracens. No doubt the foundation of the castle in the higher\nmountains, for watching over those Saracens, was in connection with this.\n\nNext to Procopius, COSMAS INDICOPLEUSTES is by far the most authentic\nauthority of that period. He was not only both a _cotemporary_ of\nJustinian, but likewise describes (about 540) what he himself saw upon\nthe Peninsula. His work is the only one containing detailed geography\nbelonging to that period, and his unassuming narration bears everywhere\nthe marks of unvarnished truth. It is so much the more remarkable that\nhe neither mentions a convent edifice, nor indeed the localities at\nGebel M\u00fbsa, but only PHARAN, although he had the path of the Israelites\nespecially in view. (See below more of this.) That on the other hand\nANTONINUS PLACENTINUS, who is held by others to be the _b. Antoninus\nMartyr_, nevertheless in his ITINERARIUM (_Acta Sanctor. May_, vol. ii.\np. x-xviii), which is placed by Ritter about 600, should again speak\nof a convent at the thorn-bush (Procopius does not yet make mention\nof the thorn-bush), between Horeb and Sinai, therefore on the site of\nthe present convent, appears rather to lead us back to the opinion so\ndecidedly expressed by PAPEBROCH, who first published the Itinerary, that\nthis narrative, which has excited such various considerations, though\nso learnedly defended, does not belong to an earlier period than the\neleventh or twelfth centuries. At all events, it would be very desirable\nif the writings of Ammonius, Nilus, and Antoninus, that have been cited,\nand so many others attributed to the first Christian centuries, were\nsubmitted to a more searching and connected criticism than has hitherto\nbeen the case.\n\nThe earliest bishop of Mount Sinai to whom we can refer, is not to be\nfound before the eleventh century, Bishop Jorius, who dies 1033 (Le\nQuien, iii. 754). The name in the second Constantinopolitan Council (a.\n553), signed _Phronimus episc. Synnaii_ (Acta Concil. ed. Harduin, vol.\niii. p. 53), or SYNAITANORUM (p. 206), and in the fourth council (a.\n870), the one named _Constantinus_ ep. SYNAI (Harduin, vol. v. p. 927),\nhave been incorrectly brought hither (Ritter, Abhandl. der Berl. Akad.\n1824, p. 216. Halbinsel Sinai, p. 96), as they belong to SYNAUS, or\nSYNNAUS, in Phrygia.\n\nAPPENDIX G. (P. 320.)\u2014It must be most absolutely denied that an\ninterrupted and distinct tradition about the position of Sinai in the\nPeninsula was preserved as late as the Christian times. The name Choreb,\nor Sinai, appears even at a very early period to have been understood\nfor the whole of the lofty range in the Peninsula, which was constantly\nregarded from a distance as one single mountain. No one before the time\nof the Christian hermits attached any interest in connecting a fixed\ngeographical notion with the name that had been transmitted. We only\nread of ELIJAH that he fled to the \u201cMount of God Choreb,\u201d and there\n(1 Kings xix. 9) went into the same cave (for it is presupposed that\nit is known) in which the Lord had already appeared to Moses on Mount\nSinai (2 Exodus xxxiii. 22). The native Arab tribes by degrees became\nso much changed, that not one of the Old Testament names remained in\nits original position. The Greeks and Romans only knew _one_ spot on\nthe whole Peninsula, the _Palm-wood of Pharan_, because this spot only,\nand the harbour leading to it, was of any importance since the mines\nof that wilderness had been exhausted. Fir\u00e2n must of necessity have\nbeen the earliest central point for the Christian hermits also; that\nmountainous wilderness, affording necessary means of sustenance, in the\ngreatest retirement, must have appeared better adapted for them than any\nother district, since here we also find the most _ancient church_ of the\nPeninsula. When gradually the individual Biblical localities began to be\nmore accurately investigated, people had no other means for forming their\ndeterminations than we possess now, and besides understood far less to\nemploy these means, since all acute criticism of the Biblical passages,\nwhich could alone give them information, at that time lay far removed.\nThey understood the name SINAI as an indeterminate appellation for the\nwhole range; but when they searched for Sinai in a single mountain,\nSERB\u00c2L then must have immediately presented itself. Thither also points\nall that we read about the matter in authentic writings during the first\ncenturies, but to these the writing of the monk Ammonius certainly does\nnot belong in the opinion of those who examine accurately, and hardly\nthe edifying romance of Nilus. What JOSEPHUS (Ant. iii. 5) says of Sinai\n(\u03c4\u1f78 \u03a3\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd) may very well refer to Serb\u00e2l, at all events not to Gebel\nM\u00fbsa, as has been already shown by HOGG (in several passages, p. 207).\nAccording to EUSEBIUS, Choreb and Raphid\u00eem were situated _at_ PHARAN\n(\u1f10\u03b3\u03b3\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03a6\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac\u03bd, see note, p. 313), and Sinai near Choreb (\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1ff7\n\u1f44\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9 \u03a3\u03b9\u03bd\u1fb6, see above). JEROME (s. v. _Choreb_) regards both mounts as\none, which he likewise places _at_ PHARAN, and consequently recognises\nin SERB\u00c2L. The account by NILUS also, about the Saracenic attack at\nSinai, either does not belong to the time in which it is placed (c.\n400), or refers to SERB\u00c2L, for here a _church_ (\u1f10\u03ba\u03ba\u03bb\u03b7\u03c3\u03af\u03b1) is frequently\n(p. 38, 46) mentioned, which at that time did not exist at Gebel M\u00fbsa,\nand Nilus, that _very same_ night in which the scattered slain had been\nburied, goes down to Pharan, which would have been impossible from Gebel\nM\u00fbsa. Finally, COSMAS INDICOPLEUSTES, who traversed the Peninsula about\nthe year 535, probably immediately before the building of the Justinian\nchurch, passes through Raithu, _i. e._ T\u00f4r, which he regards as Elim,\nalthough he only found a few palm-trees there (the present considerable\nplantations are, therefore, of more recent date), and across the present\nWadi Hebr\u00e2n to Raphid\u00eem, which is now called PHARAN. Here he was at the\ntermination of his Sinai journey. From this spot Moses went with the\nelders \u201cupon the Mount Choreb, _i. e._ Sinai, which is about 6000 paces\n(one mile and a half) distant from Pharan,\u201d and struck the water out of\nthe rock; here also the tabernacle of the congregation was built, and the\nlaw was given; thereby the Israelites besides received the Scripture, and\nhad leisure to learn it for their application; thence we may date the\nnumerous rock-inscriptions which are still to be found in that wilderness\n(especially at Serb\u00e2l). (\u0395\u1f36\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bb\u03b9\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b5\u03bd\u03ad\u03b2\u03b1\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u1fec\u03b1\u03c6\u03b9\u03b4\u03af\u03bd, \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03bd\u1fe6\u03bd\n\u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd \u03a6\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac\u03bd\u00b7 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b4\u03b9\u03c8\u03b5\u03c5\u03c3\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd, \u03c0\u03bf\u03c1\u03b5\u03cd\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03be\u03b9\u03bd \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6\n\u1f41 \u039c\u03c9\u03cb\u03c3\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u03b5\u03c3\u03b2\u03c5\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u03c9\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f21 \u1fe5\u03ac\u03b2\u03b4\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u1f76 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6, \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03a7\u03c9\u03c1\u1f74\u03b2\n\u03c4\u1f78 \u1f44\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2, \u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03a3\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1\u0390\u1ff3, \u1f10\u03b3\u03b3\u1f7a\u03c2 \u1f44\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03a6\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70\u03bd \u1f61\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c0\u03cc \u03bc\u03b9\u03bb\u03af\u03c9\u03bd \u1f15\u03be\u00b7\n(Burckhardt, _Trav. in Syr._ p. 611, when he descended Serb\u00e2l, occupied\ntwo hours and a half, from its base to Wadi Fir\u00e2n) \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03ba\u03b5\u1fd6 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03ac\u03be\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2\n\u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03c0\u03ad\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd, \u1f10\u1fe4\u1fe5\u03cd\u03b7\u03c3\u03b5\u03bd \u1f55\u03b4\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u1f70 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f14\u03c0\u03b9\u03b5\u03bd \u1f41 \u03bb\u03b1\u03cc\u03c2.\u2014\u039b\u03bf\u03b9\u03c0\u1f78\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03b7\u03bb\u03c5\u03b8\u03cc\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2\n\u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f44\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03c4\u03c4\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03c3\u03ba\u03b7\u03bd\u03ae\u03bd), etc.\n(_Topograph. christ._ lib. v. in the _Coll. nova patr. ed. B. de\nMontfaucon_, tom. ii. p. 195, _seq._)\n\nThis testimony of an unprejudiced traveller is expressed with as much\ndistinctness, as it is worthy of confidence and without suspicion. At\nthe commencement of the sixth century, therefore, according to this\neye-witness, it was believed that the law had been given on SERB\u00c2L.\nCosmas has so little doubt about the matter, that he does not even\nmention the southern range. Nevertheless, we must admit that the monkish\npopulation had already spread over the whole of the mountain range,\nespecially among the districts in a sheltered situation about Gebel M\u00fbsa;\nand we need not be surprised that a different view was formed among the\nmonks there situated, according to which Moses turned to the south,\ninstead of towards the north, coming from the height of Wadi Hebr\u00e2n (for\nthe idea that Elim was Raithu was a fixed conviction already cherished\nby the convent, prematurely founded there). Such changes are of frequent\noccurrence in Christian topography. But however closely Horeb and Sinai,\nRaphid\u00eem and the Mount of the Law, appear in the representation, it\nfollows again from this, that associated with Sinai, the rock from which\nthe water flowed was moved farther south. The monks were not deterred\nby the verses at the commencement of the 19th chapter from transferring\nthe rock of Raphid\u00eem, and consequently Raphid\u00eem itself, as well as the\nthorn-bush of Horeb, also to Gebel M\u00fbsa, their new Sinai; there in Wadi\nLeg\u00b4a (Robinson, i. p. 184) it is still shown for the admiration of\ntravellers. Thus the unlettered apprehension of the monks that Raphid\u00eem\nwas situated at Sinai, approached nearer to the truth on this head than\nthe more recent verbal criticism.\n\nThe legate of Justinian now found it appropriate to found his castle\nin that secure position, and to build a church at that very spot for\nthe hermits who were dwelling around it. It is quite conceivable that\nthis alone would have contributed to attract many new hermits thither,\nand to originate a new view about the position of the Mount of the Law,\nif this had not previously existed. But how both views accommodated\nthemselves to each other during the centuries immediately succeeding,\nwe have absolutely no distinct proofs. At all events, while Mount\nSINAI is frequently mentioned after the foundation of the bishopric of\nPharan, we must be guarded not to understand it to be Gebel M\u00fbsa, unless\nsomething further is said. Ordinarily, the lofty range of the Peninsula\nseems in general to be understood by it. When, for example, as early as\nthe year 536, therefore probably before the erection of the church, at\nthe _Concilium sub Mena_ at Constantinople, one _Theonas, presbyter et\nlegatus S. Montis Sinai et deserti Raithu et S. ecclesi\u00e6 Pharan_ (\u0398\u03b5\u03c9\u03bd\u1fb6\u03c2\n\u1f10\u03bb\u03b5\u1ff7 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03c1\u03b5\u03c3\u03b2\u03cd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9\u03ac\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f01\u03b3\u03af\u03bf\u03c5 \u1f44\u03c1\u03bf\u03cd\u03c2 \u03a3\u03b9\u03bd\u1fb6 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2\n\u1f10\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03bf\u03c5 \u1fec\u03b1\u03b9\u03b8\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03a6\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70\u03bd \u1f01\u03b3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f10\u03ba\u03ba\u03bb\u03b7\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2. Harduin, vol. ii. p.\n1281) is named, the church of Pharan, at that time the still undoubted,\nmost important central point and bishopric would have been first\nmentioned, if the monks scattered over the whole range and the plain of\nRaithu had not been regarded more comprehensive, and on that account\nplaced first. LE QUIEN (iii. p. 753) mentions the _Episcopi Pharan\nsivi Montis Sinai_ in succession, and, as the earliest with the last\ndesignation, the above-mentioned Bishop Jorius (\u2020 1033). Since then, and\neven since Eutychius (c. 940), the designation of the single Gebel M\u00fbsa,\nas Sinai, is indeed beyond all doubt.\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\n\n[1] Chronologie der \u00c6gypter. Vol. i. Berlin, 1849.\n\n[2] On the sudden death of Bishop Alexander, which happened shortly\nafter our departure from Palestine, Gobat, as is known, was selected\nby H. M. the King of Prussia to be Bishop of the Evangelical Bishopric\nof Jerusalem, which he has administered, by the blessing of God,\nefficaciously ever since 1846.\n\n[3] Previous to my departure from Alexandria, the firman of the\nViceroy was presented to me, with unlimited permission to make all the\nexcavations which I might think desirable, and with instructions to\nthe local authorities to render me assistance. All the workmen and aid\nnecessary for forming and transporting our collection of antiquities,\nwere demanded in return for money, through virtue of our firman, from the\nSheikhs of the neighbouring villages, or the Mudhirs of the provinces,\nby the Kawass, who had been given us by the government, and they were\nnever refused. The monuments from the southern regions were transported\nfrom Mount Barkal to Alexandria on government boats, and three sepulchral\nchambers near the great Pyramids of Gizeh were also added, which were\ncarefully taken to pieces by the aid of four workmen, sent expressly for\nthe purpose from Berlin, and were put on board a vessel opposite Old\nCairo. I also received, before my departure from Egypt, a written permit\nfor the exportation of the collection; and the objects themselves were\npresented from the Viceroy to H. M. the King of Prussia.\n\nThese peculiar favours, at a time when all private travellers,\nantiquarian speculators, and even diplomatic persons, were expressly\nforbidden by the Egyptian Government to make any collection, or to export\nantiquities, have caused many unfavourable judgments to be passed on our\nexpedition. We have been chiefly accused of a thirst for destruction,\nwhich, under the given circumstances, would presuppose a peculiarly\nbarbarous feeling to have existed in our party; for as we did not, like\nmany of our rivals, excavate and transport the monuments, the greater\npart of which had previously been invisible, hurriedly and by night,\nand with bribed assistance, but leisurely, and with open aid from the\nauthorities, and before the eyes of numerous travellers, all disregard in\nour treatment of the remaining monuments, of which perhaps they formed a\npart, would certainly have been so much the more blameable, since it was\nso easy to avoid it. We might, however, trust to a more correct judgment\nthan what is usually possessed by the greater proportion of ordinary\ntravellers or collectors, with regard to the value of the individual\nmonuments; besides, we were not, after all, in danger of being deceived\nin this matter by personal self-interest, as we made our selection of\nthe monuments not for ourselves, but commissioned by our government, for\nthe Royal Museum in Berlin, therefore for the benefit of science, and a\npublic eager after knowledge.\n\nThe collection, which chiefly on account of its historical value, may\nbe placed on an equal footing with the most important European museums,\nwas incorporated immediately on its arrival with the Royal collections,\nwithout my remaining myself officially connected with it; and it is\nalready arranged and exhibited to the public. A more accurate examination\nis best fitted to place the inconsiderate accusations of more recent, and\neven German tourists, in their proper light, some of whom have gone so\nfar, for example, very recently, Herr Julius Braun, in the _Algemeiner\nAugsburg Gazette_, as to charge us with the mutilation of the gods,\nwhich happened more than 3000 years ago, in the temple of El Kab.\nBesides, it would prove an entire ignorance of Egyptian affairs at the\npresent time, or of that which chiefly lends the monuments of antiquity\ntheir real interest to us, if all were not desirous to preserve in the\npublic museums of Europe, as many as possible of the treasures of those\ncountries, which are really as valuable, as they are undervalued in their\nown home, and numbers of which are still daily destroyed.\n\n[4] The journal of this expedition up the Nile has been since published\nunder the title Expedition zur Entdeckung der Quellen des Weissen Nil,\n1840-1841. By Ferd. Werne. With a Preface by Karl Ritter. A map and a\ntable of figures. Berlin: G. Reimer 1848. 8vo.\n\n[5] Abbas Pascha has been Viceroy of Egypt since the death of Ibrahim\nPascha in 1848.\n\n[6] This paper\u2014An account of the river Goschop, and of the countries of\nEnarea, Caffa, and Doko, given by a native of Enarea (with a map)\u2014has\nbeen translated by Ritter, and was communicated to the Geographical\nSociety at Berlin on the 7th January, 1843, and was printed in the\nmonthly reports of this society in the latter part of the year. P.\n172-188.\n\n[7] On our departure for Upper Egypt, we had minutely examined 130\nprivate tombs, and had discovered the remains of 67 Pyramids.\n\n[8] See my essay, _S\u00fbr l\u2019ordre des colonnes piliers en Egypte_ et ses\nrapports avec le second ordre Egyptien et la colonne Grecque (avec deux\nplanches), in the ninth volume of the Annales de l\u2019Institut. de Corresp.\nArch\u00e9ol. Rome, 1838.\n\n[9] See p. 118.\n\n[10] _Proskynemata._ \u201cSometimes travellers who happened to pass by a\ntemple inscribed a votive sentence on the walls, to indicate their\nrespect for the deity, and solicit his protection during their journey,\nthe complete formula of which contained the adoration (_proskun\u00e9ma_) of\nthe writer, with the assurance that he had been mindful of his wife, his\nfamily, and friends; and the reader of the inscription was sometimes\nincluded in a share of the blessings it solicited. The date of the king\u2019s\nreign, and the day of the month, were also added, with the profession\nand parentage of the writer.\u201d\u2014_Wilkinson\u2019s Ancient Egypt_, vol. iii., p.\n395.\u2014TR.\n\n[11] \u201cEvery Pharaoh was the Sun of Egypt, and over his name bore \u2018Son of\nthe Sun;\u2019 and as the sun was Phra, so each king was called Phra. Each\nmonarch by law inherited his father\u2019s throne in lineal succession, so\nthat the incumbent was Phra son of Phra.\u201d\u2014_Gliddon\u2019s Ancient Egypt_, p.\n32.\u2014TR.\n\n[12] The colours have now, alas! almost entirely disappeared. Owing to\nthe unequal grain of the stone all the representations were prepared\nwith a thin layer of lime for the groundwork, before they were painted;\nthis lime has peeled off in the transport and by the action of the damp\nsea air, so that the rough sculpture alone remains. In the Work on the\nMonuments of the Prussian Expedition (Div. II., sheet 19-22), the colours\nhave been given faithfully, as they were preserved in their original\nfreshness when covered by the sand.\n\n[13] After our return from the south, two entire sepulchral chambers,\nbesides the one here mentioned, were taken to pieces and brought to\nEurope. All three are now reconstructed, with the other monuments, in the\nNew Museum at Berlin. _See_ Letter XXXV.\n\n[14] A separate essay, Ueber den Bau der Pyramiden, was sent by me to the\nRoyal Academy of Sciences in 1843, and it was printed in consequence of\na resolution of the 3rd of August of that year. See the Monthly Report\n(Monats Bericht) of the Academy, 1843, p. 177-203, with three Plates.\n\n[15] I have spoken more at length on this in my Chronology of the\nEgyptians, vol. i., p. 294.\n\n[16] We have been told on good authority that this statue is not composed\nof granite, but of limestone from the neighbouring hills.\u2014TR.\n\n[17] Compare my essay, _Ueber die ausgedehnte Anwendung des Spitzbogens\nin Deutschland im 10 und 11 Jahrhundert_, as an Introduction to H. Gally\nKnight\u2019s Entwickelung der Architectur vom 10 bis 14 Jahrhundert unter den\nNormannen, translated from the English; Leipzig, 1841, at G. Wigand\u2019s;\nand my father\u2019s treatise, _Der Dom zu Naumburg_, by C. P. Lepsius;\nLeipzig, 1840 (in Puttrich\u2019s Denkm. der Bauk., ii., Lief. 3, 4)\n\n[18] He among them blushes, who cannot show many strokes upon his body,\nfor non-payment of tribute.\u2014TR.\n\n[19] _Kaftan_, an open tunic.\u2014TR.\n\n[20] _Tarbusch_, red cap.\u2014TR.\n\n[21] The Germans generally calculate distance by the _hour_, which\ncorresponds to about three English miles, as this distance can be\ntraversed at a foot pace within that space of time.\u2014TR.\n\n[22] About twopence-halfpenny English money.\n\n[23] Compare my Chronology of the Egyptians, i., p. 262, &c.\n\n[24] According to Linant, the difference amounts to 22 metres, that\nis, 70 feet Rheinland (72 English). In June, 1843, an engineer of the\nViceroy, Nascimbeni, who was engaged in making a new map, and levelling\nthe Fai\u00fbm, visited us in our camp, at the Pyramid of M\u0153ris. He had only\nfound a descent of 2 metres (6 feet 6 inches English) from Illah\u00fbn to\nMed\u00eenet, but from thence to Birqet-el-Qorn, 75 metres (246 feet English).\nI am not aware that anything has been published about this considerable\ndifference of measurements. Sir G. Wilkinson, in his Mod. Eg. and Thebes,\nvol. ii., 346, states the surface of the water to be about 125 English\nfeet below the bank of the Nile at Beni-suef.\n\n[25] M\u00e9moire sur le lac M\u0153ris, present\u00e9 et lu \u00e0 la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 Egyptienne le\n5 Juillet, 1842, par Linant de Bellefonds, inspecteur-g\u00e9n\u00e9ral des ponts,\net chauss\u00e9es, publi\u00e9 par la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 Egyptienne. Alexandrie, 1843. 4to.\nCompare my Chronology, vol. i., p. 262 &c.\n\n[26] The same Domenico Lorda again travelled that year to Abyssinia, and\nsent six other Abyssinian manuscripts to Herr Lieder from thence, who\nshowed them to me on my return to Cairo. These, also, on my suggestion,\nwere afterwards obtained for the Royal Library. By M. Lorda\u2019s account\nthey contain:\n\nA. ABUSCHER\u2014Almanacco perpetuo Civile-Ecclesiastico-Storico.\n\nB. SETTA NEGHEST\u2014Codice dell\u2019 Imperadore Eeschias.\n\nC. JUSEPH\u2014Storia Civile, ed Ecclesiastica. (?)\n\nD. BERAAN\u2014Storia Civile, ed Ecclesiastica.\n\nE. PHILKISIUS E MARISAK\u2014Due Opere, in un volume, che trattano della\nStoria Civile.\n\nF. SINODUS\u2014Dritto Canonico.\n\n[27] _Sont_, or Acacia, Mimosa Nilotica.\u2014_Sir G. Wilkinson._\u2014TR.\n\n[28] This letter, addressed to Alexander von Humboldt, has been already\nprinted in the _Prussian Gazette_, Berlin, 9th Feb., 1844.\n\n[29] \u201cDedicated to King Ptolemy and Cleopatra, his sister, benevolent\ndeities.\u201d\u2014TR.\n\n[30] The emendation, \u1f00\u03b4\u03b5\u03bb\u03c6\u1fc6\u03c2, in this inscription, which dates from the\nthirty-fifth year of Euergetes (B.C. 136), is of importance in certain\nchronological determinations of that period. Letronne (Rec. des Inscr.,\nvol. i., p. 33-56) assumed that Cleopatra III., the niece and second\nwife of Euergetes II., was here meant. Hence alone he concluded that\nthis king, in the official documents written before his expulsion, in\nthe year 132 B.C., only joined the name of his wife, Cleopatra III., to\nhis own, and therefore he fixed the date of all the inscriptions, in\nwhich both the Cleopatras, the sister, and the (second) wife are named\nafter the king, in the period after the return of Euergetes (127-117),\n_e. g._ the inscriptions on the obelisk of Phil\u00e6 (Rec., vol. 1., p.\n333). In this determination of the time, he is followed by Franz (Corp.\nInscr., vol. iii., p. 285), who, for the same reason, fixes the date of\nthe inscriptions (c. i., no. 4841, 4860, 4895, 4896) between B.C. 127 and\n117, although he was already aware of my correction of the inscription of\nPselchis (c. i., no. 5073).\n\nIt is indeed singular that only _one_ Cleopatra is mentioned in the\ninscription of Pselchis; but as it is Cleopatra II., the _first_ wife\nof the king, who he always distinguishes from his second wife by the\nappellation of _sister_; it cannot thence be concluded that from the very\ncommencement of his second marriage he expressly excluded all mention of\nthe latter in the documents. This also is confirmed in the most distinct\nmanner by two Demotic Papyri belonging to the royal museum, in which\n_both_ Cleopatras are mentioned, although the one papyrus is as early as\nthe year B.C. 141, the other, a duplicate, is from the year B.C. 136. All\ninscriptions which, according to Letronne (Rec. des Inscr., tome i., no.\n7, 26, 27, 30, 31) and Franz (Corp. Inscr., vol. iii., no. 4841, 4860,\n4895, 4896), from the reasons stated, date between the years B.C. 127\nand 117, may, therefore, still be placed, with equal probability, in the\nyears 145 to 132.\n\n[31] Compare Letronne, Recueil des Inscriptions Grecques de l\u2019Egypte,\ntome i., p. 365, &c. Ptolemy EUPATOR is not mentioned by authors. He was\nintroduced for the first time among the predecessors of Soter II., who\nwere worshipped as divinities, in a Greek papyrus [in Leyden[A]], which\nwas composed in the reign of Soter II., in the year B.C. 105, and he was\ninserted between Philometor and Euergetes. B\u00f6ckh, who published the\nPapyrus (1821), referred the surname of Euergetes to Soter II. and his\nwife, and considered EUPATOR to be a surname of the deified EUERGETES II.\nIn the same year, Champollion Figeac also wrote about this papyrus, and\nendeavoured to prove that Eupator was the son of Philometor, who was\nkilled by Euergetes II., on his ascent to the throne. This view was\nassented to at a later period by St. Martin, B\u00f6ckh, and Letronne (Rech.\npour ser \u00e0 l\u2019Hist. de l\u2019Eg., p. 124). Meanwhile, the name of EUPATOR was\ndiscovered in a second papyrus from the reign of Soter II., as well as\nin the letter of Numenius on the Philensic obelisk of H. Bankes, from\nthe time of Euergetes II. In both inscriptions the name of Eupator was\nmentioned; it did not, however, follow, but preceded Philometor, and\ntherefore could not signify his son. Letronne now conjectured (Recueil des\nInscr., vol. i., p. 365) that EUPATOR was another surname of Philometor.\nBut then it would not have been \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6 \u0395\u1f50\u03c0\u03ac\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03a6\u03b9\u03bb\u03bf\u03bc\u03ae\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2,\nbut \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6 \u0395\u1f50\u03c0\u03ac\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03a6\u03b9\u03bb\u03bf\u03bc\u03ae\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2. In a letter to Letronne, of\nthe 1st Dec., 1844, from Thebes, which is printed in the R\u00e9vue Arch\u00e9ol.,\nvol. i., p. 678, &c., I communicated to him that I had also found the\nname of EUPATOR in several hieroglyphic inscriptions, and indeed always\n_before_ Philometor. The same reason which I had employed against\nLetronne\u2019s explanation of the Greek name (the passage is not printed\nalong with it in the R\u00e9vue), namely, the simple repetition of the \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6,\ndid not even permit us in the hieroglyphic list to consider EUPATOR\nanother surname of Philopator. He must have been a Ptolemy who, for a\nshort time at least, was acknowledged as king, but who is not mentioned\nby authors; and, indeed, according to Franz (Corp. Inscr., vol. iii., p.\n285), and also by the acknowledgment of Letronne (Rec., vol. ii., p. 536),\nhe must have been an elder brother of Philometor, who died in a few\nmonths, and therefore was omitted in the Ptolemaic canon.\n\nBut the son of Philometor, and of his sister, Cleopatra II., mentioned\nby Justinus and Josephus, who was formerly believed to have been\nre-discovered in the Eupator of the [Leyden] papyrus, is particularly\nmentioned in the hieroglyphic inscriptions among the other Ptolemies,\nin his place between Philometor and Euergetes, and we thence become\nacquainted with his name, which had not been added by the authors. He\nis sometimes named PHILOPATOR, sometimes NEOS PHILOPATOR, and he must\ntherefore also be placed in future as PHILOPATOR II. in the series of the\nreigning Ptolemies. Among fourteen hieroglyphic lists of the Ptolemies,\nwhich come down at least as far as the second Euergetes, seven of their\nnumber give PHILOPATOR II.; in four other lists, in which his name\nmight appear, he is passed over, and these all seem to belong to the\nfirst years of Euergetes II., his murderer, when the omission is easily\nexplained. It is natural that he does not appear in the canon, because\nneither he nor Eupator lived to witness a change of the Egyptian year\nduring his reign; on the other hand, as was to be expected, he is also\nnamed in the protocol of the _Demotic Papyrus_, in which the Ptolemies\nwho are worshipped as divinities are exhibited, and in which Young had\nalso already correctly acknowledged EUPATOR. In fact, he is here cited\nin all the lists with which I am acquainted (five in Berlin, from the\nyears 114, 103, 99, 89, one in Turin from the year 89), which are of\nmore recent date than Euergetes II., as well as in a Berlin papyrus from\nthe fifty-second year of Euergetes himself (B.C. 118). A comparison\nalso of the demotic lists shows finally that the transposition of the\nnames EUPATOR and PHILOMETOR in the Greek papyrus from the year B.C.\n105 (not 106, as Franz writes\u2014Corp. Inscr., p. 285) is not alone an\nerror of the copyist in writing, as this, and other transpositions also,\nare not unfrequent in the Demotic Papyrus. The different object of\nthe hieroglyphic and the demotic lists makes it conceivable that such\ndeviations were not admissible in the former, as in the latter lists.\n\n  [A] _Note._\u2014_Leyden_ in place of _Berlin_, both here and below,\n  is a correction by the author, April, 1853.\u2014TR.\n\n[32] Wilkinson (Mod. Eg. and Th., vol. ii., p. 275) considers this\nCLEOPATRA TRYPH\u00c6NA to be the celebrated Cleopatra, the daughter of Neos\nDionysos; Champollion (Lettres d\u2019Eg., p. 110) thinks she is the wife\nof Philometor; but the Shields connected with her name belong neither\nto Ptolemy XIV., the elder son of Neos Dionysos, nor to Ptolemy VI.\nPhilometor, but to Ptolemy XIII. Neos Dionysos, or Auletes, who is always\ncalled on the monuments Philopator Philadelphus. CLEOPATRA TRYPH\u00c6NA was,\nconsequently, the wife of PTOLEMY AULETES.\n\n[33] The inscription alluded to is to be found in the rock-grotto of\nECHMIM, and was undoubtedly first engraved before the reign of Ptolemy\nPhiladelphus. He is also named with double shields and the usual royal\ntitles, but without the surname of Soter upon a _stele_ in Vienna,\nwhich was erected in the reign of Philopator. Here, however, he bears\na different Throne-shield from that in Echmim, and certainly, strange\nto say, it is the same which even before his time was borne by Philip\nArid\u00e6us, and Alexander II., under whom Ptolemy, son of Lagus, was\ngovernor of Egypt. He is also mentioned upon a statue of the king in\nthe ruins of Memphis, on which the Horus name of the king also appears,\nand which probably might have been engraved during his reign. Finally,\nthe SOTERS are also frequently mentioned by their surnames alone at\nthe head of the worshipped ancestors of later kings; as in the Rosetta\ninscription, and in the bilingual decrees of Phil\u00e6 (see below, p. 121),\n\ud810\udf17\ud80c\udeb9\ud810\udf17\ud80c\udeb9, while SOTER II. is always written \ud80c\udeaa\ud80c\udeb9\ud80c\udfcc\ud80d\udc31\ud80c\udfcf\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udfed\ud80c\ude16\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\ude1e\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udca1 _p. nuter enti\nnehem_, which would correspond to the Coptic \u2ca1.\u2c9b\u2c9f\u2ca9\u2ca7\u2c89 \u2c89\u2ca7-\u2c9b\u2c89\u03e9\u2c99, _deus\nservator_. In the _demotic_ inscriptions, the first Soters are also\ndesignated by _nehem_, and in the singular by the Greek word, _p. suter_.\n\nAlthough, therefore, it cannot be doubted that the SOTERS who, according\nto the Demotic Papyrus, were especially worshipped along with the other\nPtolemies, not only in ALEXANDRIA and PTOLEMAIS, but also in THEBES,\nwere regarded as the head of the Ptolemaic Dynasty, it is nevertheless\nso much the more remarkable, that hitherto not a single structure can be\npointed out which was erected under Ptolemy Soter when king, although\nhe ruled twenty years in this capacity. In addition to this, the\nabove-mentioned hieroglyphic lists of the Ptolemies commence the series\nwithout exception, _not_ with the _Soters_, but with the _Adelphes_; and,\nas was mentioned before, his shields in Echmim bear _no_ royal title;\nand in Karnak under Euergetes II., in one and the same representation,\nPhiladelphus is designated as _king_, and the _Soter_, corresponding to\nhim in space, as _no king_. In the _demotic_ series of kings, also, of\nthe Papyrus, the Alexandrine series was wont to omit the Soters, till\nthe reign of Philometor, and to make the _Adelphes_ immediately succeed\nAlexander the Great. The earliest period that I have met with the Soters\nis in a Papyrus, from the 17th year of Philopator (B.C. 210), the oldest\nof the Berlin collection; the Theban worship of the Ptolemies seems to\nhave wholly excluded the Soters. Although the commencement of the royal\ngovernment is therefore fixed in the year B.C. 305, as is specified\nin the canon, and most undeniably confirmed by the above-mentioned\n_hieroglyphic stele in Vienna_, which has been already cited for that\npurpose by my friend, M. Pinder (Beitr. zur Aelterem M\u00fcnzkunde, vol. i.,\np. 201) in his instructive essay, On the Era of Philip upon Coins, it\nappears, however, to have offered another legitimate opinion, by which\nnot Ptolemy Lagus, but Philadelphus, the first son of the king (if not\nPorphyrogenitus), was considered the head of the Ptolemies. It may thence\nbe also explained why we find an astronomical Era employed in the reign\nof Euergetes, that of the otherwise unknown Dionysius, which began from\nthe year 285, the first year of the reign of Philadelphus, while the\ncoins of Philadelphus do not reckon as the commencement of a new era\nfrom the beginning of his own reign, nor from the year 305, but from the\nyear of the death of Alexander the Great, or the commencement of the\ngovernorship of Ptolemy. (_See_ Pinder, p. 205.)\n\n[34] _See_ Denkm\u00e4ler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien, Abth. II., Bl. 123-133.\n\n[35] _See_ Denkm\u00e4l. Abth. II., Bl. 134.\n\n[36] _Panegyrics_: public religious assemblies which were periodically\nheld in Egypt.\u2014_Kenrick\u2019s Ancient Egypt._\u2014TR.\n\n[37] _See_ Denkm\u00e4l. Abth. IV., Bl. 38, 39.\u2014A special essay on these\ninscriptions is prepared.\n\n[38] The first news of the discovery of these important inscriptions,\nwhich had not been noticed by the French-Tuscan expedition, excited some\nsurprise. Simultaneously with the more exact description of them in the\n_Prussian Gazette_, a short English notice of them appeared, in which the\ndiscovery of a second copy of the Rosetta inscription was mentioned, and,\nindeed, in Mer\u00f6e. More recently, when M. Amp\u00e8re had brought an impression\nof the inscription to Paris, the learned academician, M. de Saulcy,\ndenied that the decree had anything to do with the Rosetta inscription,\nand felt himself obliged to ascribe it to Ptolemy Philometor. I therefore\ntook an opportunity to point out more accurately, in two letters to H.\nLetronne (Rev. Arch\u00e9ol., vol. iv., p. i., &c., and p. 240, &c.), as well\nas in an essay, in the Papers of the German Oriental Society (vol. i., p.\n264, &c.), that the document in question had been drawn up in the 21st\nyear of Ptolemy Epiphanes, and that it contained a repetition of the\nactual decree of the Rosetta inscription, which referred to Cleopatra,\nwho had meanwhile been elevated to the throne.\n\n[39] The name Cleopatra, instead of Arsino\u00eb, in the hieroglyphic\ninscription, appears solely to rest on an error of the writer, which was\navoided in the demotic inscription, for here Arsino\u00eb stands correctly.\nThe hieroglyphic text of the inscription of Rosetta is also less correct\nthan the demotic.\n\n[40] Such designations appear even at an earlier period. Thus, in Thebes,\nan \u201cAmmon of Tuthmosis (III.)\u201d is mentioned. It thereby appears that one\nof the kings named was designated for the newly-established worship of\nthese gods. Ramses II. dedicated three great rock-temples in Lower Nubia,\nat _Derr_, _Gerf Huss\u00ean_, and _Seb\u00fba_, to the three greatest gods of\nEgypt, _Ra_, _Phtha_, and _Ammon_ (See my Memoir on the earliest Cycle\nof the Egyptian Gods, in the papers of the Academy of Berlin, 1851),\nand named the places founded there simultaneously after the same gods,\naccordingly in Greek HELIOPOLIS, HEPHAISTOPOLIS, and DIOSPOLIS. The same\nRamses founded a fourth powerful and fortified position, Abusimbel, and\ncalled it after himself RAMESSOPOLIS, or the FORTRESS OF RAMESSOPOLIS,\nas he also founded two towns in the Delta, and called them after his\nown name. Now it is, undoubtedly, with reference to these new worships,\nthat the gods there adored were named Ammon of Ramses, and Phtha of\nRamses. The king himself was worshipped along with those gods, in these\nparticular rock-temples, especially in that of Abusimbel.\n\n[41] Compare passages in Letters XXIV., XXVI., XXVII. A grammar and\nvocabulary of the Nuba language, as well as a translation of the Gospel\nof St. Mark into the Nubian tongue, is ready for publication.\n\n[42] Dhorra. _Holcus sorghum._ Kenrick, Anc. Eg.\u2014TR.\n\n[43] I have since then received intelligence of the death of Herr Bauer,\nwhich happened only the following year.\n\n[44] Russegger (Reise, 2 Bd., 2 Thl., S. 125) found one specimen of this\ntree, 95 feet in circumference. He is mistaken when he calls it GANGLES;\nthe tree is called H\u00d3MARA, and the fruit GUNGULES.\n\n[45] _Wakil_, or deputy.\u2014TR.\n\n[46] The poems contain many unusual grammatical forms and expressions,\nand are composed in a very free, and, as it appears, in some measure,\nincorrect style.\n\n[47] About six English miles.\u2014TR.\n\n[48] These monuments are now placed in the Egyptian Museum (Berlin). See\nthe ram and sparrow-hawk in the _Denkm\u00e4ler aus Egypt. und Ethiop., Abth.\nIII., Blatt 90_.\n\n[49] By the pods and their kernels, which we brought away with us, Dr.\nKlotsch has recognised the _Moringa Arabica Persoon_ (_Hyperanthera\nperegrina Forsk\u00e5l_). It seems that this tree has hitherto only been known\nin Arabia, and is indigenous there. The individual trees found near\nBarkal, which are not mentioned by previous travellers, might perhaps\nhave been introduced from Arabia. This is the more probable, as the\nimmigration of those tribes of the Schaiq\u00eeeh Arabs from Heg\u2019\u00e2z is still\ntestified in writing.\n\n[50] The expression is, that he has built the Temple \ud80c\udc99\ud80c\ude16\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udfcf\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udd91\ud80c\udef9\ud80c\udc76\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\uddfe\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\ude05\ud80d\udc31\ud80c\udfe4\ud80c\uddf3\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udf9f\ud80c\udc67\n\u201cto his living image on earth RA-NEB-MA.\u201d The word _chent_ no longer\nexists in the Coptic language, but is always translated in the Rosetta\ninscription by \u03b5\u1f30\u03ba\u03ce\u03bd. The temple, and the locality belonging to it, was\nalso named after the king, but after his Horus name, \u201cThe Dwelling of\nScha-em-ma.\u201d From this we may trace the origin of the Ram of Barkal and\nthe Lion in the British Museum.\n\n[51] This theory of Dr. Lepsius, of the bed of the Nile having been\nexcavated to a depth of 25 feet in 4000 years, has been examined by\nLeonard Horner, Esq., F.R.S., in a paper published in the _Edinburgh\nPhilosophical Journal_ for July, 1850. Dr. Lepsius having in a letter,\ndated 12th April, 1853, addressed to Mr. Horner, expressed a wish that\nthat paper should be reprinted in the present volume, it will be found\naccordingly in the Appendix.\u2014TR.\n\n[52] King of the Noubad\u0153 and the Ethiopians.\u2014TR.\n\n[53] Denkm\u00e4l., Abth. II., Bl. 245, 246.\n\n[54] They are called Salam\u00e2t, \u201cthe Salutations,\u201d by earlier travellers.\nMy attention was called to the correct pronunciation of this word by\nour old intelligent guide, \u02beAuad. The alteration is very great to the\nArabs, because \u200e\u200f\u0633\u064e\u0644\u064e\u0627\u0645\u064c\u200f\u200e _sal\u00e0m_, _salus_, is pronounced with the\ndental _sin_, \u200e\u200f\u0635\u064e\u0646\u064e\u0645\u064c\u200f\u200e _s\u02beanam_, _idolum_, with the lingual _s\u02be\u00e2d_.\nThe plural, which usually is expressed by \u200e\u200f\u0623\u0635\u0652\u0646\u0627\u0645\u064c\u200f\u200e _as\u02ben\u00e2m_, here\nassumes the feminine form \u200e\u200f\u0635\u064e\u0646\u064e\u0645\u064e\u0627\u062a\u064c\u200f\u200e _s\u02beanam\u00e2t_. It is impossible now\nto see by the mutilated heads whether they were masculine figures. The\nstone of which the statues are composed is a particularly hard quartzose\nfriable sandstone conglomerate, which looks as if it was glazed, and had\ninnumerable cracks. The frequent crackling of small particles of stone\nat sunrise, when the change of temperature is greatest, in my opinion\nproduced the tones of Memnon, far-famed in song, which were compared to\nthe breaking of a musical string.\n\n[55] See note, p. 239.\n\n[56] This King AI was previously a private individual, and afterwards\nassumed the priest\u2019s title into his Royal Shield. He not unfrequently\nappears with his wife in the tombs of Amarna, as a distinguished\nand peculiarly highly venerated officer of King Amenophis IV., that\npuritanical worshipper of the Sun, who changed his name into that of\nBECH-EN-ATEN.\n\n[57] The dimensions here stated have been taken from Wilkinson, Mod. Eg.\nand Thebes, vol. ii., p. 220.\n\n[58] _Apuleii Asclepius sive dialogus Hermetis Trismegisti_, c. 24.\u2014(\u201cOh\nEgypt! Egypt! fables alone of thy religion will survive, equally\nincomprehensible to thy descendants; and words cut into stone will alone\nremain telling of thy pious deeds, and the Scythian, or one from the\nIndus, or some such neighbouring barbarian, will inhabit Egypt.\u201d)\u2014TR.\n\n[59] I did not imagine, when I wrote this down, that this crime of blood\nwould so speedily be avenged. See Letter XXXIV.\n\n[60] I have since been informed (_R\u00e9v. Arch._, vol. iv. p. 82) that M.\nAmp\u00e8re had been expressly sent to Egypt by the Paris Academy, for the\npurpose of copying the bilingual inscription at Phil\u00e6, which I have\nnoticed in my letters. See above, p. 121. The exceedingly abridged\nrepresentation of the Demotic text, which was communicated by M. de\nSaulcy in the _R\u00e9vue Arch\u00e9ologique_, is borrowed from the copy which was\ntaken back to Paris, in which, however, the commencement of the Demotic\nlines, and along with them the date of the decree, are wanting.\n\n[61] _Rhamnus nabeca_, Wilkinson, Mod. Eg. and Thebes.\u2014TR.\n\n[62] These places were described for the first time accurately, and in an\ninstructive manner, by Wilkinson. Journ. of the R. Geogr. Soc., vol. ii.,\np. 28, &c.\n\n[63] \u201cMedicine for the soul.\u201d\u2014TR.\n\n[64] These are the exact words of my journal, and as they were understood\nby Ritter, p. 578. In the printed report, p. 8, it might appear as if\nRobinson had relinquished the ascent of the whole of this part of the\nmountain; in the memoir of the Bibliotheca Sacra, this is mentioned as\na mistake. But I was only speaking of the actual brow of the mountain\nwhich projects into the plain, contrasted with the loftier point, though\nsituated on one side, which was ascended by Robinson.\n\n[65] This account, which I addressed to H.M. the King of Prussia, was\nprinted while I was still absent in 1846, under the title of \u201c_Reise\ndes Prof. Lepsius von Theben nach der Halbinsel des Sinai, vom 4 M\u00e4rz\nbis zum 14 April, 1845_,\u201d _Berlin_, with two maps\u2014a general map of the\nPeninsula, and a special map of Serb\u00e2l and Wadi Fir\u00e2n, which was drawn\nby G. Erbkam, from my notes, or statements. This printed pamphlet has\nnot been published, but only distributed to a few persons. Its contents,\nhowever, have become better known, by a translation into English by Ch.\nH. Cottrell (\u201cA Tour from Thebes to the Peninsula of Sinai,\u201d &c. London,\n1846), and into French by F. Pergameni (\u201cVoyage dans la Presq\u2019ile du\nSinai, etc., lu \u00e0 la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de G\u00e9ographie, s\u00e9ances du 21 Avril et du 21\nMai. Extrait du Bulletin de la Soc. G\u00e9ogr., Juin, 1847.\u201d Paris).\n\n[66] The Nakb el Haui, \u201cthe Saddle of Wind,\u201d is an extremely wild and\nnarrow mountain ravine, the depths of which are impassable, on account\nof its steep precipices. The road must have been constructed with great\nskill along the western mountain precipice, and is in many places hewn\nout of the rock; in others, the crumbling ground has been paved with\ngreat flat stones. There can be no doubt that this daring path was only\nmade after the erection of the convent, to maintain closer connection\nwith the town of Pharan, which, till that time, could only be reached by\nthe long circuitous route through the Wadi e\u2019 Scheikh.\n\n[67] The _Tamarix Gallica mannifera_ of Ehrenberg. See Wilkinson, Mod.\nEg. and Thebes, ii., 401.\u2014TR.\n\n[68] The _Moringa aptera_. See Wilkinson\u2019s Mod. Eg. and Thebes, ii.,\n404.\u2014TR.\n\n[69] It seems that this convent has not been visited by any very recent\ntravellers. Even Burckhardt, who calls it Sigillye, did not descend to\nit, but heard that it was well built, spacious, and also provided with a\nwell, plentifully supplied with water. (Trav. in Syria, p. 610.) It is\nmuch to be desired that more exact accounts could be obtained of this\nconvent, situated in the middle of the basin of Serb\u00e2l, as it probably\nis one of the oldest, at any rate one of the most important in the\nPeninsula, as is proved by the rock-road to it from Pharan, constructed\nwith much skill and difficulty.\n\n[70] Denkm\u00e4l., Abth. II., Bl. 2, 116, 137, 140, 152; III., 28.\n\n[71] See Appendix B.\n\n[72] I find all whose judgment is of any weight holding this same\nopinion. Robinson, especially, has the merit of having cleared away many\nold prejudices of this nature. But even Burckhardt so little allowed his\njudgment to be guided by the authority of tradition, that he did not\nscruple to place his reason for transposing the convent of Sinai to Gebel\nM\u00fbsa, rather on stratagetical considerations. (Trav. in Syria, p. 609.)\n\n[73] 1 Kings xix. 8.\u2014TR.\n\n[74] The name of FIR\u00c2N, formerly PHARAN, is, indeed, evidently the same\nas PARAN in the Bible; but it is equally certain that this name has\naltered its meaning with reference to the locality. All other comparisons\nof names cannot be in the least depended on.\n\n[75] The smaller of the two wells dates as far back as the time of the\nfoundation of the convent. The principal deep well, which supplies the\nlargest amount and the best water, is said to have been first dug by an\nEnglish nobleman in 1760. (Ritter, p. 610.)\n\n[76] Burckhardt also (Trav., p. 554) observes distinctly that there were\nno good pasture grounds near the convent, where nevertheless the somewhat\nnumerous small springs, might have led us to expect the ground to have\nbeen in a moister condition. With respect to the impression made on\nBartlett: see Appendix B.\n\n[77] I was assured of this unanimously by the Arabs. (Compare also\nBurckhardt, p. 625, and Ritter, p. 769.) Lord Lindsay found \u201ca small wood\nof Tarfa-trees here, in which blackbirds were singing, and also some\nplantations of Palm-trees.\u201d It was at the entrance of the same valley\n\u201cwhere Seetzen had the pleasure of gathering for himself, and eating for\nthe first time, a great deal of _manna_ from the bushes of Tarfa; he\nfound the ripe produce of the wild Caper shrub growing here in profusion,\nwhich was as palatable to the taste as table-fruit.\u201d\n\n[78] Numbers xxxiii. 10.\u2014TR.\n\n[79] Exodus xv. 27.\u2014TR.\n\n[80] See Appendix C.\n\n[81] Exodus xvi. 1.\u2014TR.\n\n[82] These hot springs do not seem to have been originally named HAMM\u00c2M\nFARA\u00dbN, of PHARAOH, but FARAN, from PHARAN. For EDRISI names those\nplaces on the coast FARAN AHRUN, and ISTACHRI TARAN, which no doubt\nought to be called FARAN. (See Ritter, Asien, vol. viii., p. 170, &c.)\nMACRIZI also calls the same spot BIRKET FARAN. (Ritter, Sinai-halbins, p.\n64.) The harbour district of Pharan was probably called after the town\nitself, though distant, and the tradition of Pharaoh\u2019s destruction, so\ninapplicable to this spot, was perhaps only connected with the alteration\nof the name of Faran into Fara\u00fbn. It remains a striking fact that the\nArabian chroniclers, among whom Macrizi himself visited the spot, speak\nof the town of Faran as of a town on the coast.\n\n[83] That portion of the sandy sea-shore which Robinson regards as the\nWilderness of Sin, produces no TARFA shrubs, much less manna. Compare\nRitter, p. 665, &c., with respect to the tracts of country where manna\nis found. It has been already mentioned that EUSEBIUS maintains that\nthe Wilderness of Sin extended as far as Sinai. (\u03a3\u03af\u03bd, \u1f14\u03c1\u03b7\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f21 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03be\u1f7a\n\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03af\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f18\u03c1\u03c5\u03b8\u03c1\u1fb6\u03c2 \u03b8\u03b1\u03bb\u03ac\u03c3\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03bf\u03c5 \u03a3\u03b9\u03bd\u03ac.)\n\n[84] Robinson, i., p. 173-196. In opposition to what Wilson adduces\nwith respect to the wide prospect from Gebel M\u00fbsa, we must consider\nthat necessarily a great many places may be seen from a point so little\nelevated above the immediately surrounding country; from which points,\nhowever, the mountain cannot be traced independently and distinctly by\nthe eye.\n\n[85] See Robinson, i., p. 118-196.\n\n[86] Ewald\u2014Gesch. des Volkes Israel, ii., p. 86\u2014also assumes that Sinai\nwas held sacred \u201ceven before the time of Moses, as a place of oracles,\nand the seat of the gods.\u201d Ritter (see Appendix B) considered this to be\nincompatible.\n\n[87] Exodus iii. 1.\u2014TR.\n\n[88] Exodus iv. 27.\u2014TR.\n\n[89] This is even proved to exist now by R\u00fcppell, who holds Gebel\nKather\u00een to be Sinai. On his journey to Abyssinia (vol. i., p. 127) he\nrelates, in the account of his ascent of Serb\u00e2l in the year 1831, as\nfollows:\u2014\u201cOn the summit of Serb\u00e2l the Bedouins have collected small\nstones, and placed them in the form of a circular enclosure, and other\nstones are placed outside on the shelving rock-precipice, like steps,\nto facilitate the ascent. When we arrived at the stony circle _my guide\ndrew off his sandals, and approached it with religious veneration; he\nthen recited a prayer within it_, and told me afterwards that he had\nalready slaughtered two sheep here as a _thank-offering_, one of them on\nthe occasion of the birth of a son, the other on regaining his health\nafter an illness. From a belief that Mount SERB\u00c2L is connected with\nsuch things, it is said _to have been held in great reverence by the\nArabs of the surrounding districts since time immemorial_; and it must\nalso at one time have been regarded as holy in certain respects by the\nChristians, as, in the valley on the south-western side, there are the\nruins of a great convent, and of a great many small hermit\u2019s cells. At\nall events, the wild jagged masses of rock in Serb\u00e2l, and the _isolated\nposition of the mountain, is far more striking, and in a certain degree\nmore imposing, than any other mountain group in Arabia Petr\u00e6a, and for\nthat reason was peculiarly calculated to be the object of religious\npilgrimages_. The highest point of the mountain, or the second pinnacle\nof rock, proceeding from the west, on which the Arabs are in the habit of\nsacrificing, by my barometrical measurements is 6342 French feet above\nthe level of the sea.\u201d\n\n[90] With reference to this, compare particularly the admirable pamphlet\nby Tuch: _Ein und Zwanzig Sinaitische Inschriften_. _Leipzig_, 1849. This\nscholar endeavours to prove from the names of the pilgrims that have been\ndeciphered, that the authors of the inscriptions were native heathen\nArabs, who wandered to Serb\u00e2l to some religious festivals. And he is of\nopinion that pilgrimages ceased in the course of the third century at\nlatest. We may also mention that the name itself of Serb\u00e2l, which R\u00f6diger\n(in Wellsted\u2019s Travels in Arabia, vol. ii., last page) derives, no doubt\ncorrectly from the Arabic \u200e\u200f\u0633\u0631\u0628\u200f\u200e _serb_, palmarum copia, and Baal, \u201cthe\nPalm-grove (\u03a6\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u03ce\u03bd) of Baal,\u201d refers to its heathen worship.\n\n[91] Vol. i., p. 198. See Appendix B.\n\n[92] I thought I might have been able to deduce this indirectly from his\nnarrative, _Antiqu._, iii., 2. Now it seems to me that there is nothing\nthat we can extract about his views from this; for which reason the above\nname should be effaced. Abstractedly considered, it is very probable that\nhe entertained the same views as Eusebius and Jerome. Compare note, p.\n316, and Appendix G.\n\n[93] Eusebius, \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u03c0\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f40\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc., etc., s. v. \u1fec\u03b1\u03c6\u03b9\u03b4\u03af\u03bc, \u03c4\u03cc\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2\n\u1f10\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03a7\u03c9\u03c1\u1f74\u03b2 \u1f44\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2, \u1f10\u03bd \u1fa7 \u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c0\u03ad\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c1\u03c1\u03cd\u03b7\u03c3\u03b5 \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f55\u03b4\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03ba\u03bb\u03ae\u03b8\u03b7\n\u1f41 \u03c4\u03cc\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03b1\u03c3\u03bc\u03cc\u03c2. \u1f14\u03bd\u03b8\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03b5\u03bc\u03b5\u1fd6 \u1f38\u03b7\u03c3\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f08\u03bc\u03b1\u03bb\u1f74\u03ba \u1f10\u03b3\u03b3\u1f7a\u03c2 \u03a6\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac\u03bd.\n\n[94] Hieronymus, de situ et nomin., etc., s. v. Raphid\u00eem, locus\nin deserto juxta montem Choreb, in quo de petra fluxere aqu\u00e6,\ncognominatusque est tentatio, ubi et Jesus adversus Amalec dimicat _prope\nPharan_.\n\n[95] Among the older authors, _Cosmas Indicopleustes_ must be especially\nnamed here (about A.D. 535). (Topogr. Christ., lib. v., in the Coll.\nnov. patr. ed. Montfaucon, tom. ii., fol. 195.) \u0395\u1f36\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bb\u03b9\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b5\u03bd\u03ad\u03b2\u03b1\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd\n\u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u1fec\u03b1\u03c6\u03b9\u03b4\u1f76\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03bd\u1fe6\u03bd \u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd \u03a6\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac\u03bd. _Antoninus Placentinus_, who is\nplaced about the year 600 (while the learned _Papebroch_, who published\nhis _Itinerarium_ in the Acta SS., month of May, vol. ii., p. x.-xviii.,\ndoes not place him earlier than the eleventh or twelfth century), came,\nas he says, _in civitatem_ (which can only be Pharan) _in qua pugnavit\nMoyses cum Amalech: ubi est altare positum super lapides illos quos\nposuerunt Moyse orante_. That the town was enclosed by a brick wall\nand _valde sterilis_, instead of which Tuch (Sinait. Inschr., p. 38)\nproposes to read _fertilis_. If Pharan is called an _Amalekitish_ town\nby _Macrizi_ (Gesch. der Kopten, uebers. v. W\u00fcstenfeld, p. 116), then\nthis can only indicate the same view that Moses was attacked near PHARAN\nby the Amalekites, to whom this district belonged. Among more recent\nscholars we must especially mention _Ritter_, as is mentioned in Appendix\nB.\n\n[96] Exodus xviii. 5.\u2014TR.\n\n[97] Exodus xvii. 6.\u2014TR.\n\n[98] See below, the complete passage by Cosmas. See Appendix G.\n\n[99] Even the name itself, Raphid\u00eem, _i. e._ the _places of repose_,\nindicate that the place was adapted for rest of some duration.\n\n[100] See Appendix D.\n\n[101] For that reason Robinson and others, who do not allow that any\npositions of the encampments were omitted, place Raphid\u00eem beyond FIR\u00c2N;\nand although they make the march through the latter place, they leave\nit either totally unmentioned, or place ALUS there. We have already\nmentioned above the objections to this opinion, which have been partly\nproved by Ritter. On the other hand, Ritter, to remove the difficulty,\ndistinctly admits of an omission in our present text. (P. 742.)\n\n[102] Numbers xxxiii. 10-14.\u2014TR.\n\n[103] Ritter (see Appendix B) is consequently compelled to draw this\nconclusion; which, in fact, seems to me the most doubtful of all. The\npresent tradition differs from this in holding Horeb and Sinai to be two\nmounts, situated immediately beside each other but yet apart.\n\n[104] The three possible ways of removing this difficulty have been\ntried by ROBINSON, RITTER, and JOSEPHUS. The first, places Raphid\u00eem near\nGebel M\u00fbsa; the second, assumes there is an omission between Raphid\u00eem\nand Sinai, and retains _two_ Mounts of God; the third, transposes the\nseparating passage, and does not mention Horeb at all, only Sinai.\n\n[105] See the manner in which Robinson combines, and weighs both views,\ni., p. 197, &c. All those passages where precisely the same is said\nconcerning Horeb, as about Sinai, are opposed to the more recent opinion\nthat HOREB was the general designation for the mountain range, or for the\ndistrict, and that SINAI was the individual Mount, while not a single\npassage requires us to think of a large extent of ground. No mention is\never made of a \u201cWILDERNESS OF HOREB,\u201d as of the WILDERNESSES OF S\u00dbR, SIN,\nPARAN, and others. We might also cite in favour of the opposite opinion\nActs vii. 30 compared with Exodus iii. 1.\n\n[106] This view is found already in the above-mentioned (note, p. 313)\nITINERARIUM OF ANTONINUS, who places the convent between Sinai and Horeb.\nThe monks\u2019 tradition of the present day, that the rock projecting into\nthe plain of R\u00e2ha was Horeb, is well known. The arbitrary character\nof such assumptions is evident; nevertheless, the latter opinion is\nmaintained by Gesenius (Thesaur, p. 517, Wiener, and others).\n\n[107] St. Jerome expressly says the same thing, since he adds to the\nwords of Eusebius s. v. _Choreb_: Mihi autem videtur quod duplici nomine\nidem mons nunc _Sina_, nunc _Choreb_ vocetur. Even Josephus evidently\nconsidered both mountains to be one, for wherever CHOREB is mentioned in\nthe Bible, he placed Sinai instead; the same is done by the author of\nthe Acts of the Apostles (vii. 30), and also by Syncellus (Chron., p.\n190), who says of Elijah, \u1f10\u03c0\u03bf\u03c1\u03b5\u03cd\u03b5\u03c4\u03bf \u1f10\u03bd \u03a7\u03c9\u03c1\u1f74\u03b2 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f44\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9 \u1f24\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9 \u03a3\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1\u03af\u1ff3. (The\nfollowing passage within brackets added by the author, April, 1853.\u2014TR.)\n[There has been an attempt to prove, from the Greek termination \u03a3\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1\u03af\u1ff3,\nthat Choreb is only meant to designate here part of the range of Sinai.\nHowever, the word cannot be understood thus in the sense of an adjective,\nas there was no other but the Sinaitic Choreb. \u03a4\u1f78 \u1f44\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u03a3\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd (Syncell.,\np. 122; Cosmas, p. 195; \u1f00\u03bd\u1f70 \u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u03bf\u03bd \u1f18\u03bb\u03b5\u1f76\u03bc \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03a3\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5 \u1f44\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2. Joseph.\nAnt. Jud. 3, 5: \u1f04\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9 (\u039c\u03c9\u03c5\u03c3\u1fc6\u03c2) \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03a3\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd; compare the inscription\non the convent, Appendix E) is used just as much as \u03a4\u1f78 \u1f44\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u03a3\u03b9\u03bd\u1fb6. But\nif, which is not the case, Choreb especially was only called \u03a4\u1f78 \u03a3\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd,\nnot \u03a4\u1f78 \u03a3\u03b9\u03bd\u1fb6 \u1f44\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2, we could only infer the reverse, namely, that Sinai\nmust have meant a part of the range of Choreb.] Ewald, especially among\nmodern scholars, brings forward the same opinion of the similarity of\nthe two mounts. He says (Gesch. des. V. Isr., ii., p. 84) the two names,\nSINAI and HOREB, do not change because they designated points in the\nsame range, situated beside each other; but the name of Sinai is clearly\nthe most ancient, for it was used also by Deborah, Judges v. 5, whereas\nthe name of Horeb cannot be pointed out before the period of the fourth\nnarrator (compare Exodus iii. 1; xvii. 6; xxxiii. 6); but it then becomes\nvery prevalent, as is proved in Deuteronomy, and in the passages of 1\nKings viii. 9; xix. 8; Mal. iv. 4; Psalms cvi. 19, while it says nothing\nagainst this view when very late authors reintroduce the name of Sinai,\nmerely from their learned acquaintance with the old books.\n\n[108] If we omit the two verses, Exodus xix. 1, 2, the account, xix. 3,\nfollows most naturally after xviii. 27. \u201cAnd Moses let his father-in-law\ndepart, and he went away into his own land. And Moses went up unto God;\nand the Lord called unto him out of the mountain.\u201d\n\n[109] See Appendix D.\n\n[110] See Appendix B.\n\n[111] See Appendix E.\n\n[112] See Appendix F.\n\n[113] See Appendix G.\n\n[114] Ritter (p. 31), when he mentions that Sinai was almost\nsimultaneously regarded by the Egyptian, COSMAS, to be Serb\u00e2l; and by the\nByzantine, PROCOPIUS to be Gebel M\u00fbsa; adds another supposition, which I\nwill mention here. \u201cMight there not,\u201d he says, \u201chave, perhaps, existed a\ndifferent tradition or party-view on this matter in convents, and among\nthe monks at CONSTANTINOPLE and ALEXANDRIA, which might proceed from a\njealous feeling to vindicate the superior sanctity of one or the other\nlocality? It is remarkable that such different views of the matter should\nbe held simultaneously by the most learned theologians of their day.\u201d\n\n[115] This letter, which I have had printed here _verbatim_, was\naddressed to the General Director of the Royal Prussian Museum, Privy\nCounsellor of Legation von OLFERS. This communication may perhaps serve\nto spread a correct estimation of the fundamental principles which has\nguided the arrangement and decoration of the Egyptian Museum, one of the\ngrandest and latest works that have been executed in Berlin, and which\nhas just been rendered accessible to the public.\n\n[116] Burckhardt must have been mistaken when (Trav. in Syr., p. 5) he\nstates that the tomb of Noah was only 10 feet long, although the same\nstatement is repeated by Schubert (Reise in das Morgenland, vol. iii.,\np. 340). It is well known how frequently the number 40 is found employed\nby the Hebrews as an indeterminate multiple. The same custom seems to\nhave been peculiar to _all Semetic_ nations; it may at least be pointed\nout frequently, and at all periods, among the Ph\u0153nicians and Arabians;\neven the numerical words for 4 and 40 in these languages indicate the\nuniversal idea of multitude. See my _Sprachvergleichenden Abhandlungen_,\nBerlin, 1836, p. 104, 139, and the _Chronologie der \u00c6gypter_, vol. i, p.\n15.\n\n[117] See V. Hammer, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reichs, Div. ii., p. 482.\n\n[118] Compare Krafft, Topographie Jerusalems. Bonn, 1846. P. 269, and\nPlate II., No. 33.\n\n[119] The king here represented is explained by Rawlinson to be\nthe son of the builder of Khorsabad, Bel-Adonimscha. (A Commentary\non the Cuneiform Inscr. of Babylonia and Assyria. London, 1850, p.\n70.) According to Layard, the same king is found on the buildings of\nKuyung\u00b4ik, Nebbi Y\u00fbnas, and Mossul (Nineveh, Lond., 1849, p. 142-144);\nwho (p. 400) supposes that the cypress monument now to be seen in Berlin\nbelongs to him. (Compare Bonomi, Nineveh and its Palaces. London, 1852,\np. 127.)\n\n[120] _\u00c6gyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte._ (_Egypt\u2019s Place in\nUniversal History._ Trans. by C. H. Cottrell.)\n\n[121] The great Book of the Dead, at Turin, is upon a single Roll, 57\u2032 3\u2033\nRhineland feet in length.\n\n[122] Ritschl. The Alexandrian Libraries. 1838. P. 32, &c.\n\n[123] De Myster. viii. 1. According to B\u00f6ckh, _Manetho_, p. 117. J.\nFirmicus also speaks somewhere of 20,000 books of Hermes. Compare Fabr.\n_Bib. gr._ ed. Harl. t. i. p. 85.\n\n[124] 1 Kings iv. 30; Acts vii. 22.\n\n[125] Herod. ii. 160.\n\n[126] See the general accounts in Diodor. Sic. i. 69, 96-98; Plut. _de\nIs. et Osir._ c. x.; Clem. Alex. Strom. p. 131; Sylb. Cedren. _Hist.\ncomp._ p. 94 B.\n\n[127] Herod. ii. 91; vii. 94, &c. [Diod. i. 28.]\n\n[128] Diod. i. 29.\n\n[129] Diod. i. 69, 96; iv. 25. [Justin. Mart. ad Gr\u00e6c. c. xiv.]\n\n[130] Diod. i. 96. [Clem. Protr. p. 12; Uireph. Synes, p. 421.]\n\n[131] Ibid.\n\n[132] Diod. i. 29.\n\n[133] Diod. i. 69, 96. Heliodor. Aeth. iii. 14; Clem. Div. i. p. 130.\n[Justin. Mart. c. xiv. 17.]\n\n[134] Diod. i. 96.\n\n[135] Diod. i. 98.\n\n[136] Ibid.\n\n[137] Diod. i. 96; Plut. _de Is. et Osir._ c. x. [Plut. Lyc. i. p. 41; F.\nIsocr. Laud. Busir. p. 329.]\n\n[138] Plato. _Tim._ p. 21; Diod. i. 69, 96; Plut. _de Is._ c. x.; _Vita\nSolon_, c. xxvi. [Justin. Mart. c. xiv.; Cyrill. c. Julian. i. p. 15.]\n\n[139] ii. 177.\n\n[140] Diog. Laert. i. 89.\n\n[141] Strab. xvii. p. 806, 807; Cic. _de fin._ v. 29; Diod. Sic. i. 96;\nPlut. _de Is._ c. x.; _de genio Socr._ p. 578; Clem. Al. _Strom._ i. p.\n131; Diog. Laert. iii. 6.\n\n[142] Strab. ii. p. 119; xvii. p. 807.\n\n[143] Plut. _de Is._ c. x.; _de placit. philos._ i. 3; Clem. i. p. 130;\nDiog. Laert. i. 27. [Theod. Melit. Proem. in Astr. c. xii.; Cyrill. c.\nJul. i. p. 15.]\n\n[144] Diog. Laert. i. 27; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 17.\n\n[145] Diod. v. 37.\n\n[146] Cic. _de fin._ v. 29; Diod. i. 96; Strab. vii. p. 297; xiv. p. 638;\nPlut. _de Is._ c. x.; Diog. Laert. viii. 3, 11; Clem. l. 1. [Justin.\nMart. c. xiv. 19; Isocr. Busir. p. 227.]\n\n[147] Herod. ii. 81; Diog. Laert. viii. 24, 33, 34; Diog. Laert. viii. 4.\n\n[148] Herod. ii. 123; Diog. Laert. viii. 14; Cic. Tusc. i. 16.\n\n[149] Clem. Alex. i. p. 129; Cedren. p. 94, B. [Theod. Melit. Pr. in\nAstr. c. 12.]\n\n[150] See preface to the _Todtenbuche der \u00c6gypter_, p. 13, &c.\n\n[151] Cedren. p. 94, B.\n\n[152] Diod. i. 96; Diog. L. IX. 35.\n\n[153] Diog. L. VII. 177.\n\n[154] Diod. i. 96.\n\n[155] Diog. L. VII. 186; viii. 87.\n\n[156] Strab. I. ii. p. 37.\n\n[157] Diog. L. III. 6.\n\n[158] Herod. ii. 143.\n\n[159] Diod. i. 44.\n\n[160] Diod. i. 69.\n\n[161] Plut. _de Is._ c. x.; _de genio Socr._ p. 578, F; Clem. Al. Str. i.\np. 131.\n\n[162] Diod. xvi. 51.\n\n[163] Sync. p. 271, D.\n\n[164] xvii. p. 806.\n\n[165] See respecting this, Letronne. Translation of the 17th Book of\nStrabo. (G\u00e9ographie de Strabon. t. i. Paris, 1819. p. 390.) Compare\nthe passage in Herodot. ii. 123, where, though not by name, he accuses\nPythagoras and Pherecydes of having ascribed to themselves what they had\nborrowed from the Egyptians. The same was related by some of Eudoxus.\nDiog. Laert. viii. 89.\n\n[166] _Strom._ vi. p. 260, ed. Sylb. See also Bunsen _\u00c6gyptens Stelle in\nder Weltgesch._, Bd. i. p. 34, &c. (_Egypt\u2019s Place in Universal History_,\nbook i. p. 9.)\n\n[167] Aelian. _Hist. var._ xiv. 34, says, that the Egyptians in ancient\ntimes had priests as their judges.\n\n[168] Clem. Strom. i. p. 131.\n\n[169] [Sacred Scribe.]\n\n[170] The Pastophori do not appear in the train of the priests, and are\nexpressly separated from the priests (\u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2) by _Porphyrius_. They were,\nas their name implies, the bearers of the small sacred chapels of the\ngods which formed the principal furniture of the temple. That is probably\nthe reason why they appear in the great processions, where the images of\nthe gods were carried about, not as priests, but as _under-officers_ of\nthe temple; and they are, therefore, rightly placed by Porphyrius along\nwith the \u03bd\u03b5\u03c9\u03ba\u03cc\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9, the sweepers of the temple, and the other servants\nof the temple (\u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03c5\u03c1\u03b3\u03bf\u03af). As bearers of the sacred shrines they were\nalso their watchmen, and, therefore, especially the overseers of the\ntemple, the watchmen of the temple; therefore their hieroglyphical sign,\naccording to Horapollo, i. 41, is a house watchman, \u03c6\u03cd\u03bb\u03b1\u03be \u03bf\u1f34\u03ba\u03bf\u03c5, because\nthe temple is guarded by him, \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c6\u03c5\u03bb\u03ac\u03c4\u03c4\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f31\u03b5\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd. But\nwhat could the temple watchmen have had to do with medicine? There is\nnowhere even the most distant relation indicated between the pastophori\nand the physicians; indeed, their occupations appear necessarily to\nexclude them. I therefore believe that there is either some fundamental\nerror, or a false reading, in the passage of Clemens, which cannot yet be\nsolved. The pastophori were the principal under-officers, and therefore\nwere united by their rank with the chanter, the lowest class of the\npriests. Was this possibly the reason why the books of medicine, which\nsucceeded those of the chanter in this canon, were ascribed to them?\nThere were many more than forty-two sacred books, and they must have all\nbeen lodged among the archives of the temple, without, however, being\nassigned to any particular class of priests.\n\n[171] [Diod. i. 70, 73, 96.]\n\n[172] I speak here of the first section of the Papyrus of Sallier, No. 2,\nwhich is communicated in the _Select Papyri in the hieratic character,\nfrom the collection of the British Museum_. London. 1844. Pl. x.-xii.\n\n[173] I procured in Thebes a number of such hymns for the Royal Museum at\nBerlin. Several of them were composed in the reign of King Ramses IX.,\nin the 20th Dynasty. There was a hymn to Amen-Ra, upon a roll of eleven\npages, in the Egyptian collection of Mr. Sams in London, 1839.\n\n[174] Upon a wooden tablet covered with fine white chalk, in the British\nMuseum.\n\n[175] In the Book of the Dead, c. 128, 134, 139, &c. [Plut. _de Is._ c.\n52.]\n\n[176] Porphyr. _de abst._ iv. 8.\n\n[177] Bunsen, Bd. i. p. 55. (_Eg.\u2019s Pl. in Un. Hist._ bk. i. p. 28.)\n\n[178] See my introduction to the _Todtenbuche der \u00c6gypter_. Leipzig,\n1842, p. 17.\n\n[179] Bd. i. p. 47. (_Eg.\u2019s Pl. in Un. Hist._ bk. i. p. 20.)\n\n[180] i. 94, 95.\n\n[181] [Tatian. _or. ad Gr\u00e6c._ c. 1.]\n\n[182] _Annal._ ii. 60.\n\n[183] Champollion, _Lettres \u00e9crites d\u2019Egypte et de Nubie_, p. 21, 426.\nAfter the death of Champollion, Salvolini made use of the privately\nwithheld papers of his master for a particular treatise: _Campagne de\nRams\u00e8s-le-Grand (S\u00e9sostris) contre les Sch\u00e9ta et leurs alli\u00e9s. Manuscrit\nhi\u00e9ratique appartenant \u00e0 M. Sallier \u00e0 Aix en Provence. Notice sur ce MS._\nParis, 1835, 8.\n\n[184] I am indebted for this valuable present to an English lady, Miss\nWestcar, who had deposited it a long time ago in the _Bodleian Library_,\nOxford. It contains nine sides, of which, unhappily, the first four are\nvery much destroyed. The remainder, also, is very hastily written, and\nis therefore difficult to decipher. It appears to be poetical, and to be\naddressed to a king, whose name unfortunately is lost; the example \u201cof\nhis ancestors,\u201d _Chufu_, _Snefru Ser_, &c. is held up to him.\n\n[185] 1 Kings vi. 1.\n\n[186] Exodus xii. 40.\n\n[187] Ant. viii. 3, 1: 592; c. Ap. ii. 2: 612 years.\n\n[188] Gen. xv. 13; compare Ap. Hist. 7, 6.\n\n[189] Gal. iii. 17.\n\n[190] Ant. ii. 15, 2; viii. 3, 1. Compare c. Ap. i. 33, where he\ncalculates 170 years from Joseph to Moses.\n\n[191] Isaac was 40 years old when he married Rebecca; Moses is 40 years\nold when he goes to Midian; at 80 years of age he leads the people out of\nEgypt, and dies at the age of 120.\n\n[192] Contra. Ap. i. 26.\n\n[193] Manetho had only related that the Hyksos were expelled in the reign\nof Tuthmosis. It is the opinion of Josephus alone that they were the Jews.\n\n[194] Compare Exodus xxxiv. 12, 13.\n\n[195] Gen. xvi. 3; xxi. 21.\n\n[196] Gen. xli. 45.\n\n[197] Numb. xii. 1.\n\n[198] Exodus xii. 38. Compare Numbers xi. 4.\n\n[199] p. 760, 824.\n\n[200] C. Ap. ii. 3. Compare Tacit. _Hist._ v. 2. _Aethiopum prolem._\n\n[201] Gen. xlvi. 34.\n\n[202] Numbers xii. 10.\n\n[203] Exodus iv. 6.\n\n[204] Exodus ix. 3, 9.\n\n[205] The Persians also knew no other way of protecting themselves\nagainst this infectious disease of the \u03bb\u03ad\u03c0\u03c1\u03b7 \u1f22 \u03bb\u03b5\u03cd\u03ba\u03b7 than by driving\nthose who were attacked by it out of the town, and if they were\n_strangers_, out of the country. _Herod._ i. 138.\n\n[206] Plut. _de Is._ c. xxxiii.\n\n[207] Champollion, _Panth\u00e9on_, pl. xxxviii.\n\n[208] 1 Kings xii. 2, 28, 30, 32; 2 Kings x. 29.\n\n[209] Exod. i. 11.\n\n[210] Similar perhaps to the command of Pharaoh to drown the Hebrew boys.\n\n[211] Exod. i. 10.\n\n[212] This number, which differs from the one in the original, was\ninserted by the Author, April, 1853.\u2014TR.\n\n[213] Bunsen. _\u00c6gypten._ Bd. i. p. 227. (Tr. vol. i. p. 184.) But compare\nBd. iii. p. 109, where this opinion appears to be already modified.\n\n[214] Tatian. _Paraen ad Gr\u00e6c._ p. 129 (Oxon). Clemens Alex. _Strom._ i\n21, p. 138. Justin Martyr ad Gr\u00e6c. p. 10, E.\n\n[215] Justin Martyr. Africanus in Eusebius. _Pr\u00e6p. Evang._ x. 10. Clemens\nAlex.\n\n[216] Compare the passages of Justin and Africanus.\n\n[217] Contra. Ap. i. 15.\n\n[218] p. 63, B; 123, D.\n\n[219] Euseb. Armen. Canon, vol. ii. p. 105. Aucher.\n\n[220] According to Gen. xii. 4.\n\n[221] _Hist._ v. 2.\n\n[222] Manetho, p. 192, 325.\n\n[223] _Gesch. Isr._ ii. p. 69.\n\n[224] _\u00c6gypten_, i. p. 127, 234. (Tr. vol. i. p. 91.)\n\n[225] _Anecd. gr\u00e6ca_, Paris, ed. Cramer, vol. ii. p. 174.\n\n[226] They are cited by Gesenius. _Thesaur. ling. hebr._ p. 1297.\n\n[227] _De la g\u00e9ographie compar\u00e9e et de l\u2019ancien \u00e9tat des c\u00f4tes de la mer\nrouge_, in the _Description de l\u2019Eg._ ed. Panckoucke, vol. vi. p. 316.\n\n[228] _M\u00e9moires sur l\u2019Eg._ p. 126.\n\n[229] _Gesch. d. V. Isr._ ii. p. 53.\n\n[230] C. Apion. i. 14, 26.\n\n[231] Joseph, c. Ap. i. 14.\n\n[232] Euseb. _Chron._ in Aucher. vol. i. p. 224.\n\n[233] Africanus in Syncellus, p. 61, B, &c.\n\n[234] p. 804.\n\n[235] iv. 5. 53.\n\n[236] ii. 107.\n\n[237] Jos. c. Ap. i. 15.\n\n[238] i. 57.\n\n[239] Diodor. i. 57.\n\n[240] Herod. ii. 141.\n\n[241] Herod. ii. 154. Compare Diod. i. 67.\n\n[242] Herod. iii. 10, 11.\n\n[243] Diod. xvii. 48. Arrian. iii. 1.\n\n[244] Strab. p. 756, 760, 781.\n\n[245] p. 803.\n\n[246] _Gesch. des Volkes Isr._ i. p. 451.\u2014\u200e\u200f\u05e2\u05b7\u05d1\u05b8\u05e8\u05b4\u05d9\u05dd\u200f\u200e, _Abarim_, is also\na Palestinian name. Numb. xxvii. 12; Deut. xxxii. 47, 49, &c.\n\n[247] The supposition of Larcher in Herd. t. viii. p. 62; Champollion,\n_L\u2019Eg. sous les Phar._ ii. p. 91; and Gesenius, _thes. l. hebr._ p. 1297,\nthat \u0391\u1f54\u03b1\u03c1\u03b9\u03c2 is connected by its sound with \u1f29\u03c1\u03ce (see below on Heroonpolis)\nhas not even a semblance in itself, even if it were geographically\nadmissible.\n\n[248] Bd. i. p. 328.\n\n[249] Gesch. Isr. Bd. i. p. 290, 291.\n\n[250] _M\u00e9m. sur l\u2019Eg._ p. 124.\n\n[251] H\u00e9rod. t. viii. p. 62, 429.\n\n[252] _L\u2019Eg. sous les Phar._ t. ii. p. 90.\n\n[253] _Thes. l. hebr._ p. 1297.\n\n[254] In his map of the Delta.\n\n[255] Joseph. c. Ap. i. 26.\n\n[256] Apollodor. i. 6, 3.\n\n[257] Herod. iii. 5.\n\n[258] Apollon. Rhod. ii. 1215.\n\n[259] [This reading is now adopted also by the last eminent editor of\nStephanus, Meineke (tom. i. p. 559).]\n\n[260] \ud80c\ude83\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udfcf\ud80c\udc63, Set, is the common hieroglyphical name of Typhon.\n\n[261] Joseph. c. Ap. i. c. 32.\n\n[262] Gen. xlvi. 28.\n\n[263] xvii. p. 804.\n\n[264] Rozi\u00e8re, in the _Descr. de l\u2019Eg._ vol. vi. p. 257, &c.\n\n[265] Ptolem. V. 17. 1. Plin. H. N. V. 11, \u00a7 65.\n\n[266] iv. 5. According to other manuscripts, 29\u00b0 50\u2032.\n\n[267] Wilkinson, _Modern Egypt and Thebes_, vol. i. p. 311, there only\nheard the name of _E\u2019 Saqieh_, \u201cthe Water-wheel;\u201d but my friend and\nfellow-traveller, H. Abeken, who was also on the spot, confirmed me in\nthe name which Robinson gives in his map (_Abu Keischeib_). The French\nscholars, on the contrary, write _Abou Keycheyd_.\n\n[268] _M\u00e9m. sur l\u2019Eg._ i. p. 166.\n\n[269] _L\u2019Eg. sous les Phar._ ii. p. 89.\n\n[270] _Descr. de l\u2019Eg._ xi. p. 378.\n\n[271] _Antiq. Jud._ ii. 7, 8.\n\n[272] p. 75, ed. Parthey and Pinder (p. 170, Wess).\n\n[273] _M\u00e9m. sur l\u2019Eg._ t. i. p. 151, &c.\n\n[274] Herod. ii. 158.\n\n[275] Plin. H. N. V. ix. 9.\n\n[276] S. Wilkinson, _Eg. and Thebes_, vol. i. p. 311.\n\n[277] In his _M\u00e9moire sur les anciennes limites de la mer rouge_, in the\n_Descr. de l\u2019Eg._ t. xi. (Panck.) p. 371, &c.; and in the _Notice sur le\ns\u00e9jour des H\u00e9breux en Egypte_, t. viii. p. 112, &c.\n\n[278] p. 768.\n\n[279] p. 767.\n\n[280] Strabo, ii. p. 85, 86, &c.\n\n[281] The first imperfect copy is in the _Descr. de l\u2019Eg. Antiq._ vol.\nv. pl. 29, No. 6-8. The best is given by Wilkinson in his _Materia\nHieroglyphica_, Append. No. 4.\n\n[282] King Ramses was therefore just as much the local god of the town\nRamses, as the god Hero of the town Hero.\n\n[283] ii. 158. Compare iv. 42.\n\n[284] _Meteorolog._ i. 14, p. 352, b (Bekk).\n\n[285] i. 33.\n\n[286] p. 38, p. 804. Compare p. 780.\n\n[287] _Hist. Nat._ vi. 29, \u00a7 165-167.\n\n[288] iv. 5.\n\n[289] _L\u2019Isthme de Suez_, in the _R\u00e9vue des Deux Mondes_, _livr. du 15\nJuill. 1841_.\n\n[290] Herod. ii. 102.\n\n[291] The height of the Red Sea was discovered to be 30 feet 6\ninches above the level of the Mediterranean Sea. [By the very latest\ninvestigations the difference of 30 feet, which was formerly accepted,\nhas been reduced to 3 feet.]\n\n[292] _Descr. de l\u2019Eg._ Atlas, pl. 23, 31.\n\n[293] ii. 158, iv. 42.\n\n[294] Herod. ii. 159.\n\n[295] _Descr. de l\u2019Eg._ (Panck.) _Ant._ vol. viii. p. 27, &c. Compare\nvol. v. p. 451, and Jomard, _carte de la basse Egypte_. A copy of the\nfragment is given in a copper-plate, _Ant._ vol. v. pl. 29.\n\n[296] [The spot has now been re-discovered, and marked upon the map\nof the Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 d\u2019Etudes de l\u2019Isthme de Suez. _Travaux de la Brigade\nFran\u00e7aise._ Rapport de l\u2019Ing\u00e9nieur. 1847.]\n\n[297] _Descr. de l\u2019Eg._ Atlas, pl. 23, 31.\n\n[298] Letronne was probably led to this opinion because, as above\nmentioned, he thought that Heroonpolis was on the sea.\n\n[299] Letronne, in this treatise mentioned, has further attempted to show\nthat the connecting canal between the Nile and the Red Sea continued till\nabout the third century after Christ, but was then interrupted until\nit was re-opened by the Caliph \u02beOmar in the year 639. Since that time\nit continued till the year 762 or 767, when the canal was designedly\nfilled up by the Caliph El Mansur. The ingenious combinations by which\nLetronne assumes that the canal was filled up with sand, about the time\nof Septim. Severus, because at that time the Porphyry quarries of Gebel\nDoch\u00e2n appear to have been neglected, is not, however, a sufficient\nreason for this conclusion. The canal might easily have been deepened\nagain, as in the time of \u02beOmar, and many other reasons might be given\nfor the neglect of the stone-quarries in the Red Sea. But there is a\npositive proof _against_ it in Ibn el Maqrizi (_Notices et Extr. des\nMSS._ tom. vi. p. 337, 366), where it is said, according to Langl\u00e8s:\n_Hadrien dirigea ensuite sa marche vers l\u2019Egypte, o\u00f9 il fit recreuser le\ncanal qui allait du Nil \u00e0 la mer de Qolzoum; les vaisseaux y passaient\nencore \u00e0 l\u2019apparition de l\u2019islamisme: c\u2019est le m\u00eame que \u02beAmrou ben\nel-\u02beAss fit nettoyer_; and farther on (p. 340), where Amru says: _Je sais\nqu\u2019avant l\u2019islamisme, des vaisseaux amenaient chez nous des marchandises\nde l\u2019Egypte. Depuis que nous avons fait la conqu\u00eate de ce pays, cette\ncommunication est interrompue; le canal est encombr\u00e9 et les marchands en\nont abandonn\u00e9 la navigation._ It is evident from this, that the canal\nduring the rising of the Arabs, shortly before the Egyptian conquest, had\nbeen designedly filled up by the Egyptians as an inimical and prudential\nmeasure, for the same reason that it was afterwards again filled up by\nthe Caliph El Mansur, when Mohammet ben \u02beAbdallah rose against him at\nMedina, in the year 762 (according to others 767). The year also of its\nrestoration appears to me still doubtful. Maqrizi, indeed, says (p. 334):\n_Lorsque le Tr\u00e8s-Haut accorda l\u2019islamisme aux hommes, et que \u02beAmrou ben\nel-\u02beAss fit la conqu\u00eate de l\u2019Egypte, ce g\u00e9n\u00e9ral, d\u2019apr\u00e8s l\u2019ordre de \u02beOmar\nben \u00e2l-Khathth\u00e2b, prince des fid\u00e8les, s\u2019occupa de faire recreuser de\ncanal dans l\u2019ann\u00e9e de la mortalit\u00e9._ This famine year was certainly the\nyear 18 after the flight of the prophet\u2014_i. e._ A.D. 639. But in the same\nyear Egypt was also conquered, and it is not very probable that cutting\nthe canal, which would occupy six months, was the first and immediate\nundertaking of the conqueror, although it was undoubtedly soon called for\nby the famine in Arabia, which made it necessary to import provisions\nfrom Egypt. From the words of Amru also, quoted above, there appears to\nhave been a longer period between the conquest and the cleaning out the\ncanal. I, therefore, think that we ought rather to follow the defined\nstatement of El-Kendi, who is cited by Maqrizi himself (p. 343), and\nwho wrote about 880. He places the restoration of the canal five years\nlater\u2014namely, in the year 23; _i. e._ 644, the last year of Amru. For the\nhistory of the canal, compare, besides the treatises of Letronne which we\nhave cited, what the same scholar said at a former time in his edition of\nthe _Dicuil._ 1814, 8vo, p. 10, &c., and in his translation of the 17th\nbook of Strabo, p. 382; also Mannert, _Geogr. von Africa_, Abth. i. p.\n503, &c., and Weil, _Gesch. der Chalifen_, Bd. i. p. 119, &c.; the last\nof whom likewise places the restoration of the canal after 641.\n\nThe result we have arrived at with regard to the whole history of this\nremarkable connecting canal is, therefore, briefly, the following:\n\nc. 1350 B.C. _Ramses II._ (_Sesostris_) digs the canal from Bubastis to\nHeroonpolis (Mukf\u00e2r, near Seba-Biar), and with the assistance of the\nIsraelites builds near it the towns _Pithom_ and _Ramses_.\n\nc. 600 B.C. _Nek\u00f4_ appears to have conducted the canal as far as the\nBitter lakes.\n\nc. 500 B.C. _Darius_, for the first time, makes the whole connection,\nsince he cuts through the elevation between the Bitter lakes and the sea.\n\nc. 350 B.C. In the time of Aristotle the canal appears to have fallen\ninto disuse.\n\nc. 250 B.C. _Ptolem\u00e6us Philadelphus_ digs a wide canal, _amnis\nPtolem\u00e6us_, from the sea to the Bitter lakes, constructs an artificial\nsluice, and builds Arsino\u00eb on the sea.\n\nc. 100 A.D. _Trajan_ opens a new canal, _amnis Traianus_, from Babylon to\nHeroonpolis.\n\n643 (644) A.D. _\u02beOmar_ re-opens the interrupted connection.\n\n762 (767) A.D. _Mohammet ben \u02beAbdallah_ fills up the canal.\n\n[300] Jomard, _carte de la basse Egypte. Wilkinson, Mod. Eg. and Thebes_,\ni. p. 187.\n\n[301] It is a great mistake if Champollion\u2014_L\u2019Eg. sous les Phar._ ii. p.\n244\u2014considers these the ruins of the town built by the Israelites.\n\n[302] Wilkinson (_Mod. Eg._ p. 319) misunderstands the passage when he\nsupposes that _Patumos_ was situated at the other end of the canal, on\nthe Red Sea. He appears here to have followed Jomard, who, in his map\nof the Delta, also places it at the head of the bay, although he places\nPithom in the right position.\n\n[303] Compare Steph. Byz.\n\n[304] \u03a0\u03ac-\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2, Pi-thom, \u2ca1\u2c93-\u2c91\u2c9f\u2c99, means \u201c_the_ (namely the _Temple_,\nthe _Dwelling-place_) _of the Tum_\u201d of the well-known Egyptian god\n\ud80c\udfcf\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udf43\ud80c\udd53\ud80c\udd71\ud80c\udc2d, who was much honoured exactly in this part of Egypt. He is\nfrequently found upon the Flaminian obelisks, which come from Heliopolis,\nas well as upon the monuments of Ramses at Abu-Kesh\u00eab.\n\n[305] iv. 5, 53.\n\n[306] Compare B\u00f6ckh, _Manetho_, p. 293 and p. 229.\n\n[307] Exod. ii. 23.\n\n[308] Ramses III., also, whose reign happened soon after the Exodus\nof the Israelites, waged war with the northern nations, and therefore\nundoubtedly passed through Syria and Palestine. But it is not probable\nthat his marches were ever of any considerable duration, or were\nconnected with long periods of possession, so that we may venture to\nbelieve that these transitory marches against the _powerful_ nations of\nthis country, to whom the Jews did not at that time belong, could have as\nyet little effect upon them, unless, indeed, it happened, perhaps, when\nthey were themselves subjugated by the Mesopotamians or the Moabites.\nSuch a supposition would be still less probable if the Jews had departed\nas early as the reign of _Tuthmosis III._, or of _Amosis_, because in\nthat case that Egyptian occupation of the country would have happened\nwhen the Jews had already become quite established, and masters of the\nland.\n\n[309] _Handb. d. Chron._ i. p. 569, 578, 580.\n\n[310] Josephus, _Ant. Jud._ II. xv. 2, calculates 430 years from the\nentrance of Abraham into Canaan to the Exodus of Moses. Compare VIII.\niii. 1.\n\n[311] [Ideler, _Handbuch der Chron._ i. p. 507, 543.]\n\n[312] Ideler, _Handb. d. Chron._ i. p. 531.\n\n[313] Abraham ben David (about 1161) says, in his book Sepher\n_hakabbala_, col. 33, b (Amsterd.): \u201cThe second period begins from the\ngreat synagogue of Simeon the Just. The Persian empire was destroyed in\nhis time by Alexander, the King of Greece (Javan). He came to Jerusalem\n... in the year 40 after the building of the temple ... and commanded\nthat they should commence the reckoning of their contract from this\nyear, which is the year 1000 since their Exodus from Egypt, and the year\n3450 since the Creation.\u201d But he placed the year of the Exodus at 2448;\ntherefore the year 3450 is properly the 1003rd, not the 1000th, since the\nExodus. R. Isaac Isra\u00ebli (about 1250), in the book _Jesod Olam_. Bl. 84,\nb, says, \u201cAnd the Talmud was concluded in the year 3949, according to\nthe calculation of the world, which is the year 500 of the Contract.\u201d We\nthence obtain for the commencement of the era of the Contract the year\n3450 = 312.\n\n[314] _Semach David_ (written about 1592), p. 60-65, in the Latin\ntranslation by Vorst (Lugd. Bat. 1644), cites several more authorities\nfor the year 3448; among them also Abraham ben David, but who, as we have\nseen, expressly writes 3450, in spite of the mention of the 1000-yeared\nperiod since the Exodus.\n\n[315] Ant. XI. viii. 5.\n\n[316] _Thesaur. tempp. Euseb._ 1658, tom. ii. p. 72.\n\n[317] S. Ideler, _Handb._ i. p. 579.\n\n[318] In the year 318 the determination of Easter, according to the\ndifferent Christian calendars, was transferred from the Nicene Council\nto the Alexandrian chronologists. S. du Cange, _praef. ad Chron. pasch._\nThis difficult work at once presupposed a careful consideration and\ninvestigation of the different eras still in use, but especially of the\nJewish computation of time, because the feast of Easter was connected\nwith the solemnisation of the Jewish Paschal feast, which was instituted\nat the time of the _Exodus from Egypt_. Therefore in those days, when\nchronological studies were more especially practised, there was a\nparticular cause for obtaining the true date of the Exodus, which, to\nEgyptian scholars in particular, could not have been difficult.\n\n[319] _Handb._ i. p. 581.\n\n[320] It was also called \u201cthe Era of _Alexander_.\u201d Ideler, _Chron._ i. p.\n449.\n\n[321] It would be important to inquire when the year 2448 is first\nmentioned in Jewish literature as that of the Exodus, and which of the\nRabbis first clung to this epoch in the outline of history, which was at\nfirst probably only marked in the calendar.\n\n[322] We have already seen above, that neither the Apostle Paul nor\nJosephus recognised the calculation of the 480 years. Africanus just as\nlittle, who reckoned 748 years. (Routh, _Reliqu. sacr\u00e6_, vol. ii. p. 313,\nff.) Eusebius (reckons 600, or even 610 years; _Pr\u00e6p. Ev._ x. 14, compare\nRouth elsewhere; but in his _Canon_ he calculates 480), Clemens Alexandr.\n(_Strom._ p. 386, Pott. 567), Syncellus (p. 175, 659), and others. Among\nmodern scholars, Des Vignoles (_Chronol. de l\u2019hist. sainte_, t. i. p.\n172) has especially treated the question in detail. He finally decides\nupon the acceptation, that the period consisted of 648 years, but that\nthe number 480 arose from a mistake in the text (p. 184), as others\nbefore him had declared. B\u00f6ckh lastly says, that the number appears to\nhim to have been _inserted at a later period_. (_Manetho_, p. 190.)\nSeveral other numbers of the Old Testament, especially all indeterminate\nnumbers, as the 40 and its multiplicates, as well as the greater sums,\n_e. g._ Exodus xii. 40; Judges xi. 26; 1 Kings vi. 1; and in other\nplaces, and the whole uninterrupted chain of numbers, originating in\nthem, appear to me to have been for the first time adopted since that\nearly part of the Old Testament was last combined and revised, at all\nevents for the first time after the exile. The opinion also adopted by\nBertheau (_Richter_, p. 34), that this revision proceeds from Ezra,\nappears to me to be very probable.\n\n[323] Numb. i. 26.\n\n[324] Ezra ii. 59; Nehemiah vii. 61.\n\n[325] Ezra ii. 62; Neh. vii. 64.\n\n[326] Contra. Ap. i. 7.\n\n[327] Gospel Matth. i. 2, &c.; Luke iii. 23, &c. The great differences\nbetween the two genealogies have been considered in a variety of ways,\nbut, as it appears, they have not yet been satisfactorily explained.\nTherefore, they do not permit of any immediate chronological conclusions.\n\n[328] The removal of some of the difficulties indicated in the following\ntable are obvious, and may, therefore, have been expressed long before\nme, in the critical-biblical literature already published, although I\nam unable to point it out. But the aim we have in view requires us to\nexamine this subject somewhat more accurately. I see, besides, that\nEwald also, _Gesch. Isr._ i. p. 31, ii. p. 433, and in other passages,\nconsiders the two generations from Levi to Saul and to Heman, as the most\ncomplete, and, therefore, all the others as incomplete.\n\n[329] According to the Septuagint. In the Hebrew text, chap. v. & vi.\n\n[330] [Hebrew text, 1 Chron. vii. 20, 21, 24-27.]\n\n[331] It is impossible that the descendants of Ephraim, mentioned in\n1 Chron. viii. 20, 21, could have been all killed at the same time by\nthe men of Gath (therefore, in Palestine), since they include eight\ngenerations. The march to _Gath_ also, which is mentioned, could not have\nbeen from Egypt (Bunsen, _\u00c6g._ i. p. 220) (Tr. vol. i. p. 178), since\nthey went _down_. It is equally impossible that _Non_ and _Jehoshuah_ can\nbe rightly placed in v. 27, since the latter ought to stand in the ninth\nin place of the third degree from Ephraim.\n\n[332] _Gesch. Isr._ ii. p. 371.\n\n[333] _Buch. d. Richt._ p. xix. xx.\n\n[334] Heb. Text, 1 Chron. vi. 39, 43.\n\n[335] Unless the name of _Jahath_, the son of Gershom, is to be\nwithdrawn, and Shimei put into its place, by which means this genealogy\nalso would only have eleven degrees from Moses to Solomon.\n\n[336] See above, p. 402.\n\n[337] De Wette, in his translation, makes no distinction in v. 22.\n\n[338] See Luther\u2019s German Trans. of Bible.\u2014TR.\n\n[339] The names of _Levi_, _Gershom_, _Jahath_, _Sima_ (_Zimmah_),\n_Adaiah_ (_Iddo_), Zerah agree. It only differs in Ethan (Joah), and\n_Ethni_ (Jeaterai). Shimei and Libni appear to be brothers. But, on that\naccount again, the name of Jahath, as above remarked, ought to be rubbed\nout of both lists, and perhaps be considered as a common surname of the\nbrothers. For Jahath appears in the 1 Chron. vii. 43 as the father of\nShimei, xxiii. 10 as the son of Shimei, vii. 20 as the son of Libni,\nbut, xxiii. 8, not among the sons of Laadan, who nevertheless, xxiii. 7,\nstands in the place of Libni.\n\n[340] Gesen. Thes. l. Hebr. p. 1011.\n\n[341] The omission may perhaps be explained by Exodus vi. 24, where\nAssir, Elkanah, and Abiasaph literally appear beside one another as sons\nof _Korah_, while it was probably intended that, as his sons, they should\nsucceed one another.\n\n[342] We should, perhaps, also take into consideration the preference\nwhich is given in the genealogical tables of the Old Testament to _three_\nsons.\n\n[343] The genealogy was certainly originally _brought down_ from father\nto son; therefore the names _carried up_ from Elkanah to Heman precede\nthose from Kohath to Joel (and Heman), although Kohath is the _elder_\nbrother. We follow the correct order.\n\n[344] _Azariah_ appears to have been the true father of _Joel_; Samuel\nwas, perhaps, his father-in-law, or his uncle, for although, 1 Sam. viii.\n2, _Joel_ and _Abiah_ are also stated to be sons of Samuel, our fourth\ngenealogy, 1 Chron. vii. 28, calls them Vashni and Abiah.\n\n[345] In the series of Eli, \u1f08\u03c7\u03af\u03c4\u03c9\u03b2\u03bf\u03c2 must stand in place of \u1f38\u03bf\u03c7\u03ac\u03b2\u03b7\u03c2, for\nthe ancestors of Zadok and Achimelech were both named Ahitub, which might\nat all events easily produce confusion. The name \u1f38\u03bf\u03c7\u03ac\u03b2\u03b7\u03c2 seems to be\nfounded upon Ichabod, the brother of Ahitub (1 Sam. iv. 21; xiv. 3).\n\n[346] According to Eratosthenes, Apollodor., Diodor. &c.; see Larcher,\n_H\u00e9rod._ tom. vii. p. 51, 53, 68, 395, 397.\n\n[347] _\u00c6g._ i. p. 209-214. (Tr. vol. i. p. 166-171.)\n\n[348] Two points may, perhaps, strike the reader in the survey of the\ndifferent statements of numbers given here from the Book of Judges,\nupon which I will subjoin what follows in explanation. I have placed\nthe 20 years under the Canaanites to the right, the 20 of Sampson and\nSaul to the left; not arbitrarily, but from the following reason: In the\nfirst section of this epoch, which ends with Gideon, all the numbers\nare indeterminate except those exactly which relate to the oppressions\nby other nations. This does not seem to me to be accidental; why\nshould not the times of the oppression have been firmer fixed in the\nmemory than the other divisions of time, the recollection of which is\nprincipally connected only with celebrated persons? The number 20 does\nnot belong to the round numbers; it bears in itself, therefore, the\nprobability of being historical. On the other hand, the 20 years of\nSampson and Saul are in the third division, in which all the remaining\nnumbers are unhistorical, as the eight preceding are all historical.\nThe person of Sampson is especially so poetically represented, that\nit is perfectly adapted to its unchronological neighbourhood. It is\npossible, also, that it belonged entirely to the preceding Philistine\ntime of 40 years, and ought therefore to be quite omitted. But the 20\nyears of Saul was even received in the Acts of the Apostles, and by\nJosephus, as a round number, and was therefore exchanged with 40. The\nperiod of Saul also was certainly not better known than that of David\nand Solomon. The second point is, that it might appear remarkable to see\nthe periods of oppression placed generally together with those of the\nseparate Judges, whilst both classes are however quite heterogeneous.\nI would have separated them, if by that means the result would have\nbeen very different. But it is so circumstanced, that the mean number\nof the historical statements, if we separate the periods of oppression,\namounts to 11 years, in place of 12 years; therefore the total sum is 304\nyears, in place of 318 years. But this is the same result to us; as we\ncannot look for an exact sum in the calculation, it therefore appeared\nmore suitable, because more prudent, to leave those statements in their\nhistorical order.\n\n[349] By the kind permission of Chevalier Bunsen we are enabled to give\nthe following note, which contains the result he has arrived at on this\nsubject:\u2014Chevalier Bunsen agrees with Dr. Lepsius in the conviction that\nthe arrival of the Israelites cannot have taken place under the Hyksos.\nOn the question whether they arrived before or after them, Chevalier\nBunsen differs from Dr. Lepsius, since he believes that Jacob\u2019s family\ncame to Egypt at a far earlier period, viz., in the reign of Sesurtesen\n(Sesostris) the Second (or Third, according to some), in whose reign he\nthinks the ancient writers place those changes in the tenure of land\nwhich the Bible ascribes to Joseph\u2019s advice as prime minister. This\nSesurtesen (Sesostris) reigned, according to the tables of Bunsen, about\n2650 B.C., and since he agrees with Dr. Lepsius in placing the Exodus\nin the reign of Menephthes, 1210 B.C., he allows an interval of 1440\nyears to elapse between Joseph and the Exodus, more than _fourteen_\ncenturies.\u2014TR.\n\n[350] They are called by Manetho \u03a6\u03bf\u03af\u03bd\u03b9\u03ba\u03b5\u03c2 and \u03a0\u03bf\u03b9\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b5\u03c2, and from the most\nancient times the north-eastern neighbours of the Egyptians were never\nother than Semitic nations. The unfounded opinion that the Hyksos were\nthe Scythians has been long ago refuted.\n\n[351] Evidently the same name as that of the Heliopolitan priest\n\u200e\u200f\u05e4\u05d5\u05d8\u05d9\u05e4\u05e8\u05e2\u200f\u200e, which only, being more complete, has the \u200e\u200f\u05e2\u200f\u200e at the end,\nand which the Seventy likewise write \u03a0\u03b5\u03c4\u03b5\u03c6\u03c1\u1fc6. In hieroglyphics the name\nwould be \ud80c\udeaa\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udc9e\ud80c\udc5b or \ud80c\udeaa\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udc9e\ud80c\uddf3\ud80d\udc30\ud80c\udfe4 Pet-Ra, or with the article, which can also be\nwritten in hieroglyphics, Pet-Ph-Ra, _i. e._ \u201che who is consecrated to\nthe sun.\u201d\n\n[352] This was especially the dress of the Egyptian priests, as well as\nof the king himself, whose transparent upper garments, of fine linen,\nare known by the monuments. Compare Herod. ii. 37; Plin. H. N. xix. 2.\nThe elevation of Joseph into the most distinguished class, that of the\npriests, is shown by this laying on of fine linen garments.\n\n[353] Precious necklaces and chains were bestowed by the Egyptian\nkings as particular marks of distinction. Several very illustrative\nrepresentations of this from Thebes and Tel-el-Amarna will be disclosed\nin the work of the Prussian Expedition.\n\n[354] At festive processions the chariot of the queen used to follow that\nof the king, and after it the chariot of the princes. Joseph was thus\ntreated like the son of a king.\n\n[355] For other points of comparison, see Hengstenberg, _Die B\u00fccher Moses\nund \u00c6gypten_, p. 21-76.\n\n[356] Jablonski, _Voc. \u00c6g._ _s. v._ _Psonthomphanech_; Gesenius,\n_Thesaur._ p. 1181.\n\n[357] xvii. p. 788.\n\n[358] Maqrizi in Quatrem\u00e8re. M\u00e9m. ii. 318, 401.\n\n[359] ii. 37.\n\n[360] i. 54.\n\n[361] i. 72, 74. Compare c. 71.\n\n[362] Compare also Strabo, xvii. p. 787, upon the taxes to the king.\n\n[363] Exodus i. 8.\n\n[364] Exodus ii. 23.\n\n[365] Even if we take into account the months also, subtracting 80 years\nand 8 months from 510 years and 10 months, we shall obtain 430 years and\n2 months.\n\n[366] I do not, however, lay more importance upon this agreement than\nit deserves. The coincidence of this number with the Hebrew periods,\noriginating in a different manner, may certainly have first caused it\nto be believed that the Hyksos were the Jews. I am the less inclined to\nreject this opinion, as we shall see below that the Hebrew number may\nalso be explained in a different manner.\n\n[367] B\u00f6ckh is also of this opinion, _Manetho_, p. 227.\n\n[368] Ps. xc. 10.\n\n[369] So Ewald, _Gesch. d. Volks Israel_. Bd. i. p. 30, 339 &c. Bunsen,\n_\u00c6gypten_, i. p. 215, 225. (Trans. vol. i. p. 171, 181.)\n\n[370] Ewald, i. p. 31. Compare Bunsen, i. p. 220.\n\n[371] Ewald, i. p. 354, 387, &c.\n\n[372] P. 204, 206. (Trans. by C. H. Cottrell, vol. i. p. 161-163.)\n\n[373] \u00c6gyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte. Hamburg, 1845.\n\n[374] Die Chronologie der \u00c6gypter. Berlin, 1849.\n\n[375] These dates were obligingly supplied by Dr. Lepsius himself, in a\nletter dated Berlin the 5th of July, 1853.\n\n[376] From the Edinburgh Philosophical Journal for July, 1850.\n\n[377] Bericht \u00fcber die zur Bekanntmachung geeigneten Verhandlungen der\nK\u00f6nigl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Aus dem Jahre,\n1844.\n\n[378] The breadth of the river itself. See Letter to Hr. B\u00f6ckh, p. 27.\n\n[379] Dr. Lepsius, after he had seen this paper, informed me that\nKatakomben was a misprint for Katarakten.\u2014L. H.\n\n[380] Miss Martineau\u2019s Eastern Life, vol. i. p. 99.\n\n[381] Reisen in Europa, Asien und Afrika, in der Jahren 1835, bis 1841.\nStuttgart, 1841-1846.\n\n[382] With reference to the object of this paper.\n\n[383] Reisen, Bd. ii. 545.\n\n[384] \u201c\u00dcber den Stromlauf und das zun\u00e4chst liegende Uferland des Nils,\nvon der zweiten Katarakte bis Assuan, besitzen wir eine vortreffliche\nKarte n\u00e4mlich:\u201d \u201cLand zwischen der kleinen und grossen Katarakten\ndes Nils. Astronomisch bestimmt und aufgenommen in J. 1827, durch v.\nProkesch. Nil Grundrisse der Monumente. Wien, 1831.\u201d\u2014Reisen, Bd. ii. Thl.\niii. 86.\n\n[385] Russegger, Reisen, Bd. i. 258.\n\n[386] Travels in Ethiopia, p. 272.\n\n[387] Description de l\u2019Egypte.\u2014Separate Memoir, entitled \u201cDescription de\nSy\u00e8ne et des Cataractes.\u201d\n\n[388] Russegger, Bd. ii. 3 Thl. 85.\n\n[389] Russegger, Bd. ii. 3 Thl. 76.\n\n[390] Travels, p. 257.\n\n[391] Wanderungen durch das Nilthal, von G. Parthey, Berlin, 1840. 378.\n\n[392] Travels, pp. 9 and 11.\n\n[393] Eastern Life, i. 104.\n\n[394] Ib. 144.\n\n[395] Rennie, Report on Hydraulics, in the Fourth Report of the British\nAssociation for the Advancement of Science, 1834, p. 487.\n\n[396] I state this on the authority of my friend, W. Hopkins, Esq., of\nCambridge.\n\n[397] Russegger, Bd. ii. 1 Thl. 569 to 584.\n\n[398] Rennie, Report cited above, p. 422.\n\n[399] See note, p. 511.\n\n[400] Parthey, 318.\n\n[401] Russegger, Reisen, Bd. ii. 300 and 320. Lancret, Description de\nl\u2019Egypte, M\u00e9moire sur l\u2019\u00eele de Phil\u00e6, 15-58. Rosellini, I Monumenti\ndell\u2019 Egitto e della Nubia. Monumenti del Culto, 187. Wilkinson\u2019s Thebes\nand General View of Egypt, 466. Smith\u2019s Dictionary of Greek and Roman\nBiography, Arts. Ptolemy, Ph. and Nectanebus.\n\n[402] p. 187.\n\n[403] \u00c6gyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte.\u2014Drittes Buch, 122.\n\n[404] Antiquit\u00e9s de la Nubie, p. 6.\n\n[405] Tome iii. parte ii. p. 6.\n\n[406] Thebes, &c. p. 482.\n\n[407] Bunsen, as above.\n\n[408] p. 9.\n\n[409] Wanderungen, &c. 334.\n\n[410] Reisen, Bd. i. s. 273.\n\n[411] Reisen, Bd. ii. 1 Thl. s. 328.\n\n[412] The _italics_ in the above quotation are thus distinguished by Dr.\nLepsius, the CAPITALS by the author himself.\n\n[413] Here follows a sketch of the plan.\n\n\n\n\nINDEX.\n\n\n  A.\n\n  Aahmes-nufre-ari, mother of Amenophis I., 246\n\n  Ababde Arabs, 140, 154\n\n  Abahuda, village of, 240\n\n  Abaris, 406, 416, 426, 446\n\n  \u2014\u2014 situation of, 426-434\n\n  \u2014\u2014 same as Pelusium, 431-434\n\n  Abaton, island of, 123\n\n  Abbas Pascha, 45\n\n  Abdebab, Nubian Desert, 141\n\n  Abd el Qurna, hill of Thebes, 243, 271\n\n  Abd\u00een, or Blue Nile, 174\n\n  Abeken, H., 12, 55, 72, 94, 98, 132, 148, 153, 159, 160, 194, 237,\n      273, 346\n\n  Abel\u2019s Tomb, Palestine, 340\n\n  Abke, Nubia, 239\n\n  Abir, or Qabir Mount, 237\n\n  Abocharagos, the Saracen Prince, 557\n\n  Abraham, 422, 485\n\n  \u2014\u2014 ben David, cited, 452\n\n  Abu el Abas, village of, 172\n\n  \u2014\u2014 D\u00f4m, town of, 222, 229\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Hammed, town of, 17, 141\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 arrival at, 143\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Haras at mouth of Rahad, 148, 167\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Haschin, province of Berber, 145\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Kesh\u00eab, ruins of, 435, 438\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Nugara, mountain chain in Nubian Desert, 141\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Roasch, Pyramids of, 14, 59, 79\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Schar, coast of Red Sea, 289\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Senejat, mountain chain in Nubian Desert, 141\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sihha, mountain chain in Nubian Desert, 141\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Simbel, temples of, 20, 240\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Tl\u00eah, Desert of Gilif, 214\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Zel\u00eemeh, Gulf of Suez, 22, 302, 365, 547\n\n  Abusir, Pyramids of, 13\n\n  \u2014\u2014 stone inscribed at, 69\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sheikh of, 76\n\n  Abydos, 17, 23, 101, 116\n\n  Acca (Ptolemais), 336\n\n  Achencheres, Exodus was placed in reign of, 489\n\n  Achmed Pascha, 129, 147, 160, 163, 187, 191, 198\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Pascha Menekle, 130, 147, 205, 190, 160\n\n  Adar Au\u00eeb, 141\n\n  Aderer\u00e2t, plain of, 141\n\n  Adulis, town of, 220\n\n  Aennum (Philotera), 22\n\n  Africa, certain nations in Central, 45\n\n  Africanus, Julius, cited, 419, 423, 487, 488\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 lists of, 418\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 preserved the works of Manetho, 499\n\n  Ag\u00b4a\u00efze Arabs, 278\n\n  Agam\u00eeeh, the Fai\u00fbm, 97\n\n  Ahmet Pascha, 45\n\n  Ai, King, 261\n\n  Ain Gulut, Syria, 335\n\n  \u2014\u2014 el Haramieh, Syria, 334\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Haw\u00e2reh, Peninsula of Sinai, 547, 548\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Uneh, Peninsula of Sinai, 555\n\n  Aithi, Syria, 336\n\n  Akaba, gulf of, 554\n\n  Akoris, position of town of, 105\n\n  Albert, Prince of Prussia, 70\n\n  Alabaster quarry, 101, 114\n\n  Alabastron, ancient, 115\n\n  Alexandria, 13, 41\n\n  \u2014\u2014 obelisks in, corroded by weather, 42, 369\n\n  Alexander of Macedon, 252, 452, 456\n\n  Alexandrian library, 382, 496\n\n  \u2014\u2014 critics, 487\n\n  Ali, a Bisch\u00e2ri, 241\n\n  Alluvial soil above Cataract of Assuan, 527\n\n  Aloa, kingdom of, 163\n\n  Altars at Wadi el Kirbeg\u00e2n, 194\n\n  Altar, Ethiopian, 223\n\n  Alus, Peninsula of Sinai, 547, 548\n\n  Amada, near Korusko, 20, 240\n\n  Amara, village of, 19, 237\n\n  Amarna, valley El, 101, 114, 115, 262, 322\n\n  Amasis I., 114\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 King, said to be buried in Sphinx, 67\n\n  Ambuk\u00f4l, Nubia, 231\n\n  Amen-Ra, 382\n\n  \u2014\u2014 hymn to, in Egyptian collection of Mr. Sams, London, 392\n\n  Amenemha I., 391, 395\n\n  \u2014\u2014 III., 15, 20, 91, 239, 301, 527\n\n  Amenophis, 405, 408, 420, 497\n\n  \u2014\u2014 I., 246, 248\n\n  \u2014\u2014 II., 237\n\n  \u2014\u2014 III., 19, 222, 236, 237, 253, 256, 261, 485\n\n  \u2014\u2014 IV., 19, 27, 262, 278, 322\n\n  Ammon Ra, 126, 223, 248\n\n  Amharic language known by Isenberg, 39\n\n  Ammonius, the Monk, cited, 556, 557\n\n  Amnis Ptolem\u00e6us, a canal, 440, 444\n\n  Amosis, 424, 486, 488, 497\n\n  Amp\u00e8re, M., cited, 121, 273\n\n  Amru entered Egypt with 4000 Arabs, 430\n\n  Anianos, 498\n\n  An\u00eebe, village of, 20, 240\n\n  Annals of the Monarchy as early as the first Dynasties, 380\n\n  Anti-Libanon, 338\n\n  Antinoe, ancient, 113\n\n  Antiochus Epiphanes, 409\n\n  Antoninus Placentinus, 558\n\n  Ants, large black, 138\n\n  Aphophis, King, 479, 487, 488\n\n  Apion, cited, 411, 421, 423\n\n  Apis, the, taken by Amenophis to Ethiopia, 407\n\n  Apries (Hophre), inscription belonging to Temple of, 43\n\n  Arab, Ababde, 140, 154\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Ag\u00b4a\u00efze, 278\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u02beAuad\u00eeeh, 214\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Schaiq\u00eeeh, 214, 229\n\n  \u2014\u2014 carelessness in cookery, 280\n\n  \u2014\u2014 discontented with pay for camels, 130\n\n  \u2014\u2014 explanation of term, 76\n\n  \u2014\u2014 family, manners of, 276\n\n  \u2014\u2014 hospitality, 277\n\n  \u2014\u2014 vengeance, 271, 321\n\n  Arabian Gulf, 434, 437, 441, 442\n\n  \u2014\u2014 races orally transmit register of generations, 458\n\n  Arabic characters, 258, 311\n\n  \u2014\u2014 inscription, 550-552\n\n  \u2014\u2014 language, 228, 231\n\n  \u2014\u2014 music, 182\n\n  Arbagi, village of, 166\n\n  Arch, pointed and round, 73, 74\n\n  Arch\u00e6ology of Egypt, 28\n\n  Archimedes invented water-screw in Egypt, 384\n\n  Architecture in Egypt, 388\n\n  Argo, island of, 17, 233\n\n  Argonsene, ruins of town at, 235\n\n  Ariston, cited, 554\n\n  Aristotle, cited, 439, 444\n\n  Arnaut soldiers, 198\n\n  Arsino\u00eb II., 109\n\n  \u2014\u2014 town of, 93, 435, 437, 440, 444\n\n  Art, canon of proportions in Egyptian, 21, 118, 383\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Ethiopian more recent than Egyptian, 152\n\n  \u2014\u2014 in Egypt and Ethiopia, 18\n\n  \u2014\u2014 history of, in Egypt, 28\n\n  Artaxerxes, 279, 386\n\n  Artemidorus, 553, 554, 555\n\n  Artim Bey, 189\n\n  Artists of Greece, educated in Egypt, 383\n\n  Asasif, valley of, 254, 264\n\n  Asses in Berber, 157\n\n  Astronomy of Egyptian priests, 386\n\n  \u2014\u2014 knowledge of, necessary to chronology, 396, 398\n\n  Assuan, 20, 104, 118\n\n  \u2014\u2014 granite rocks of, 32, 371\n\n  Assur, plain of, 150\n\n  Astaboras river, 146\n\n  Atbara, province of Berber, 146\n\n  Atfeh, Nile at, 43\n\n  Athanasius in Theban desert, 266\n\n  Atrib (Athribis) in Nile Delta, 333\n\n  Atschan, range of, 158, 193\n\n  Auat\u00eab, valley of, 156\n\n  \u02beAuad, the guide, 271\n\n  \u02beAuad\u00eeeh Arabs, 214\n\n  Axum, Abyssinia, 220\n\n  Ay\u00fbn M\u00fbsa, Peninsula of Sinai, 547, 548\n\n\n  B.\n\n  Baal Zephon, 427\n\n  Bab Allah, gate of Damascus, 343\n\n  Bab el Meluk, Thebes, 244\n\n  Babylon, 437, 440, 445\n\n  Babylonian prisoners, 482\n\n  Bach\u00eet, village of, 230\n\n  Bageh, temple of, 526\n\n  Bahiuda, desert of, 213\n\n  Bahr-bela-m\u00e2, the Fai\u00fbm, 95, 136\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Jussuf, the Fai\u00fbm, 15, 92, 96\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u02beHatab, Nubian desert, 137\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Scheitan, or mirage, 142\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Scherk\u00eeeh, the Fai\u00fbm, 94\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Ward\u00e2ni (the Fai\u00fbm), 94\n\n  B\u00e2lbeck, 346\n\n  Ban-tree, 227\n\n  Baobab-trees, 166\n\n  B\u00e1rada river, 339\n\n  Barbarus of Scaliger, 453\n\n  Barkal, Mount, 18, 220, 222\n\n  Bartlett, H., cited, 535\n\n  Barquq, Sultan, 94\n\n  Batn el Hag\u00e9r, province of, 237\n\n  Basilica in Wadi Gaz\u00e2l, 218\n\n  Bauer, Herr, of Kaml\u00een, 189, 163\n\n  Bech-en-aten (King Amenophis IV.), 114, 262, 278\n\n  Bedouin, the, 86\n\n  \u2014\u2014 explanation of term of, 76\n\n  Beg\u00b4a language, 31, 242, 244\n\n  \u2014\u2014 plain of, 348\n\n  Begerau\u00eeeh, village of, 17, 150, 152, 195, 209, 212\n\n  Behb\u00e9t el Hag\u00e9r (Iseum), in Nile Delta, 23, 333\n\n  Berber, Mudhir of, 131\n\n  B\u00eaida, village of, 198\n\n  Belb\u00eas, Israelites were settled near, 449\n\n  Beled Ell\u00e2qi, village of, 241\n\n  Belled e\u2019 Nuba, village of, 228\n\n  Benihassan, tombs of, 16, 101, 110-113\n\n  Ben Naga, village of, 153, 154, 194\n\n  Beni-Suef, town of, 15, 100, 322\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Kensi, tribe of, 241\n\n  Berscheh, village of, 16, 101, 113, 115\n\n  Bertheau, cited, 464\n\n  Bet el Ualli, temple of, 124\n\n  Berut (Berytos), Syria, 336, 356\n\n  Bethin (Bethel), Syria, 334\n\n  Bethmann, Dr., 23, 322\n\n  Biahmu, monuments of, 96\n\n  Bigeh, island of, 20, 120\n\n  \u2014\u2014 temple of, 531\n\n  Bir Ambar, spring of, 277\n\n  Birds, collection of, 160\n\n  \u2014\u2014 on Blue River, 168\n\n  B\u00eereh, village of, 334\n\n  Birket e\u2019 temsah, 434\n\n  Birqet-el-Qorn, the Fai\u00fbm, 15, 92, 93, 95, 97\n\n  Biscay, Bay of, 37\n\n  Bischar\u00eeba people, 244\n\n  Bisch\u00e2ris, the, 140\n\n  Bisch\u00e2ri language, 241\n\n  Bitter lakes, 436, 440, 442, 444\n\n  Bischeh, the Fai\u00fbm, 97\n\n  Blemyes, the, 242\n\n  Blue River, 162\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 birds, trees, monkeys, &c., 168, 169\n\n  Bocchoris, King, 423\n\n  B\u00f6ckh, cited, 107, 242, 424, 494\n\n  \u2014\u2014 letter to, from Dr. Lepsius, 508\n\n  Boghos Bey, confidential minister of Mohammed Ali, 40, 46, 189\n\n  Bokty, the Prussian consul, 47\n\n  Bonomi, J., travelling companion, 12, 35, 45, 56, 57, 98\n\n  Book of the Dead, 381, 392\n\n  Braun, Herr Julius, 41\n\n  Bricks of Nile mud, 372\n\n  Bricks, burnt, of Babylon, 373\n\n  Brick-vaulted roofs, 373\n\n  Britan, Syria, 340\n\n  British Museum, 394\n\n  Bscherreh, Syria, reception at, 351\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sheikh of, 352\n\n  Bubastis, 369, 429, 436, 448, 449\n\n  Bubastic arm of Nile, 427, 428\n\n  Bu\u00earibs, the, 154, 157\n\n  Bulaq, harbour of Cairo, 44\n\n  Bunsen, Chev., cited, 387, 392, 420, 424, 471, 492, 499, 526\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 last friend seen in England, 35\n\n  Bujurldis. _See_ Firman\n\n  Burckhardt, cited, 338, 532, 551, 561\n\n  Burial near Blue River, 176\n\n  Burying alive in Fazoql, 202\n\n  Byblus (Gebel), 355\n\n\n  C.\n\n  Cailliaud, cited, 150, 154, 155, 209\n\n  Calippus, cycle of, 454\n\n  C\u00e6sar, Augustus, 252, 266\n\n  Cairo, 23, 44-46, 80\n\n  \u2014\u2014 festival in, 70\n\n  Cambyses, 251, 279\n\n  Camel, explanation of term, 81\n\n  \u2014\u2014 drivers, imposition of, 216\n\n  Camels, want of, 130\n\n  Camp, attack on, at Saq\u00e2ra, 75\n\n  \u2014\u2014 life in the, 56, 87\n\n  \u2014\u2014 night in the Egyptian military, 204\n\n  Canal between Nile and Red Sea, 441-445\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Nile, 436\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Rosetta, 43\n\n  Canals in Egypt, 482\n\n  Candace, Queen, 196\n\n  Canons of proportions, 28, 118, 383\n\n  Canopic arm of Nile, 447\n\n  Carians, the frontier guard near Pelusium, 429\n\n  Carmel, Mount, 336\n\n  Castle of Abd el Qurna, 243\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Abke, 239\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Hellet el Bib, 226\n\n  \u2014\u2014 S\u00ease, 236\n\n  Cataract, second, 131\n\n  \u2014\u2014 country, excursion to, 225\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Kalfa, 237\n\n  Cataracts in provinces of Schaiq\u00eeeh and Monassir, 228\n\n  \u2014\u2014 239\n\n  Cemetery of Mer\u00f6e, 212\n\n  Cepheus, King, 423\n\n  Chafra (Chephyren), Pyramid of, 59\n\n  Chairemon, cited, 434\n\n  Champion, M., the Austrian consul, 45, 47\n\n  Champollion, Figeac, cited, 25, 51, 107, 110, 112, 119, 120, 124,\n      266, 527\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 cited, 381, 394, 431, 435\n\n  Chanter, the two books of, 388\n\n  Chart\u00fbm, 15, 130, 131, 158, 190, 193\n\n  Chemmis, 115\n\n  Chencheres, King, 422, 489\n\n  Cheops, writing on the monuments since the time of, 37\n\n  \u2014\u2014 (Chufu), Pyramid of, 48, 59, 72, 372\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 tablet on, 57\n\n  \u2014\u2014 King, 110, 114\n\n  Chephren. _See_ Schafra\n\n  Ch\u00f4r el Ammer, desert of Gilif, 216\n\n  \u2014\u2014 B\u00e2n, 227\n\n  Choreb. _See_ Horeb\n\n  \u2014\u2014 559\n\n  Chorography of Egypt, 29\n\n  Ch\u00f4sch e\u2019 Gur\u00fbf, Nuba village, 228\n\n  Christian chronologists on the period of the Exodus, 421\n\n  Christianity in Nubia, 231\n\n  Christmas at Pyramids, 55\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 Thebes, 273\n\n  Chronicle, old, 497, 498\n\n  Chronology, 396\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Old Testament, 490, 492\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Manethonic, 490\n\n  Chronological character of Jewish History, 401\n\n  Chronologists, Jewish and Christian, 421\n\n  Churches and convents, Christian, 230, 267\n\n  Church, Coptic, 237\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Magal, 231\n\n  Churshid Pascha, 163, 195\n\n  Civilisation of Egypt during the first Dynasties, 25\n\n  Clavis Nilotica, 210\n\n  Clemens of Alexandria, 387, 392, 398, 423\n\n  Cleobulus, sage of Lindus, 384\n\n  Cleopatra, Queen, 444\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 inscription referring to, 106\n\n  Cleopatra\u2019s Needle, 42\n\n  Climate in Peninsula of Sinai, 545\n\n  \u2014\u2014 224\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Thebes, 103\n\n  Clot Bey, M., 32, 246\n\n  Clysma Poemes, bishop of, 557\n\n  Codex of Syncellus, 489\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Mediceus, 437\n\n  Computation of time, Egyptian, 497\n\n  Contracts, era of the, 452\n\n  Convent at Gebel M\u00fbsa, 291, 305, 556\n\n  \u2014\u2014 in Wadi Gaz\u00e2l, 218\n\n  Copper mines in Peninsula, 22, 300, 301\n\n  Coptic characters, 27, 94, 109, 117, 123, 158, 277, 394, 426\n\n  \u2014\u2014 churches, 219, 237, 260\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 plan of, 219\n\n  \u2014\u2014 inscription, 220\n\n  \u2014\u2014 language encouraged by Lieder\u2019s exertions, 36\n\n  \u2014\u2014 population near Thebes, 268\n\n  \u2014\u2014 school, 36\n\n  \u2014\u2014 settlement, 278\n\n  Copts, the, 270\n\n  Corinth, Isthmus of, 442\n\n  Cosmas Indicopleustes, cited, 313, 320, 558, 560\n\n  Costume in Cairo, 80\n\n  \u2014\u2014 worn by travellers in Thebes, 104\n\n  Crocodiles of Blue River, 169\n\n  \u2014\u2014 eggs, 175\n\n  Crocodilopolis, remains of, 15, 97\n\n  Croly, Rev. Dr., 540\n\n  Cuneiform inscriptions, 443\n\n  Customs in southern provinces, 202\n\n  Cynocephalus, 172\n\n\n  D.\n\n  D\u2019Abadie, cited, 99\n\n  D\u00e1hela, village of, 175\n\n  Dakkeh (Pselchis), 17, 20, 242\n\n  Dal, frontier village, 237\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Haui, island of, 149\n\n  Damascus, 340\n\n  \u2014\u2014 journey to, 336-340\n\n  Damietta, 23\n\n  Dams of Lake M\u0153ris, 95\n\n  D\u2019Anastasi, M., the Swedish consul-general, 39, 394\n\n  D\u00e2mer, village of, 133, 146, 147, 149\n\n  Danai, the flight of, 424\n\n  Danaus, 383, 408, 421\n\n  Danqeleh, village of, 209\n\n  D\u2019Anville, cited, 427, 431, 433, 434\n\n  Daphka, Peninsula of Sinai, 540, 547, 548\n\n  Daphni of Pelusium, 429\n\n  Dara-buka kettle-drum, 184\n\n  Dar F\u00fbr, 30, 234\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 language of, 244\n\n  Darius, 439, 440, 442\n\n  Darius II., 252, 279\n\n  Darmali, village of, 228\n\n  Dasch\u00fbr, Pyramid of, 13, 79, 98\n\n  Dedications on Temples, 379\n\n  Date of the Exodus, 470-474, 449-457, 490\n\n  Debbet e\u2019 Ramleh, plain of, 300\n\n  Deb\u00f4d, 17, 20, 123, 242\n\n  Debu, temple at, 526\n\n  Decades, or Egyptian weeks, 398\n\n  Decius, Emp., 266\n\n  Defterdar Bey, 195\n\n  Def\u00fbfa, tomb of, 234\n\n  Delta of the Nile, 369, 483, 486\n\n  Dender River, 170\n\n  Dendera, temple of, 17, 23, 101, 110, 116, 322\n\n  Dend\u00fbr, temple of, 17, 20, 124, 242\n\n  Der el Ahmar, village in Syria, 348\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Bach\u00eet, convent of, 267\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Bahri, convent of, 267\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Med\u00eenet, convent of, 267, 381\n\n  De Rozi\u00e8re, cited, 443\n\n  Derr, temple of, 126, 232, 240, 356\n\n  Desert, Nubian, 133, 143\n\n  \u2014\u2014 journey through, 214\n\n  Derut-Scherif, 15\n\n  Dhafari, Peninsula of Sinai, 547\n\n  Dil\u00eab-Palms, 171\n\n  Dim\u00e9h, in the Fai\u00fbm, 15, 97\n\n  Dinka tribes, 149\n\n  \u2014\u2014 language, 161\n\n  Diocletian, Emp., inscription in honour of, 42\n\n  Diodorus, cited, 123, 202, 260, 381, 383, 391, 408, 421, 429, 439,\n      480, 483, 553, 554\n\n  Diodorus, Exodus according to, 409\n\n  Division of time, 398\n\n  Doko, country of the, 46\n\n  Dongola, province of, 19, 458\n\n  \u2014\u2014 new, 233\n\n  \u2014\u2014 old, 232\n\n  D\u00f4m-Palms, 137, 218\n\n  Doseh, the trampling, 71\n\n  Dromedary, explanation of term, 81\n\n  \u2014\u2014 pace of, 139\n\n  Du Bois Aym\u00e9, cited, 435, 436\n\n  Durra grain, 143, 154\n\n  Dynasty, Elephantine, collateral, 60\n\n  Dynastic Lists, 497\n\n  Dynasties, tables of Egyptian, 499, 506\n\n\n  E.\n\n  Echmim, inscription in rock grotto of, 23, 109, 115\n\n  Edbai, country of Bisch\u00e2ri tribes, 242\n\n  Edfu, temple of, 17, 20, 117\n\n  Egypt, arch\u00e6ology of, 29\n\n  \u2014\u2014 civilisation of, during first Dynasties, 25\n\n  \u2014\u2014 climatal conditions of, 368, 369\n\n  \u2014\u2014 famine in, 481\n\n  \u2014\u2014 geography and chorography of, 29\n\n  \u2014\u2014 history of, 367\n\n  \u2014\u2014 history of art in, 27\n\n  \u2014\u2014 mythology of, 26\n\n  \u2014\u2014 philology of, 26\n\n  \u2014\u2014 regarded as a university for philosophy, 384\n\n  Egyptian administration under the old kings of the country, 482\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Museum in Berlin, views respecting its decoration, 324\n\n  \u2014\u2014 gods, 381, 392\n\n  \u2014\u2014 annals, King of the Exodus in, 417\n\n  \u2014\u2014 canon of proportions, 383\n\n  \u2014\u2014 chronologies not opposed to Hebrew, 457\n\n  \u2014\u2014 collection of Mr. Sams, 392\n\n  \u2014\u2014 prophets, 413\n\n  Ehden, village of, 353\n\n  Ehrenberg, his views respecting luminosity of sea, 37\n\n  \u2014\u2014 cited, 234, 239, 290\n\n  Eileithyia, ancient, 117\n\n  El Ain in Libanon, 338\n\n  El Akarid, village of, 150\n\n  El Ammer, valley of, 216\n\n  Elanitic Gulf, 554\n\n  El Bosra, alabaster quarries at, 21, 31, 114, 115\n\n  El Bu\u00eab, hill of, Peninsula of Sinai, 298\n\n  El Ch\u00f4r, province of Berber, 145\n\n  El El\u00e2m, in the Fai\u00fbm, 95, 96\n\n  Elephantine, island of, 20\n\n  El Far\u00fbt, hill of, Nubian Desert, 141\n\n  El G\u00b4e\u02beah, plain of, 290, 296\n\n  El G\u00f4s, plain of, 215\n\n  El Gu\u00eas, village of, 212\n\n  El Hai, well of, 291\n\n  El-Harib, tombs of, 16\n\n  El Hessue, valley of, 298, 318\n\n  El Hibe, monuments of, 23\n\n  El Kab, rock tombs of, 20, 117\n\n  El Kenissa, castle of, 239\n\n  El Orde (New Dongola), 233\n\n  El Qorn, mountains of, 277\n\n  Elim, 306, 307, 548, 551, 560\n\n  Elijah, 559\n\n  Eleians, their Olympian games, 383\n\n  Em Bey, 289\n\n  Emigrants from Semitic countries, 410\n\n  Emir Pascha, 131, 146, 159, 186, 189, 192\n\n  Enned Mountains, 288\n\n  Era of the Greeks adopted by the Jews, 452\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Grecian, 456\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Contracts adopted by the Jews, 452\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of the Seleucid\u00e6 adopted by the Jews, 452\n\n  Eratosthenes, cited, 437\n\n  Erbkam, G., member of the expedition, 12, 28, 39, 45, 53, 72, 74, 79,\n      81, 83, 97, 147, 153, 195, 230, 235, 243, 259\n\n  Erectheus, King of Athens, 383\n\n  Erment (Hermonthis), temple at, 17\n\n  E\u2019 Seleha, valley of, 156\n\n  Esneh, temple of, 17, 20, 117\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Mudhir of, 131\n\n  E\u2019 Sofra, valley of, 156\n\n  E\u2019 Sufr, valley of, 137\n\n  E\u2019 S\u00fbr, village of, 209\n\n  Ethiopian art more recent than Egyptian, 152\n\n  \u2014\u2014 civilisation later than Egyptian, 244\n\n  \u2014\u2014 demotic writing, 207\n\n  \u2014\u2014 inscriptions, 31\n\n  Ethiopians of Mer\u00f6e, 208\n\n  Ethiopia, flight to, 407, 416\n\n  Et. Quatrem\u00e8re, cited, 435\n\n  E\u2019 Tih, descent of, 300\n\n  Eudoxus, 384, 386\n\n  Euergetes II., inscription referring to, 105\n\n  Eusebian canon, 489\n\n  Eusebius, cited, 313, 422, 453, 489, 498, 499, 555, 560\n\n  Eutychius. _See_ Sa\u00efd ben Batrik\n\n  Ewald, cited, 310, 424, 427, 430, 464, 548\n\n  Exodus, date of the, 449-457, 470-474\n\n  \u2014\u2014 according to Diodorus, 409\n\n  \u2014\u2014 according to Hecataeus, 408\n\n  \u2014\u2014 according to Manetho, 405-407\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of the Hyksos, preserved by Manetho, 410\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Israelites, 410, 411\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 same as expulsion of lepers related by Manetho, 404\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of lepers same as of Israelites, 412-417\n\n  Expedition, chief purpose historical, 24\n\n  \u2014\u2014 French-Tuscan, 24\n\n  Ezbe, roads of, 333\n\n  Ezbek\u00eeeh square, in Cairo, 80\n\n\n  F.\n\n  Fadni\u00ea village, 154\n\n  Fakir in Abu D\u00f4m, 229\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of T\u00e2iba, 187\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Daha, his sepulchre, 229\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Fenti, castle of, 235\n\n  Fai\u00fbm, the, 14, 92-98\n\n  \u2014\u2014 journey to, 83\n\n  Fall of Nile, 521\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Thames, 520\n\n  Falmouth, scenery about, 36\n\n  Famine in Egypt, 481\n\n  Faran in Peninsula of Sinai, 31, 554\n\n  Fazoql, customs in, 202\n\n  Fellah, explanation of term of, 76\n\n  \u2014\u2014 industrious, 260\n\n  Ferh\u00e2t Pascha, 131\n\n  Ferlini, treasure found by, 151, 197\n\n  Fidim\u00een, village of, 97\n\n  Finisterre, cape, 37\n\n  Fir\u00e2n, in Peninsula of Sinai, 547, 559\n\n  Firman of Viceroy, with permit to the Prussian expedition to collect\n      Egyptian monuments, 40, 42\n\n  Fishes, Egyptian collection of, 32\n\n  Fortress at Bach\u00eet, 231\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Karat Negil, 230\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Tifar, 232\n\n  Franke, member of the expedition, 39, 53, 57, 75, 153, 198, 210\n\n  Franz, cited, 106\n\n  French-Tuscan expedition, 24\n\n  French expedition, 436, 438, 443\n\n  Frey, J., the painter, 12, 38, 98\n\n  Funeral ceremony in Wed M\u00e9dineh, 183\n\n\n  G.\n\n  Ganz, cited, 452\n\n  Gabre M\u00e1riam, the Abyssinian boy, 181, 187, 275\n\n  Gabuschi\u00e9, village of, 196, 198\n\n  Gaqed\u00fbl, in Desert of Gilif, 214\n\n  Garizim, Mount, 334\n\n  Gau, cited, 123, 526\n\n  Gau\u00e2ta, village of, 101, 115\n\n  Galba, Emp., 266\n\n  Gaza, road into Egypt from, 429\n\n  G\u00b4e\u02beah, plain of, 290, 296\n\n  Gebel, village of, 209\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Abrak, 217\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Abu Gueh, 278\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 Schegere, 292\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 Senejat, 141\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 Sihha, 141\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Adar Au\u00eeb, 141\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Ascht\u00e2n, 158\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Barkal, 18, 220, 222\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Barqugres, 215\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Bu\u00earib, 154\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Dah\u02bfi, 335\n\n  \u2014\u2014 D\u00eaqa, 231\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Doch\u00e2n, 32, 281, 286\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 red porphyry of, 288, 372\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Dosche, 236\n\n  \u2014\u2014 El Bab, 136\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Enned, 289\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Far\u00fbt, 141\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Fatireh, 31, 280\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Graib\u00e2t, 141\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Hamm\u00e2m, hot springs of, 291\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Kather\u00een, 292, 293\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Kongeli, 226\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Lag\u00e2r, 156\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Ma\u00e1uad, 277\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Maq\u00e1l, 228\n\n  \u2014\u2014 el M\u00e1geqa, 216\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Mograd, 141\n\n  \u2014\u2014 M\u00fbsa, 292, 303, 315, 532, 544, 562\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 Mount of the Law, 532\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 convent of, 556\n\n  \u2014\u2014 e\u2019 Naga, 155, 156\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Nusf, 214\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Omarda, 214\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Qermana, 214\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Qett\u00e2r, 292\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Raui\u00e2n, 158\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Roft, 138\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sefs\u00e2f, 293\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sel\u00een, 115\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Selseleh, 371\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sergen, 214\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Silsilis, 117\n\n  \u2014\u2014 e\u2019 Tih, 300\n\n  \u2014\u2014 e Tur, 335\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Um Riglin, 292\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Um Sch\u00f4mar, 292, 297\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Ze\u00eft, 289\n\n  Ged\u00eedeh, in Syria, 340\n\n  Geez inscription, 208\n\n  Geg, province of Berber, 145\n\n  Genealogies, registers of, 458, 460\n\n  Generations, register of, 458\n\n  Genna, village of, 150\n\n  Gennin (Egennin), Syria, 335\n\n  Geography of Egypt, 29\n\n  Geological structure of Lower Nubia, 522\n\n  Geometry, the knowledge of, 390\n\n  Georgi, O., the painter, 12, 222, 187\n\n  Georgius Syncellus, cited, 498\n\n  Geraschab, Schell\u00e2l of, 158\n\n  Gerb\u00e9 Dandour, monument at, 526\n\n  Gerf Huss\u00ean, temples of, 20, 124, 126, 242, 356\n\n  Gerf e\u2019 Schech, village of, 228\n\n  Germanicus, visit to remains of, ancient Thebes, 266, 393\n\n  Gertassi, in Ethiopia, 123\n\n  Gesch, reed grass, 213\n\n  Gesenius, cited, 431, 548\n\n  Gez\u00eeret-el-Qorn, island of, 97\n\n  Ghab\u00eene, village of, 209\n\n  Gharaq Lake, 98\n\n  Gibba, in Syria, 343\n\n  Gibraltar, 38\n\n  Gilif, desert of, 213\n\n  Gimscheh, or Kebrit, Peninsula of, 289\n\n  Girsche, 242\n\n  Gism Halfa, 241\n\n  Gizeh, Pyramids of, 13, 47, 79\n\n  G\u00f4ba, in Syria, 344\n\n  Gobat, Bishop of Jerusalem, 39\n\n  Gods, Egyptian, 381, 392\n\n  Gomra, island of, 150\n\n  Gorata, near source of Blue Nile, 99\n\n  G\u00f4s Basabir, village of, 158\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Burri, village of, 214\n\n  Goshen, land of, 49, 410, 411, 414, 435, 448\n\n  Granite of Assuan, 371\n\n  Greek inscriptions, 31, 105, 122, 125, 220, 240, 550\n\n  \u2014\u2014 philosophers, 385\n\n  Greeks, era of the, 452, 456\n\n  Gulf of Akaba, 554\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Arabian, 434\n\n  Guneh, in Syria, 355\n\n  Gungules, fruit of Baobab-tree, 166\n\n\n  H.\n\n  Habak herb, 296\n\n  Hadrian, Emperor, 113, 288\n\n  Hager M\u00e9rui, white rock in Province of Robatat, 226\n\n  Haipha (Hepha), Syria, 336\n\n  Hair, Arab mode of greasing, 144\n\n  Halfa\u00ef, or Nile, 205\n\n  Haluf, Nuba village, 228\n\n  Ham\u00e2da-trees, 295\n\n  Hamd\u00e2b, district of, 225\n\n  Hamitic languages, 31\n\n  Hamm\u00e2m Fara\u00fbn, in Peninsula of Sinai, 554\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Seidna Solim\u00e2n, tower of, 237\n\n  Hammam\u00e2t, quarries of, 22, 32, 278, 321\n\n  Hammer, von, 341\n\n  Hannik, in province of M\u00e1has, 235\n\n  Haram el Gizeh, Pyramids of, 47\n\n  Hay, cited, 271\n\n  Hassan Kaschef, of Derr, 127, 241\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Pascha, 131, 146, 192, 218, 232, 235\n\n  Hathor, temple to, in Dendera, 116\n\n  Heathen temples mutilated by Christians, 267\n\n  Hebrew Chronologies not opposed to Egyptian, 457\n\n  \u2014\u2014 commentators, 477\n\n  \u2014\u2014 numbers, uncertainty of, 402\n\n  \u2014\u2014 tradition, 401\n\n  Hecataeus, of Abdera, Exodus according to, 408\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 cited, 260, 408\n\n  Heglik-tree, 217\n\n  Heliopolis, 46, 369, 384, 406, 408, 413, 414, 448\n\n  \u2014\u2014 priest of, Joseph marries the daughter of, 411\n\n  \u2014\u2014 (B\u00e2lbeck), 346\n\n  Hellet el Bib, ruins of, 226\n\n  \u2014\u2014 e\u2019 Solim\u00e2n, village of, 188, 205\n\n  Hengstenberg, cited, 544\n\n  Henniker, Sir Fr., 551\n\n  Heracleopolis Parva, 429\n\n  Hererat, 297\n\n  Hermanovich, Dr., 160, 190\n\n  Hermes, Book of the Dead ascribed to, 392\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Trismegistus, citation from, 270\n\n  Hermetic books, 382, 387, 391, 397\n\n  Hermonthis, ancient (Erment), near Thebes, 117\n\n  Hermopolis Parva (Damanhur), 447\n\n  Hero, same as Heroonpolis, 435\n\n  Herodotus, cited, 119, 383, 384, 429, 432, 439, 442, 447, 480, 481\n\n  Heroonpolis, 434, 435, 437, 445, 555\n\n  \u2014\u2014 situation of, 434, 438\n\n  Hierasykaminos, inscriptions of, 125\n\n  Hieroglyphical inscriptions on rock, 458\n\n  Hieroglyphic writing, 377\n\n  Hieroglyphics, 27, 58, 59, 109, 196, 223, 236, 377, 381, 382, 413,\n      420, 426\n\n  Hierogrammatist, the, or Sacred Scribe, 387\n\n  Hiersolyma, built by Moses according to Hecataeus, 408\n\n  Hieratical, or Priest Books, 387\n\n  Hillel, the astronomer, 454\n\n  Hippopotamus, 158\n\n  \u2014\u2014 on Blue River, 170\n\n  Historical book literature, 394\n\n  \u2014\u2014 literature necessary to restoration of true history, 399\n\n  \u2014\u2014 sense in the Egyptian character, 374\n\n  Hobi, island of, 153\n\n  Hogg, Mr. John, 540, 560\n\n  Hopkins, W., cited, 522\n\n  Horeb (Choreb), 293, 304, 314, 533\n\n  Horner, L., paper on bed of Nile, Appendix, 507\n\n  \u2014\u2014 cited, 239\n\n  Horoscopi, the, or time-seers, 388\n\n  Horus, King, 259, 405, 420\n\n  Horus, the god at temple of Edfu, 117\n\n  Hospitality, Arabian, 277\n\n  Hospital in Wed M\u00e9dineh, 185\n\n  Hoskins, 150, 154, 155\n\n  Howara, village of, 84\n\n  Humboldt, A. von, 105, 532\n\n  Hyksos, the, 395, 406, 421, 476, 479, 486\n\n  \u2014\u2014 time of, 485\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Exodus of the, 410\n\n  \u2014\u2014 banishment of, 417\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Dynasties of the, 488\n\n  \u2014\u2014 invasion of the, 427\n\n  \u2014\u2014 end of rule, 428\n\n  Hymn to Amen-Ra, in Egyptian collection of Mr. Sams, London, 392\n\n  Hymns to the God, 389, 392\n\n\n  I.\n\n  Iamblichus, concerning Hermetic books, 382\n\n  Ibrahim Aga (Kawass), 131, 198, 275\n\n  Ibrahim Ch\u00ear, a Syrian, house of, 160, 191\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Hassan, death of, in Syria, 346\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Pascha, 47, 101, 198\n\n  Ibr\u00eem (ancient Primis), 20, 125, 240, 241\n\n  Ideler, cited, 450, 453\n\n  Illah\u00fbn, Pyramid of, 83, 93\n\n  Indigo factory in Kaml\u00een, 163\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 Tamani\u00e2t, 191\n\n  Inscription on temple of Begerau\u00eeeh, 151\n\n  \u2014\u2014 on rock grotto of Echmim, 109\n\n  \u2014\u2014 on obelisk of Heliopolis, 46\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Phil\u00e6, 120, 243\n\n  \u2014\u2014 on temple of Pselchis, 105\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 of Edfu, 117\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Konosso, 120\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Naharieh, 43\n\n  \u2014\u2014 on Pyramids of Gizeh, 52\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 of Mer\u00f6e, 206\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Soba, 165\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Silco, 242\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Talmis, 123\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Arabic, 232, 550, 552\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Ethiopian demotic, 223, 237\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Greek, 240\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 in Gertassi, 123\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 on Pompey\u2019s pillar, 42\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 at Coptic church in Wadi Gaz\u00e2l, 220\n\n  Inscriptions, 30, 245, 379\n\n  \u2014\u2014 modern hieroglyphics commemorative of Prussian expedition, 57\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Greek and Coptic, 220\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Greek and Egyptian, 278\n\n  \u2014\u2014 hieroglyphic, 114\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Roman, 345\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sinaitic, 291, 294, 299, 311\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Rock, 239, 560\n\n  \u2014\u2014 in Untial characters, 267\n\n  Ischischi, Island of, 225, 231\n\n  Isenberg, missionary, 39, 47\n\n  Ishmael had an Egyptian mother, 410\n\n  Isis, chapel to, in Mehendi, 126\n\n  \u2014\u2014 statue of, 223\n\n  \u2014\u2014 temple to, at Phil\u00e6, 120\n\n  Ismael Pascha, 161, 195, 205\n\n  Israelites, the, 414, 446, 448, 458\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Exodus of, 410, 411\n\n  \u2014\u2014 not the only strangers in Egypt, 410\n\n  \u2014\u2014 journey of the, 305\n\n  \u2014\u2014 time occupied in journey to Sinai, 548-550\n\n  Israelitish people, destiny of the, 459\n\n  Isthmus of Suez, geographical conditions, 426\n\n  Itinerarium, Antonini, 317, 448, 449\n\n  \u2014\u2014 situation of Heroonpolis given in, 435\n\n\n  J.\n\n  Jacob, meeting between Joseph and, 435\n\n  Jaffa, 23\n\n  Janni Nicola, 290\n\n  Jassur bush, 295\n\n  Jericho, 334\n\n  Jeroboam I., King, worship of sun-bull introduced into Palestine by,\n      413\n\n  Jerome, St., 313, 317, 555, 560\n\n  Jerusalem, 39, 334\n\n  Jesreel, plains of, 336\n\n  Jewish calendars, 453\n\n  \u2014\u2014 chronology, 450\n\n  \u2014\u2014 chronologists, 421\n\n  \u2014\u2014 generations, 458-470\n\n  \u2014\u2014 history, chronological character of, 401\n\n  \u2014\u2014 list, 497\n\n  \u2014\u2014 temple of Onias, 449\n\n  Jews, the account of, by Diodorus, 409\n\n  Jomard, 431\n\n  Jorius, bishop of Mount Sinai, 558, 562\n\n  Joseph, 410, 413, 435, 481, 483\n\n  \u2014\u2014 in Egypt, 476-484\n\n  Josephus, cited, 313, 316, 416, 417, 418, 423, 424, 427, 433, 459,\n      460, 476, 487, 497, 548, 554, 560\n\n  \u2014\u2014 lists of, 419\n\n  Joshua, book of, 450\n\n  Jud\u00e6a, foreigners in Egypt fled to, 408\n\n  Judges, book of, 450\n\n  Jussuf, Dragoman, 133, 275\n\n  Justinian, convent built by Emperor, 319, 551, 556, 562\n\n  Justin Martyr, cited, 423\n\n\n  K.\n\n  Kafr el Batran, village of, 76\n\n  Kalabscheh, 17, 20, 192, 242, 526\n\n  Kalfa, cataract of, 237\n\n  Kaml\u00een, 163, 189\n\n  Karabel, rock-picture of, 24\n\n  Karat Negil, fortress of, 230\n\n  Karnak, 20, 102, 247, 248-253\n\n  Kasinqar, village of, 225, 227\n\n  Kasiun, Mount, 341\n\n  Kat\u00e2rif, village of, 186\n\n  Kawass, the, 87\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Ibrahim, 149, 170\n\n  Kebrit, Peninsula of, 289\n\n  Keli, funeral ceremony in, 211\n\n  Kenes, island of, 120\n\n  Kerak, tomb of Noah at, 337\n\n  Kerm\u00e2n, village of, 233\n\n  Kings of Egypt, succession of, 26\n\n  Ki-si-Tuthotep, tomb of, 113\n\n  Kisch, or Kischiga, village of, 242\n\n  Klotsch, Dr., cited, 227\n\n  Klysma, at the head of Arabian Gulf, 435\n\n  Koch, Dr., 147, 160\n\n  Ko\u00ef, remains of towns at, 235\n\n  Kolzum, convent of, 557\n\n  K\u00f4m el Bir\u00e2t, village of, 271, 321\n\n  Kong\u00e1ra language, 30, 234\n\n  Konosso, island of, 20, 120\n\n  Koptos, ancient (Quft), 22\n\n  Kordofan, brother of Sultan of, 161\n\n  Korte, temple of, 124\n\n  Korusko, 17, 105, 127, 130, 240\n\n  Koss\u00ear, 22, 279, 321\n\n  Koss\u00ear road, hieroglyphical inscription on rock of, 458\n\n  Krapf, the missionary, 39, 45, 447\n\n  \u2014\u2014 on certain nations in Central Africa, 45\n\n  Kteffe valley, 547\n\n  Kub\u00e1n (Contra Pselchis), 20, 242\n\n  K\u00fb\u02beeh, territory of, 225\n\n  K\u00fbm-Ombo, temple of, 17\n\n  K\u00fbm-Ahmar, rock-tombs of, 15\n\n  Kummeh, village of, 19, 238\n\n  Kumr bet\u00e1 D\u00e1hela, village of, 175\n\n  Kungara language, 244\n\n  Kurru, Pyramids of, 229\n\n\n  L.\n\n  Labyrinth, arrangement of, 90\n\n  \u2014\u2014 founder of, 15\n\n  \u2014\u2014 ruins of the, 15, 83\n\n  \u2014\u2014 payment of people for digging trenches at, 84\n\n  Lake of Serbon, 429\n\n  Lakes, bitter, 436, 440, 442, 444\n\n  Lancret, cited, 525\n\n  Language of Taka, 201\n\n  Languages, African, 31\n\n  Larcher, 431\n\n  Leake, 240\n\n  Leq\u00eata, village of, 277\n\n  Le Quien, 556, 558, 562\n\n  Leontes, river, 336\n\n  Lepers, expulsion of, 404, 417\n\n  \u2014\u2014 insurrection under Osarsiph, 416\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Exodus of, same as of Israelites, 412-417\n\n  Leprosy, Egyptian, account of, 412\n\n  Letter to Mr. Horner from Dr. Lepsius, 530\n\n  Letronne, cited, 105, 107, 121, 123, 387, 440, 442, 444, 445\n\n  Levites, generations of, 460\n\n  Levi, tribe of, 459\n\n  L\u2019H\u00f4te, cited, 105\n\n  Libanon, view of, 349\n\n  \u2014\u2014 war in, 352\n\n  Library at Thebes, 381, 397\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Alexandrian, 382, 496\n\n  Lieder, Herr, German missionary, 36, 47, 74\n\n  Limestone, nummulitic, mountain range near Memphis composed of, 371\n\n  Linant, M., 14, 92, 94, 96\n\n  Lions in Berber, 157\n\n  Lion, young, 174\n\n  Lischt, Pyramid of, 64, 83\n\n  Lists, Jewish, 497\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Dynastic of Manetho, 497\n\n  Literature of Egypt, 386, 390\n\n  Livy, fragment of a MS. of, 380\n\n  Locusts, swarm of, 68\n\n  Lorda, Domingo, 99\n\n  Loss of road, 282\n\n  Luqsor, temple of, 102, 247, 253\n\n  Lycopolis, 101\n\n  Lycurgus introduced Egyptian customs into Greece, 383\n\n  Lycus. _See_ Nahr el Kelb\n\n  Lysimachus, on the Exodus, 422, 424\n\n\n  M.\n\n  Maccabees, book of, 452\n\n  Madian, district of, 546\n\n  Magal, church of, 231\n\n  M\u00e1geqa, well of, in Gilif mountains, 216\n\n  M\u00e1has, province of, 235\n\n  \u2014\u2014 dialect of, 232\n\n  Mahm\u00fbd Welled Schau\u00eesch, 188, 205\n\n  Mahmudieh canal, 42\n\n  Makrizi, cited, 178\n\n  Maktaf, or basket, 84\n\n  Makrobioten Apappus Pepi, 110\n\n  Malta, 38\n\n  Mandera, in desert, 130, 162\n\n  Manetho, cited, 382, 405, 410, 412, 416, 417, 423, 427, 429, 433,\n      470, 480, 486, 487, 494, 496, 499\n\n  Manethonic chronology, 490, 493, 495\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Dynastic lists, 498\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Dynasties, 496\n\n  \u2014\u2014 history, extent of, 493\n\n  \u2014\u2014 list of Eusebius, 422\n\n  \u2014\u2014 numbers, the genuine, 494-496, 498\n\n  Manuscripts, Ethiopian, 99\n\n  Mara, 307, 548\n\n  Maranites, the, 554\n\n  Marcellinus, Ammianus, cited, 79\n\n  Martineau, Miss, cited, 514, 520\n\n  Mar\u00fbga, village of, 212, 209\n\n  Masr, or Cairo, 44\n\n  Massaui, island of, 228\n\n  Matar\u00eeeh, village of, 49\n\n  Mech\u00earef, village of, 142, 144\n\n  Medam\u00f4t, village of, 247\n\n  Medik, village of, 125\n\n  Med\u00eenet el Fai\u00fbm, 93, 97\n\n  \u2014\u2014 H\u00e2bu, 102, 253, 256, 260\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 church at, 269\n\n  \u2014\u2014 M\u00e2di, ruins of, 98\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Nimrud, town of, 97\n\n  Mediterranean Sea, triremes on, 442\n\n  Megdel, in Syria, 336\n\n  Meharret. _See_ Hererat\n\n  Mehemet Ali, 441\n\n  Mehendi, Roman camp of, 125\n\n  Meid\u00fbm, Pyramid of, 64, 83\n\n  Mekseh, village of, 336\n\n  Mel\u00e1h (Arabic for salt work), 194\n\n  Melek Idris Adl\u00e2n, 177, 191\n\n  Memnon statue, 257\n\n  Memnonia at Thebes, 102, 248, 258\n\n  Memphis, 14, 49, 72, 81, 369, 427, 484\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Pyramids of, 24, 44, 370\n\n  Menephthes king during the Exodus, 424, 430, 449, 451, 454, 470, 474,\n      480, 484\n\n  \u2014\u2014 rock temple, at Surarieh, dedicated to Hathor by, 100\n\n  \u2014\u2014 temple in Nubia erected by, 124\n\n  Menes, laws of, 392\n\n  \u2014\u2014 epoch, or first historical year, 495\n\n  \u2014\u2014 hieroglyphic writings invented in time of, 377\n\n  \u2014\u2014 year of 3893, B.C., 494\n\n  Menkera (Mykerinos), Pyramid of, 59\n\n  Menzaleh Lake, 333\n\n  Merhet, priest of Chufu, tomb of, 61, 63\n\n  M\u00e9raui, town of, 194, 223\n\n  Mer\u00f6e, derivation of term, 210\n\n  \u2014\u2014 district between Nile and Astaboras, 17, 146\n\n  \u2014\u2014 island of, 225\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Pyramids of, 206\n\n  \u2014\u2014 well of, 217\n\n  Mesaur\u00e2t, monuments of, 156\n\n  \u2014\u2014 el Kirbeg\u00e2n (Ben Naga), 156, 157\n\n  \u2014\u2014 e\u2019 Naga (Ben Naga), 156\n\n  \u2014\u2014 e\u2019 Sofra (Ben Naga), 156\n\n  Mess\u00e2id, spring of water, 288\n\n  Messelem\u00eeeh, town of, 166, 189, 205\n\n  Metamme, village of, 154\n\n  Meton, the cycle of, 454\n\n  Mice in camp, 87\n\n  Miglik, in Gilif range, 216\n\n  Military band, 186\n\n  Minjan schtaroth, epoch of, 455\n\n  Mirage, in Nubian Desert, 141\n\n  Misphragmuthosis, end of rule of Hyksos, 428, 490\n\n  Mitrahinneh, 72\n\n  Mneuis, holy bull, 411, 413\n\n  Mo\u02beallaqa, Syria, 337\n\n  M\u00f6ris-Amenemha, 481\n\n  M\u0153ris Lake, 92, 95\n\n  \u2014\u2014 dams of lake, 95\n\n  M\u0153ris, Pyramid of, 83\n\n  Mograd, mountain range of, 141\n\n  Mogr\u00e2n River, 146\n\n  Mohammed Ali, 39, 40, 333\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sa\u00efd, 158\n\n  Moie Mess\u00e2id, spring of, 288\n\n  Moleds, or new moons, 453\n\n  Molon, cited, 423\n\n  Monarchy, Old, 395, 414\n\n  Monassir, cataracts in province of, 228\n\n  Monkeys on Blue River, 169\n\n  Mons Casius, 429\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Claudianus. _See_ Gebel Fatireh\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Porphyrites. _See_ Gebel Doch\u00e2n\n\n  Monuments, 368, 375\n\n  \u2014\u2014 age of Egyptian, 16\n\n  \u2014\u2014 in Old Monarchy, 414\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Biahmu, 96\n\n  \u2014\u2014 granite, at Mount Barkal, 223\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Pharaonic, 233\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Soba, 18\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Thebes, 20\n\n  Monumental nation, the Egyptian, 397\n\n  \u2014\u2014 writing, hieroglyphics become, 379\n\n  Moqattam Hills, 47\n\n  Mosaic account of Exodus, 425\n\n  Mosch, town of, 235\n\n  Moses, 310, 408, 411, 449, 484, 486, 491, 546\n\n  Mosque at Damascus, 343\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Old Dongola, 232\n\n  Motmar, 150\n\n  Mountains of Nubian Desert, mineral character of, 136\n\n  Mud of Nile, bricks made of, 369\n\n  Mudhir of Berber, 131\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Esneh, 131\n\n  M\u00fchleisen, a missionary, 39, 47\n\n  Mukf\u00e2r, ruins of, 435, 436\n\n  Mulid e\u2019 Nebbi, festival of, 70\n\n  Mummies, durability of, 370\n\n  Mundera, plain of, 141\n\n  Munf\u00eeeh range, 280\n\n  M\u00fbsa Bey, 148\n\n  Music not considered by the Egyptians an independent art, 388\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Eastern, 85\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Arabic, 182\n\n  Mustaffa Pascha, 131\n\n  Mythology of Egypt, 25\n\n  Myos hormos, ruins of, 289\n\n\n  N.\n\n  Nablus (Sichem) Syria, 334\n\n  Naga in the desert, 17, 153, 156, 210\n\n  Naharieh, ruins of town near, 43\n\n  Nahr el Kelb (Lykos), 22, 355\n\n  Nakb el Egaui, Peninsula of Sinai, 291\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Haui, Peninsula of Sinai, 291, 294, 547\n\n  Names, holy and popular, for towns, 115\n\n  Napoleon, Descrip. de l\u2019Egypt, 376\n\n  Napata, town of, 18, 223\n\n  \u2014\u2014 cemetery of, 220\n\n  Narrative, Mosaic, contradicts the idea that the Jews were the\n      Hyksos, 421\n\n  Nascimbeni, engineer of the Viceroy, 93\n\n  Nasr, Sult\u00e2na, 176\n\n  Natron, crust in desert of, 139\n\n  Natural history, collection by Ferd. Werne, bought for Prussia, 42\n\n  Nazareth, 335\n\n  Nebbi Hab\u00eel (tomb of Abel), 340\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sch\u00eet, Syria, 345\n\n  Nebek-tree, 277, 298\n\n  Nebuchadnezzar, 455\n\n  Nechel Delfa, in Gebel Munf\u00eeeh, 281\n\n  Necropoli, Egyptian, 375\n\n  Necropolis of Thebes, 247\n\n  Nectanebus, 120, 243, 525, 531\n\n  \u2014\u2014 II., 494\n\n  Negro soldiers, 186\n\n  Nehera-si-Numhotep, tomb of, 112\n\n  Nekleh, Rosetta arm of Nile, 43\n\n  Nek\u00f4s begins to cut canal between Nile and Red Sea, 439, 440, 441, 442\n\n  Neos Dionysos, Ptolemy XIII., 108\n\n  Neslet, village of, 98\n\n  Nesnas ape, 164\n\n  Neubauer, Herr, apothecary at Chart\u00fbm, 160\n\n  New Dongola, 233\n\n  Nile river, height of, at Semneh, 19, 20\n\n  \u2014\u2014 gradual levelling of bed, 30\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Atfeh, 43\n\n  \u2014\u2014 waters of, 44\n\n  \u2014\u2014 crossing the, 211\n\n  \u2014\u2014 observations on rise of, 239, 259\n\n  \u2014\u2014 between Thebes and Qeneh, 275\n\n  \u2014\u2014 narrow district of, 369\n\n  \u2014\u2014 mud bricks of, 369\n\n  \u2014\u2014 ease of transport on, 372\n\n  \u2014\u2014 canal, 436, 448\n\n  \u2014\u2014 upper districts of, 458\n\n  \u2014\u2014 rise of, related by Strabo, 481\n\n  \u2014\u2014 breadth, depth, and velocity in Nubia, 519\n\n  \u2014\u2014 fall of, 521\n\n  Nilometer, 73\n\n  Nimr, palace of King, 195\n\n  Nilus, cited, 556, 557, 560\n\n  Noah\u2019s tomb, 327\n\n  Nochol rock, 307\n\n  Nofratmu, an ancestor of Ranumhet, chief architect, 458\n\n  Nomarchs, who ruled in the Nomes, 482\n\n  Nomes, Egypt divided into, 482, 483\n\n  Nome, Sethroitic, Abaris situated in, 427, 431\n\n  Nuba language, 30, 128, 232, 234\n\n  \u2014\u2014 dialect, 235\n\n  \u2014\u2014 villages, 228\n\n  Nubia, Lower, phys. geog. of, _see_ Appendix, 516\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Lower, geological structure of, Appendix, 522\n\n  \u2014\u2014 breadth, depth, &c., of Nile, Appendix, 519\n\n  \u2014\u2014 temples in, 124\n\n  Nubian language, 171\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sheikh, 30\n\n  Nubians, character of, 127\n\n  Numbers, genuine Manethonic, 494-496, 498\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Hebrew, uncertainty of, 402\n\n  Nummulitic limestone near Memphis, 371\n\n  Numt Amen, temple of, 255\n\n  Nureddin Effendi, a Coptic Catholic Egyptian, 163, 189\n\n  Nuri, Pyramids of, 218, 221\n\n  Nus, hieroglyphic name of town, 112\n\n\n  O.\n\n  Obelisk at Heliopolis, 46\n\n  Obelisks in Alexandria, 369\n\n  Ochus, conquest of Egypt by, 494\n\n  Okmeh, sulphur-spring at, 237\n\n  Old Dongola, 232\n\n  Old Testament writings, 459\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 chronology, 490, 492\n\n  Old chronicle, 497, 498\n\n  Olympiad, the seventh, 423\n\n  \u2014\u2014 calculation, 424\n\n  Olympian games, 383\n\n  Omar Aga, officer in Turkish army, 198\n\n  Omar\u00e2b mountains, 209\n\n  Ombos, canon of proportions found in, 20, 118\n\n  Om Saiale, well of, 218\n\n  Om Schebak, valley of, 218\n\n  On, same as Heliopolis, 113\n\n  Onias, temple of, 449\n\n  Osarsiph, priest of Heliopolis, 406, 408, 413, 416\n\n  Osiris, tomb of, 122\n\n  \u2014\u2014 service of, 413\n\n  \u2014\u2014 statue of, at Kaml\u00een, 164\n\n  Osman Bey, chief in command of army against Taka, 196\n\n  Osymandyas, King, 381\n\n  \u2014\u2014 tomb of, 260\n\n  Otho, Emp., 266\n\n\n  P.\n\n  Paapis, son of Amenophis, 405\n\n  Palms, Dil\u00eab, 171\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Doum, 137, 218\n\n  Pachon, Papyri dated 13th of, 395\n\n  Painting on Pyramids, 52\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Christian, over Heathen representations, 268\n\n  Paintings in Thebes, 246\n\n  \u2014\u2014 on tomb in Benihassan, 111\n\n  Panodorus, 498\n\n  Panopolis (Chemmis), rock-grotto of, 115\n\n  Papyrus rolls, 391, 394, 395\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Sallier, 391\n\n  \u2014\u2014 plant, 373, 380\n\n  \u2014\u2014 roll on monuments, 374\n\n  Paran, 304, 539\n\n  Parthey, cited, 520, 525\n\n  Papebroch, cited, 558\n\n  Pastophori, the watchers of the temples, 389\n\n  Patriarchs, the three, 491\n\n  Paul, Apostle, on number, 403, 480\n\n  Pedigree of architect, 279\n\n  Peney, M., French surgeon, 196\n\n  Petamenap, tomb of the royal scribe, 265\n\n  Pelusaic arm of Nile, 429, 446\n\n  Pelusium, town of, 429, 430, 432\n\n  Peninsula of Sinai, climate of, 545\n\n  Periander, 442\n\n  Period from Abraham to Moses, 485-491\n\n  Perring, measurement of Pyramids by, 59\n\n  \u2014\u2014 13, 79, 114\n\n  Petronius, Prefect, 481\n\n  Ph\u0153nikon, Peninsula of Sinai, 555\n\n  Ph\u0153nix, period of 1500 years, 398\n\n  Phara ravine, 554\n\n  Pharan, 297, 304, 313, 546, 555, 557\n\n  \u2014\u2014 church of, 562\n\n  \u2014\u2014 palm-grove of, 553, 559\n\n  Pharaoh, 413, 480\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of the Exodus, 421-425\n\n  \u2014\u2014 the, of Joseph, 477\n\n  \u2014\u2014 (Seth\u00f4sis I.), 484\n\n  Pharaonic history, restoration of the, 399\n\n  Phil\u00e6, island of, 20, 119, 242, 530, 531\n\n  \u2014\u2014 name of, 120\n\n  \u2014\u2014 inscriptions at, 107\n\n  \u2014\u2014 temples on, 525\n\n  Philotera, ancient, 289\n\n  Philip Arid\u00e6us, 252\n\n  Philology, Egyptian, 26\n\n  Philosophers who visited Egypt, 385\n\n  Phokes, island of, 555\n\n  Physical Geography of Lower Nubia, Appendix, 516\n\n  Pilgrims, German, 302\n\n  Pipe, Turkish, pleasure of, 104\n\n  Pithom and Ramses, treasure cities, 426\n\n  \u2014\u2014 situation of, 435, 447\n\n  Plague of the leprosy, Egyptian account of, 412\n\n  Plato, house he inhabited in Heliopolis, 384\n\n  Pliny, cited, 439, 444\n\n  \u2014\u2014 fable by, of Sphinx, 67\n\n  Plutarch, cited, 123, 386\n\n  Poems, Arabic, 182\n\n  Polemon, cited, 422\n\n  Pompey\u2019s Pillar, 42\n\n  Porphyry, Gebel Doch\u00e2n, 372\n\n  Poseidion, town of, 553\n\n  Potiphar, an Egyptian name, 476\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Heliopolis, 411, 413\n\n  Priests in Egypt, 385, 386\n\n  \u2014\u2014 books, the hieratical, 387\n\n  \u2014\u2014 learned, 412\n\n  \u2014\u2014 registers of their generations, 459\n\n  Primis, ancient, 125, 240\n\n  Procopius, cited, 320, 556\n\n  Prokesch, Gen. von, cited, 525\n\n  Proskynemata, 56, 279\n\n  Prophets, Egyptian, 413\n\n  \u2014\u2014 the, 387\n\n  Prudhoe, Lion of Lord, 223, 236\n\n  Pruner, Dr., 47, 98\n\n  Psalmist, the, on length of life, 491\n\n  Psammeticus, 429, 440\n\n  \u2014\u2014 I., 240, inscription belonging to temple of, at Naharieh, 43\n\n  Pselchis, inscription at temple of, 105\n\n  Ptah-nefru-be-u, tomb of, 63\n\n  Ptolemy Alexander I., temple built by, 117\n\n  \u2014\u2014 380, 429, 434, 437, 438\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Mendesius, cited, 421, 424\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Eupator, inscription referring to, 107\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Philadelphus, 382, 439, 440, 444, 525\n\n  \u2014\u2014 the geographer, 115, 429, 434, 437, 438, 554\n\n  Ptolemies, Greek inscription about the, 107\n\n  Publius, Prefect, 42\n\n  Pyramid of Cheops (Chufu), view from, 48, 49, 59, 72, 372\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Dasch\u00fbr, 79, 98\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Gizeh, 47, 56, 79, 323\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Howara (Labyrinth), 83\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Labyrinth, 90\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Mencheres, 372\n\n  Pyramids, 47-65\n\n  \u2014\u2014 age of, 13\n\n  \u2014\u2014 ascent of, 48\n\n  \u2014\u2014 view from summit of, 48\n\n  \u2014\u2014 built of bricks, 372\n\n  \u2014\u2014 first visit to, 47\n\n  \u2014\u2014 remains of, 13\n\n  \u2014\u2014 structure of, 65\n\n  \u2014\u2014 supposed by Osman Bey to contain treasure, 197\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Abu Roasch, 59, 79\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Abusir, 69\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Beg\u00b4erau\u00eeeh, 195, 150\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Lischt and Meid\u00fbm, 64, 83\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Illah\u00fbn and M\u0153ris, 83\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Mer\u00f6e, 150-152, 206\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Memphis, 25, 44, 47-81, 375\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Nuri, 221\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Rigah, 79\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Saq\u00e2ra, 64, 67\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Tanqassi and Kurru, 229\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Zauiet el Arrian, 59\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Z\u00fbma, 230\n\n  Pythagoras, cited, 385\n\n\n  Q.\n\n  Qala, village of, 209\n\n  Qantur, Pyramid of, at Kurru, 229\n\n  Qasr Qer\u00fbn, town of, 15, 98\n\n  \u2014\u2014 e\u2019 Saiat, tombs at, 16, 116\n\n  Qeneh, village of, 22, 275, 277, 321\n\n  Qirre, mountains of, 158, 193\n\n  Qirsch, village of, 242\n\n  Qsur el Benat, plain of, 278\n\n  Quarries, granite, 234\n\n  \u2014\u2014 porphyry, 288\n\n  \u2014\u2014 stone, 278\n\n  Qubbet e\u2019 Nasr, view from, 340\n\n  Qurna, Thebes, 20, 102, 108, 254, 259\n\n  Qurnet Murr\u00e2i, hill of, 267\n\n  Queens preferred in Ethiopia, 178\n\n  Quft (Koptos), 277\n\n  Qulleh, clay water bottles, 103\n\n  \u2014\u2014 manufactory of, 276\n\n  Q\u00fbs, Apollinopolis parva, 277\n\n\n  R.\n\n  Ra, figure of the god, 438\n\n  Rababa, musical instrument, 182\n\n  Rabbis, 453\n\n  Rabbinical chronology, 450-455\n\n  \u2014\u2014 date of Exodus, 470\n\n  Rabbi Hillel Hanassi, 453, 450\n\n  Races intermingled, 411\n\n  R\u00e2ha, plain of, 293, 545, 548, 553\n\n  Rahad river, 148, 167\n\n  Rain in Upper Egypt, 119\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Nubian desert, 137\n\n  Raithenes, the, 555\n\n  Raithu. _See_ T\u00f4r\n\n  Ramadan, Mussulmans\u2019 holy month, 45\n\n  Ram of Barkal, 236, 245\n\n  Rams, granite, 223\n\n  Raui\u00e2n, mountains of, 158, 193\n\n  Rammius Martialis Eparch, 288\n\n  Ramses II. (Miamun), 249, 259, 333, 370, 381, 393, 395, 418, 420,\n      438, 441, 446, 447, 449, 481, 483, 484\n\n  \u2014\u2014 his name inscribed on Cleopatra\u2019s Needle, 42\n\n  \u2014\u2014 statue of, 72\n\n  \u2014\u2014 temple of, in Thebes, 102, 243, 259\n\n  \u2014\u2014 temple of, near Kalabscheh, 526\n\n  \u2014\u2014 bas-reliefs of, 355\n\n  \u2014\u2014 memorial tablets of, 22\n\n  \u2014\u2014 III., 250, 260, 450\n\n  \u2014\u2014 IX., 395\n\n  \u2014\u2014 town of, 426, 447\n\n  Rameseion, 381\n\n  Ranumhet, chief architect, 458\n\n  Raphia (Refah), 429\n\n  Raphid\u00eem, Peninsula of Sinai, 312, 318, 540, 545, 548\n\n  Ras Furtak, Peninsula of Sinai, 555\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Gehan, Peninsula of Sinai, 553, 554\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Abu Zel\u00eemeh, Peninsula of Sinai, 553\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Mohammed, Peninsula of Sinai, 553, 554\n\n  \u2014\u2014 e\u2019 Schekab, in Syria, 355\n\n  Rayeh, convent of, at T\u00f4r, 557\n\n  Red Sea, 437, 440\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 level higher than Mediterranean, 441\n\n  Register of generations, 458, 459\n\n  Rennie, Mr., cited, 521, 524\n\n  Representations at Naga in the desert, 210\n\n  Reschraschi, plain of, 278\n\n  Rhinokolura (El Arisch), 429\n\n  Ricci, cited, 551\n\n  Rigah, Pyramid of, 79\n\n  Ritter, Carl, 315, 316, 320, 541, 543, 554, 558\n\n  \u2014\u2014 his views on position of Sinai, 545, 546\n\n  Ritschl, 382\n\n  Robatat, province of, 226\n\n  Robbery at Saq\u00e2ra, 72, 75\n\n  Rock-chambers lined with brick, 373\n\n  \u2014\u2014 temple at Abu Simbel, 240\n\n  \u2014\u2014 inscriptions, 560\n\n  Robinson, E., measurements of distance in Peninsula of Sinai, 547, 548\n\n  \u2014\u2014 cited, 308, 309, 315, 316, 533, 545, 551\n\n  Roda, island of, 73\n\n  Roft, mountain chain of, 138\n\n  Rom\u00e2li, village of, 175\n\n  Roman camp at Mehendi, 125\n\n  \u2014\u2014 inscription, 345\n\n  Rossafa road, 321\n\n  Rosellini, cited, 29, 51, 108, 244, 266, 525\n\n  Rosetta canal, 43\n\n  \u2014\u2014 inscription of, 121\n\n  Royal revenues, 482\n\n  Rozi\u00e8re, the traveller, 426\n\n  Ruins in Wadi el Kirbeg\u00e2n, 194\n\n  R\u00fcppell, cited, 290, 310, 545\n\n  Russegger, cited, 166, 515, 519, 523, 528, 529\n\n  Rustan Effendi, 192\n\n\n  S.\n\n  Saba Doleb, village of, 171\n\n  Sabag\u00fbra, ruins of ancient city, 20, 242\n\n  Sacred Books, 391\n\n  Sa el Hager, ancient Sais, 43\n\n  Sacred Writings, 391\n\n  Saffi, island of, 227\n\n  Sagadi, village of, 150\n\n  Sai, island of, 19, 237\n\n  Sa\u00efd ben Batrik, cited, 556, 562\n\n  Saida (Sidon), 336\n\n  Sailors on Red Sea, 289\n\n  St. Athanasius in Theban desert, 266\n\n  St. George, tomb of, 356\n\n  St. Martin, cited, 107\n\n  Sais, ancient, 43, 369\n\n  Saladin\u2019s tomb, 343\n\n  Salam\u00e2t (Sanam\u00e2t), 258\n\n  S\u00e1lame-tree, 217\n\n  \u2014\u2014 village of, 228\n\n  Salatis, King, 486\n\n  Salh\u00eeeh, Syria, 344\n\n  Salmasius, cited, 433\n\n  Sallier, Papyrus of, 391, 394\n\n  Saman\u00fad (Sebennytos), 23, 333\n\n  Sami Bey, 39\n\n  Sams\u2019, Mr., Egyptian collection, 392\n\n  San (Tanis), 23, 333\n\n  Sanab, 221\n\n  Sand dunes in plain of El G\u00f4s, 215\n\n  Sanherib, 429\n\n  Saq\u00e2ra, 64, 72, 81, 86, 89, 103\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Pyramids of, 10\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sheikhs of, 76\n\n  \u2014\u2014 trial at, 77\n\n  Sarcophagus of white limestone in Thebes, 245\n\n  Sarcophagi, 376\n\n  Sarbut el Ch\u00e2dem, Egyptian monuments of, 22, 300, 305\n\n  Saulcy, M. de, 121, 273\n\n  Schabak (So), King of Ethiopia and Egypt, 251\n\n  Schaib el Benat, village of, 281\n\n  Schaiq\u00eeeh Arabs, 214, 229\n\n  \u2014\u2014 cataracts in province of, 228\n\n  \u2014\u2014 princes, 227\n\n  \u2014\u2014 province of, 231\n\n  Schataui, village of, 240\n\n  Schech-Said, village of, 16\n\n  Schendi, town of, 17, 23, 153, 154, 195\n\n  Scherif Pascha, the minister, 77, 89\n\n  Scheschenk I., 250\n\n  Schilluk tribe, 149\n\n  Schoa, missionary station of, 39\n\n  Sch\u00f4mar. _See_ Gebel Um Sch\u00f4mar\n\n  Sch\u00f4na government store-house, 237\n\n  Schafra (Chafra), King, whether represented by Sphinx, 66\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Pyramid of, 59, 66\n\n  Scherif Pascha, 89, 45\n\n  Schulz, Dr., 334\n\n  Sculptures, Egyptian, 233\n\n  Sea, sensations at, 36\n\n  \u2014\u2014 luminous appearance on, 37\n\n  Seba-Biar, valley of, 434, 438, 441, 445\n\n  Sebastieh (Samaria), 335\n\n  Sebekhoteps, the Kings, 239\n\n  Sebekhotep I., 20\n\n  Seb\u00fba, temple of, 20, 124, 241, 242, 356, 527\n\n  Seder Olam Rabah, the, 456\n\n  Sede\u00efnga, temple of, 19, 237\n\n  Seh\u00eal, island of, 20\n\n  Se\u00efd Huss\u00ean, family of, 275\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Haschim, 176, 180, 181\n\n  Selaj\u00een, village of, 97\n\n  Selama, village of, 154\n\n  Seleucid\u00e6, era of the, 452, 453, 455\n\n  Seleucus, 382\n\n  Sel\u00eem Pascha, governor of Upper Egypt, 101, 114, 191\n\n  Sel\u00eem of Assuan, cited, 162\n\n  \u2014\u2014 guide, 280\n\n  Selun (Silo), Syria, 334\n\n  Selseleh, sandstone mountains of, 32\n\n  Semitic king, 478\n\n  \u2014\u2014 countries, 410\n\n  \u2014\u2014 court, 477\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Hyksos, 476\n\n  Semneh, 19, 238, 529, 531\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Nile at, 30, 239, 529, 531\n\n  Senmut, hieroglyphic name for island of Bigeh, 120\n\n  Senn\u00e2r, capital of the Sudan, 18, 173, 176\n\n  Septuagint, 413\n\n  Serapiu, 435\n\n  Serb\u00e2l, Mount, 22, 295, 298, 299, 303, 308, 532\n\n  Serha-tree, 217\n\n  Sero, on frontier of Senn\u00e2r and Fasokl, 148, 175\n\n  S\u00ease, Mount, 236\n\n  Sesebi, ruins of, 19, 236\n\n  Sesoosis, 482\n\n  Sesostris Sesoosis, 480, 483\n\n  \u2014\u2014 481, 394, 429, 439\n\n  Sesurtesen I., 248, 395\n\n  \u2014\u2014 on Pyramids of Begerau\u00eeeh, 151\n\n  \u2014\u2014 obelisk erected by, 46\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Throne-shield of, at Naga, 155\n\n  \u2014\u2014 II., 112\n\n  \u2014\u2014 III., 120, 238\n\n  Sesurtesens, the, 111\n\n  Seth\u00f4s, also called Ramesses, 407\n\n  \u2014\u2014 priest of Ptha, 429\n\n  \u2014\u2014 I., 15, 48, 236, 249, 259, 394, 449, 481\n\n  \u2014\u2014 remains of temple erected by, 124\n\n  Seth\u00f4sis, 418, 481\n\n  Sethroitic Nome, 427, 428, 431\n\n  Seventy, the, 402, 434, 435, 436, 438, 464, 476\n\n  Serbon, lake of, 429\n\n  Set-Necht, King, 395\n\n  Sheikh Achmed, sheikh of camels, 134\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Ahmed Welled \u02beAuad, in the train of Osman Bey, 196\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sandal\u00f4ba, chief of the Arabian merchants, 173\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Mohammed Welled Hammed, prisoner of Osman Bey, 201\n\n  \u2014\u2014 M\u00fbsa el Fakir, prisoner of Osman Bey, 200\n\n  \u2014\u2014 prisoners, 200\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sel\u00e2m, 280, 286\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Jusef Hanna Dahir, of Bscherreh, 352\n\n  Sheikhs of Saq\u00e2ra and Abusir, 76\n\n  Shields on Pyramids of Gizeh, 58\n\n  \u2014\u2014 hieroglyphic, 58, 196\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of the Pharaohs, 438\n\n  Sidereal year, 398\n\n  Silco, inscription of, 242\n\n  Sittere-trees, 295\n\n  Sin, wilderness of, 308, 540, 547, 548\n\n  Sinai, Mount, true position of, 22, 303-321, 542, 560, 562\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Ritter\u2019s views respecting, 541-546\n\n  \u2014\u2014 departure for Peninsula of, 274\n\n  \u2014\u2014 convent of, 291, 305\n\n  \u2014\u2014 tradition of, 559\n\n  Sinaitic inscriptions, 31, 291, 294, 299, 311, 545\n\n  Siut, town of, 16, 101, 114, 115\n\n  Slave revolt, 190, 192, 193\n\n  Sluice at Arsino\u00eb, 440\n\n  Soba, capital of, kingdom of Aloa, 18, 162, 189\n\n  Solb (Soleb), temple of, 19, 223, 236\n\n  Soldiers, negro, 186\n\n  \u2014\u2014 under Osman Bey in good discipline, 205\n\n  Snefru, King, 396\n\n  Sphinx, excavation in front of, 66\n\n  Sphinxes at temple in Wadi Lebua, 126\n\n  Solim\u00e2n Pascha, 191\n\n  Solon, 383\n\n  Solymites, the, 407\n\n  Somra-tree, 217\n\n  Sont-trees, 101, 213, 217\n\n  Sor\u00eeba, Sult\u00e2na Nasr resident in, 178\n\n  Soter I., 108\n\n  Sothis, the, a spurious work, 497, 498\n\n  \u2014\u2014 periods, 398, 494, 495, 496\n\n  Statue of a Persian king, 443\n\n  Stele between paws of Sphinx, 59\n\n  Stephanus of Byzantium, 431, 433\n\n  Stolistes, the ten books of the, 387\n\n  Stone buildings, 371\n\n  Storm near Pyramids, 53\n\n  Strabo, cited, 119, 266, 384, 386, 411, 429, 430, 434, 437, 439, 444,\n      481\n\n  Structure of Pyramids, 221\n\n  Suez, town of, 434, 435, 436, 443\n\n  \u2014\u2014 isthmus of, 426\n\n  Sugar factory in Kaml\u00een, 163\n\n  Suk el B\u00e1rada, village of, in Syria, 344\n\n  Sukk\u00f4t, province of, 237\n\n  Sulphur-spring of Okmeh, 237\n\n  S\u00fbr (Tyrus), 336\n\n  \u2014\u2014 wilderness of, 307, 547\n\n  Surarieh, rock temple near village of, 15, 100\n\n  Suri, beverage of, 199\n\n  Sur\u00eee, Abu Ramle, village of, 193\n\n  Syenite of Assuan, 371\n\n  Syncellus, cited, 489, 490, 494, 499\n\n  Syria, 430, 435, 449\n\n\n  T.\n\n  Table of Jewish generations, 461, 463\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 generations of Levi according to Josephus, 468\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 from Hebrew text, 467\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 undeterminate and historical numbers, 472\n\n  Tables of Egyptian Dynasties, 499\n\n  Tabor, Mount, 335\n\n  Tacitus, cited, 266, 393, 423\n\n  Tahraka (Tirhakah), King, 18, 222, 251\n\n  T\u00e2iba, village inhabited by Fukara (Fakirs), 187\n\n  Taka, war in, 186, 199\n\n  \u2014\u2014 language in, 201\n\n  \u2014\u2014 tribes of, 201\n\n  Talmis (Kalabscheh), 123, 242\n\n  Talmud, few chronological dates, 454\n\n  Tamani\u00e2t, village of, 158, 193\n\n  Tam\u00eeeh, village of, 95, 98\n\n  Tanis (Tan), Nile Delta, 333\n\n  Tanqassi, Pyramids of, 229\n\n  Tarablus (Tripolis), Syria, 354\n\n  Tarfa shrubs, 294, 308\n\n  Tehneh, monuments near, 15\n\n  Teirieh, ruins near, 44\n\n  Tel Emdieh, village of, 338\n\n  Tel Jehudeh, 449\n\n  Tel-el-Amarna, 23, 27\n\n  Temple, building of first, 455\n\n  \u2014\u2014 dedications, 379\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Amara, 237\n\n  \u2014\u2014 on island of Bageh, 526\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Mount Barkal, erected by Ramses II., 222\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Bet el Ualli, 124\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Debu, 526\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Edfu, 117\n\n  \u2014\u2014 near Kalabscheh, 526\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Karnak, 248\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Korte, 124\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Luqsor, 253\n\n  \u2014\u2014 near Med\u00eenet H\u00e2bu, erected by King Horus, 259\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Qurna, 259\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Sede\u00efnga, 237\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Sesebi, 236\n\n  \u2014\u2014 in front of Sphinx, 52\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Solb, 236\n\n  \u2014\u2014 rock at Surarieh, 100\n\n  Temples, Ethiopian drawings on, 195\n\n  \u2014\u2014 erected by the Ptolemies, 266\n\n  \u2014\u2014 rock at Abu Simbel, 240\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of B\u00e2lbeck, 346\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Ben Naga, 153\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Dendera, 116, 322\n\n  \u2014\u2014 near Gebel Doch\u00e2n, 287\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Gerf Huss\u00ean and Seb\u00fba, 124\n\n  \u2014\u2014 on Phil\u00e6, 120, 243, 525\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Naga, 154, 155\n\n  \u2014\u2014 in Nubia, 124\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Thebes, 102, 116, 243, 255, 259\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Semneh, 238\n\n  Testament, Old, 402, 404, 438, 490\n\n  Tethmosis, King, 423\n\n  Thales instructed by Egyptian priests, 384\n\n  Thames, fall of, between Wallingford and Teddington, 520\n\n  Th\u00e2na, island of, near Gorata, in Ethiopia, 99\n\n  Thebes, 14, 102-104, 116, 243-274, 370, 371, 376, 381, 484\n\n  \u2014\u2014 scenery about, 247\n\n  \u2014\u2014 origin of name, 248\n\n  Theodosius, edict of, 266\n\n  Theophilus, Bishop of Antioch, 497\n\n  Theon of Alexandria, 453\n\n  Theory of excavation of bed of Nile, 530\n\n  Thinitic kings, 495\n\n  This, town of, 494\n\n  Thoum, _i. e._ Pithom, 435, 448\n\n  Thutmosis III., Cleopatra\u2019s needle erected by, 42\n\n  Tii, wife of Amenophis III., 237\n\n  Tifar, village of, 231\n\n  Tiberias, on Lake Genezaret, 335\n\n  Tomb of Abel, 340\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of King Bech-en-Aten, 114\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Ki-si-Tuthotep, 113\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Saladin, 343\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Prince Merhet, 61, 63\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Noah, 337\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Ramses Miamun, 244\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of St. George, 356\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Saq\u00e2ra, 72\n\n  Tombos, island of, 19, 234\n\n  Tombs in Thebes, 245, 254\n\n  \u2014\u2014 in Zauiet el Meit\u00een, 110\n\n  \u2014\u2014 removal of, 323\n\n  \u2014\u2014 rock, of Amarna, 322\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of Beni Hassan, 16, 111\n\n  \u2014\u2014 near El Gu\u00eas, 212\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of the kings, 261-263\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of the princesses, 264\n\n  \u2014\u2014 of private persons, 264\n\n  \u2014\u2014 round Pyramids, 13\n\n  \u2014\u2014 at Saba Doleb, 171\n\n  Tondub-tree, 217\n\n  T\u00f4d, temple of, 20\n\n  T\u00f4r, Peninsula of Sinai, 22, 274, 290, 560\n\n  Tower of Hamm\u00e2m Seidna Solim\u00e2n, 237\n\n  Tosorthros, 2nd Dynasty, 375, 377\n\n  Tradition of Gebel M\u00fbsa, 532\n\n  \u2014\u2014 about position of Mount Sinai, 304, 559\n\n  Trajanic river, name of canal cut from Babylon, 437, 445\n\n  Transmigration of souls, 385\n\n  Travellers, visit from, 273\n\n  Trees near Gilif mountains, 217\n\n  \u2014\u2014 on Blue River, 168\n\n  Tripolis (Tarablus), 354\n\n  Tuch, cited, 311\n\n  Tukele, straw huts, 162, 173\n\n  Tura, chalk mountains of, 32\n\n  Turin, royal annals of, 395\n\n  Turk, character of the, 88\n\n  Turkish breakfast, 159\n\n  \u2014\u2014 soldiers, their uniform, 354\n\n  Tuthmosis I., 234, 248, 249\n\n  \u2014\u2014 II., 19, 238\n\n  \u2014\u2014 III., 24, 124, 236, 237, 238, 249, 256, 259, 300, 301, 486\n\n  \u2014\u2014 IV., 66, 156, 259, 485\n\n  \u2014\u2014 IV., stele of, between paws of Sphinx, 59\n\n  Tutmes III., conqueror of the Hyksos, 18th Dynasty, 395\n\n  Typhon, the god, 432\n\n  Typhonic town, 428\n\n\n  U.\n\n  Um Schebak, valley of, in desert of Gilif, 218\n\n  Um Sch\u00f4mar. _See_ Gebel\n\n\n  V.\n\n  Vase at Soba, 189\n\n  Venus, small statue of, in Soba, 190\n\n  Vermin, 104\n\n  Vicus Jud\u00e6orum (Tel Jehudeh), 448, 449\n\n  Village scene in Ethiopia, 174\n\n  Visit from travellers, 273\n\n  Vyse, Colonel Howard, 13\n\n\n  W.\n\n  Wad Eraue, 189\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Negudi, 171, 173\n\n  Wadi Auat\u00eab, 154, 155, 156\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Abu D\u00f4m, 213, 218\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Hammed, 214\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Harod, 216\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Aley\u00e2t, 297, 298, 318\n\n  \u2014\u2014 el Arab, 241\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Bahr \u02beHatab, 137\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Delah, 137\n\n  \u2014\u2014 el Mehet, 216\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Dhaghadeh, 553\n\n  \u2014\u2014 e\u2019 Scheikh, 22, 294, 547\n\n  \u2014\u2014 e\u2019 Sil\u00e9ha, 156\n\n  \u2014\u2014 e\u2019 Sofra, 152, 156\n\n  \u2014\u2014 e\u2019 Sufr, 137, 139\n\n  \u2014\u2014 el Kirbeg\u00e2n, 154, 156, 157, 194\n\n  \u2014\u2014 el Uer, 216\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Ell\u00e2qi, 241\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Fir\u00e2n, 20, 295, 297, 298, 299, 304, &c., 535\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Gaz\u00e2l, 218\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Gaqed\u00fbl, 215\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Gharandel, 306, 547, 548\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Guah El \u02beAlem, 215\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Halfa, 17, 20, 131, 240, 241\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Hebr\u00e2n, 22, 290, 291, 312\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Ibr\u00eem, 241\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Kalas, 217\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Ken\u00fbs, 241\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Leg\u00b4a, 561\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Magh\u00e2ra, 22, 300, 305\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Mokatteb, 22, 31, 299\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Murhad, 139\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Nasb, 302, 305\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Nuba, 241\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Qeneh, 300\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Rim, 295\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Scheb\u00eakeh, 306, 547\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Schell\u00e2l, 547, 548\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Seb\u00fba, temple in, 126\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sel\u00e2f, 295, 297\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sel\u00een, 16\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sich, 300\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Si\u02beqelji, 296\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Sittere, 300\n\n  \u2014\u2014 T\u00e2ibeh, 312, 547\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Teresib, 154\n\n  Wagner, von, the Prussian consul-general, 39\n\n  War in Taka, 186\n\n  Water, search in Nubian desert for, 137\n\n  \u2014\u2014 search for, 281\n\n  Water-works in Egypt, 481\n\n  Wed M\u00e9dineh, 176, 180\n\n  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 slave revolt in, 190\n\n  Weidenbach, Ernest, member of the expedition, 39, 54, 75, 83, 94,\n      114, 153\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Max., 153, 275\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Ernest and Max., 12, 21\n\n  Werne, Ferd., objects of natural history collected by, 42\n\n  \u2014\u2014 H., 32\n\n  Wetzstein, Dr., 552\n\n  White River, 161\n\n  Wild, J., travelling companion, 12, 35, 56, 57\n\n  Wilkinson, Sir G., cited, 29, 93, 108, 112, 244, 266, 271, 282, 435,\n      448, 525, 532\n\n  Wilson, Dr. John, cited, 539\n\n  Wind, violent, in Chart\u00fbm, 191\n\n  Women, ancient Egyptian, painted yellow, 208\n\n  Wot Mahem\u00fbt, 157\n\n  Writings, sacred, 391\n\n\n  X.\n\n  Xerxes, 279\n\n\n  Z.\n\n  Zachleh, town in Libanon, 336\n\n  Zahera, village of, 354\n\n  Zani, on the Nile, 98\n\n  Zauiet-el-Arrian, Pyramids of, 59, 79\n\n  \u2014\u2014 Meit\u00een, rock-tombs of, 110\n\n  Zebed\u00eani, village in Anti-Libanon, 338\n\n  Zeitieh, the naphtha pits, 289\n\n  Zerin, in Syria, 335\n\n  Z\u00fbma, village of, 230.\n\n                                 THE END.\n\n                    C. WHITING, BEAUFORT HOUSE, STRAND.\n\n\n\n\nAN ALPHABETICAL LIST OF BOOKS CONTAINED IN BOHN\u2019S LIBRARIES.\n\n_Detailed Catalogue, arranged according to the various Libraries, will be\nsent on application._\n\n\n=ADDISON\u2019S Works.= With the Notes of Bishop Hurd, Portrait, and 8 Plates\nof Medals and Coins. Edited by H. G. Bohn. 6 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u00c6SCHYLUS, The Dramas of.= Translated into English Verse by Anna\nSwanwick. 4th Edition, revised. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 The Tragedies of.= Translated into Prose by T. A. Buckley, B.A. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=AGASSIZ and GOULD\u2019S Outline of Comparative Physiology.= Enlarged by Dr.\nWright. With 390 Woodcuts. 5_s._\n\n=ALFIERI\u2019S Tragedies.= Translated into English Verse by Edgar A. Bowring,\nC.B. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=ALLEN\u2019S (Joseph, R.N.) Battles of the British Navy.= Revised Edition,\nwith 57 Steel Engravings. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. History of Rome= during the Reigns of Constantius,\nJulian, Jovianus, Valentinian, and Valens. Translated by Prof. C. D.\nYonge, M.A. 7_s._ 6_d._\n\n=ANDERSEN\u2019S Danish Legends and Fairy Tales.= Translated by Caroline\nPeachey. With 120 Wood Engravings. 5_s._\n\n=ANTONINUS (M. Aurelius), The Thoughts of.= Trans. literally, with Notes\nand Introduction by George Long, M.A. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=APOLLONIUS RHODIUS. \u2018The Argonautica.\u2019= Translated by E. P. Coleridge,\nB.A. 5_s._\n\n=APPIAN\u2019S Roman History.= Translated by Horace White, M.A., LL.D. With\nMaps and Illustrations. 2 vols. 6_s._ each.\n\n=APULEIUS, The Works.= Comprising the Golden Ass, God of Socrates,\nFlorida, and Discourse of Magic. 5_s._\n\n=ARIOSTO\u2019S Orlando Furioso.= Translated into English Verse by W. S. Rose.\nWith Portrait, and 24 Steel Engravings. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=ARISTOPHANES\u2019 Comedies.= Translated by W. J. Hickie. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=ARISTOTLE\u2019S Nicomachean Ethics.= Translated, with Introduction and\nNotes, by the Venerable Archdeacon Browne. 5_s._\n\n=ARISTOTLE\u2019S Politics and Economics.= Translated by E. Walford, M.A.,\nwith Introduction by Dr. Gillies. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Metaphysics.= Translated by the Rev. John H. M\u2019Mahon, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 History of Animals.= Trans. by Richard Cresswell, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Organon=; or, Logical Treatises, and the Introduction of Porphyry.\nTranslated by the Rev. O. F. Owen, M.A. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Rhetoric and Poetics.= Trans. by T. Buckley, B.A. 5_s._\n\n=ARRIAN\u2019S Anabasis of Alexander=, together with the =Indica=. Translated\nby E. J. Chinnock, M.A., LL.D. With Maps and Plans. 5_s._\n\n=ATHEN\u00c6US. The Deipnosophists=; or, the Banquet of the Learned. Trans. by\nProf. C. D. Yonge, M.A. 3 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=ATLAS of Classical Geography.= 22 Large Coloured Maps. With a Complete\nIndex. Imp. 8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._\n\n=BACON\u2019S Moral and Historical Works=, including the Essays, Apophthegms,\nWisdom of the Ancients, New Atlantis, Henry VII., Henry VIII., Elizabeth,\nHenry Prince of Wales, History of Great Britain, Julius C\u00e6sar, and\nAugustus C\u00e6sar. Edited by J. Devey, M.A. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Novum Organum and Advancement of Learning.= Edited by J. Devey, M.A.\n5_s._\n\n=BALLADS AND SONGS of the Peasantry of England.= Edited by Robert Bell.\n3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=BASS\u2019S Lexicon to the Greek Testament.= 2_s._\n\n=BAX\u2019S Manual of the History of Philosophy=, for the use of Students. By\nE. Belfort Bax. 5_s._\n\n=BEAUMONT and FLETCHER=, their finest Scenes, Lyrics, and other Beauties,\nselected from the whole of their works, and edited by Leigh Hunt. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=BECHSTEIN\u2019S Cage and Chamber Birds=, their Natural History, Habits,\nFood, Diseases, and Modes of Capture. Translated, with considerable\nadditions on Structure, Migration, and Economy, by H. G. Adams. Together\nwith SWEET BRITISH WARBLERS. With 43 coloured Plates and Woodcut\nIllustrations. 5_s._\n\n=BECKMANN (J.) History of Inventions, Discoveries, and Origins.= 4th\nedition, revised by W. Francis and J. W. Griffith. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._\neach.\n\n=BEDE\u2019S (Venerable) Ecclesiastical History of England.= Together with the\nANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE. Edited by J. A. Giles, D.C.L. With Map. 5_s._\n\n=BELL (Sir Charles). The Anatomy and Philosophy of Expression, as\nconnected with the Fine Arts.= By Sir Charles Bell, K.H. 7th edition,\nrevised. 5_s._\n\n=BERKELEY (George), Bishop of Cloyne, The Works of.= Edited by George\nSampson. With Biographical Introduction by the Right Hon. A. J. Balfour,\nM.P. 3 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=BION.= _See_ THEOCRITUS.\n\n=BJ\u00d6RNSON\u2019S Arne and the Fisher Lassie.= Translated by W. H. Low, M.A.\n3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=BLAIR\u2019S Chronological Tables.= Revised and Enlarged. Comprehending the\nChronology and History of the World, from the Earliest Times to the\nRussian Treaty of Peace, April 1856. By J. Willoughby Rosse. Double vol.\n10_s._\n\n=BLAIR\u2019S Index of Dates.= Comprehending the principal Facts in the\nChronology and History of the World, alphabetically arranged; being a\ncomplete Index to Blair\u2019s Chronological Tables. By J. W. Rosse. 2 vols.\n5_s._ each.\n\n=BLEEK, Introduction to the Old Testament.= By Friedrich Bleek. Edited by\nJohann Bleek and Adolf Kamphausen. Translated by G. H. Venables, under\nthe supervision of the Rev. Canon Venables. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=BOETHIUS\u2019S Consolation of Philosophy.= King Alfred\u2019s Anglo-Saxon\nVersion of. With a literal English Translation on opposite pages, Notes,\nIntroduction, and Glossary, by Rev. S. Fox, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=BOHN\u2019S Dictionary of Poetical Quotations.= 4th edition. 6_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Handbooks of Athletic Sports.= In 8 vols., each containing numerous\nIllustrations. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n  I.\u2014Cricket, Lawn Tennis, Tennis, Rackets, Fives, Golf.\n\n  II.\u2014Rowing and Sculling, Sailing, Swimming.\n\n  III.\u2014Boxing, Broadsword, Single Stick, &c., Wrestling, Fencing.\n\n  IV.\u2014Rugby Football, Association Football, Baseball, Rounders,\n  Fieldball, Quoits, Skittles, Bowls, Curling.\n\n  V.\u2014Cycling, Athletics, Skating.\n\n  VI.\u2014Practical Horsemanship, including Riding for Ladies.\n\n  VII.\u2014Camping Out, Canoeing.\n\n  VIII.\u2014Gymnastics, Indian Clubs.\n\n=BOHN\u2019S Handbooks of Games.= New edition. In 2 vols., with numerous\nIllustrations 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n  Vol. I.\u2014TABLE GAMES:\u2014Billiards, Chess, Draughts, Backgammon,\n  Dominoes, Solitaire, Reversi, Go-Bang, Rouge et Noir, Roulette,\n  E.O., Hazard, Faro.\n\n  Vol. II.\u2014CARD GAMES:\u2014Whist, Solo Whist, Poker, Piquet, \u00c9cart\u00e9,\n  Euchre, B\u00e9zique, Cribbage, Loo, Vingt-et-un, Napoleon, Newmarket,\n  Pope Joan, Speculation, &c., &c.\n\n=BOND\u2019S A Handy Book of Rules and Tables= for verifying Dates with the\nChristian Era, &c. Giving an account of the Chief Eras and Systems\nused by various Nations; with the easy Methods for determining the\nCorresponding Dates. By J. J. Bond. 5_s._\n\n=BONOMI\u2019S Nineveh and its Palaces.= 7 Plates and 294 Woodcut\nIllustrations. 5_s._\n\n=BOSWELL\u2019S Life of Johnson=, with the TOUR IN THE HEBRIDES and\nJOHNSONIANA. Edited by the Rev. A. Napier, M.A. With Frontispiece to each\nvol. 6 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=BRAND\u2019S Popular Antiquities of England, Scotland, and Ireland.=\nArranged, revised, and greatly enlarged, by Sir Henry Ellis, K.H.,\nF.R.S., &c., &c. 3 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=BREMER\u2019S (Frederika) Works.= Translated by Mary Howitt. 4 vols. 3_s._\n6_d._ each.\n\n=BRIDGWATER TREATISES.=\n\n  =Bell (Sir Charles) on the Hand.= With numerous Woodcuts. 5_s._\n\n  =Kirby on the History, Habits, and Instincts of Animals.= Edited\n  by T. Rymer Jones. With upwards of 100 Woodcuts. 2 vols. 5_s._\n  each.\n\n  =Kidd on the Adaptation of External Nature to the Physical\n  Condition of Man.= 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n  =Chalmers on the Adaptation of External Nature to the Moral and\n  Intellectual Constitution of Man.= 5_s._\n\n=BRINK (B. ten). Early English Literature.= By Bernhard ten Brink. Vol.\nI. To Wyclif. Translated by Horace M. Kennedy. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014= Vol. II. Wyclif, Chaucer, Earliest Drama, Renaissance. Translated by\nW. Clarke Robinson, Ph.D. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014= Vol. III. From the Fourteenth Century to the Death of Surrey. Edited\nby Dr. Alois Brandl. Trans. by L. Dora Schmitz. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Five Lectures on Shakespeare.= Trans. by Julia Franklin. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=BROWNE\u2019S (Sir Thomas) Works.= Edited by Simon Wilkin. 3 vols. 3_s._\n6_d._ each.\n\n=BUCHANAN\u2019S Dictionary of Science and Technical Terms= used in\nPhilosophy, Literature, Professions, Commerce, Arts, and Trades. 6_s._\n\n=BURKE\u2019S Works.= 6 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n  I.\u2014Vindication of Natural Society\u2014Essay on the Sublime and\n  Beautiful, and various Political Miscellanies.\n\n  II.\u2014Reflections on the French Revolution\u2014Letters relating to the\n  Bristol Election\u2014Speech on Fox\u2019s East India Bill, &c.\n\n  III.\u2014Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs\u2014On the Nabob of Arcot\u2019s\n  Debts\u2014The Catholic Claims, &c.\n\n  IV.\u2014Report on the Affairs of India, and Articles of Charge\n  against Warren Hastings.\n\n  V.\u2014Conclusion of the Articles of Charge against Warren\n  Hastings\u2014Political Letters on the American War, on a Regicide\n  Peace, to the Empress of Russia.\n\n  VI.\u2014Miscellaneous Speeches\u2014Letters and Fragments\u2014Abridgments of\n  English History, &c. With a General Index.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Speeches on the Impeachment of Warren Hastings=; and Letters. With\nIndex. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Life.= By Sir J. Prior. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=BURNEY\u2019S Evelina.= By Frances Burney (Mme. D\u2019Arblay). With an\nIntroduction and Notes by A. R. Ellis. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Cecilia.= With an Introduction and Notes by A. R. Ellis. 2 vols.\n3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=BURN (R.) Ancient Rome and its Neighbourhood.= An Illustrated Handbook\nto the Ruins in the City and the Campagna, for the use of Travellers. By\nRobert Burn, M.A. With numerous Illustrations, Maps, and Plans. 7_s._\n6_d._\n\n=BURNS (Robert), Life of.= By J. G. Lockhart, D.C.L. A new and enlarged\nEdition. Revised by William Scott Douglas. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=BURTON\u2019S (Robert) Anatomy of Melancholy.= Edited by the Rev. A. R.\nShilleto, M.A. With Introduction by A. H. Bullen, and full Index. 3 vols.\n3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=BURTON (Sir R. F.) Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to Al Madinah and\nMeccah.= By Captain Sir Richard F. Burton, K.C.M.G. With an Introduction\nby Stanley Lane-Poole, and all the original Illustrations. 2 vols. 3_s._\n6_d._ each.\n\n  \u2042 This is the copyright edition, containing the author\u2019s latest\n  notes.\n\n=BUTLER\u2019S (Bishop) Analogy of Religion=, Natural and Revealed, to the\nConstitution and Course of Nature; together with two Dissertations on\nPersonal Identity and on the Nature of Virtue, and Fifteen Sermons. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=BUTLER\u2019S (Samuel) Hudibras.= With Variorum Notes, a Biography, Portrait,\nand 28 Illustrations. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014= or, further Illustrated with 60 Outline Portraits. 2 vols. 5_s._\neach.\n\n=C\u00c6SAR. Commentaries on the Gallic and Civil Wars.= Translated by W. A.\nMcDevitte, B.A. 5_s._\n\n=CAMOENS\u2019 Lusiad=; or, the Discovery of India. An Epic Poem. Translated\nby W. J. Mickle. 5th Edition, revised by E. R. Hodges, M.C.P. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=CARAFAS (The) of Maddaloni.= Naples under Spanish Dominion. Translated\nfrom the German of Alfred de Reumont. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=CARPENTER\u2019S (Dr W. B.) Zoology.= Revised Edition, by W. S. Dallas,\nF.L.S. With very numerous Woodcuts. Vol. I. 6_s._ [_Vol. II. out of\nprint._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Mechanical Philosophy, Astronomy, and Horology.= 181 Woodcuts. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Vegetable Physiology and Systematic Botany.= Revised Edition, by E.\nLankester, M.D., &c. With very numerous Woodcuts. 6_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Animal Physiology.= Revised Edition. With upwards of 300 Woodcuts.\n6_s._\n\n=CARREL. History of the Counter-Revolution in England= for the\nRe-establishment of Popery under Charles II. and James II., by Armand\nCarrel; together with Fox\u2019s History of the Reign of James II. and Lord\nLonsdale\u2019s Memoir of the Reign of James II. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=CASTLE (E.) Schools and Masters of Fence=, from the Middle Ages to the\nEnd of the Eighteenth Century. By Egerton Castle, M.A., F.S.A. With\na Complete Bibliography. Illustrated with 140 Reproductions of Old\nEngravings and 6 Plates of Swords, showing 114 Examples. 6_s._\n\n=CATTERMOLE\u2019S Evenings at Haddon Hall.= With 24 Engravings on Steel from\ndesigns by Cattermole, the Letterpress by the Baroness de Carabella. 5_s._\n\n=CATULLUS, Tibullus, and the Vigil of Venus.= A Literal Prose\nTranslation. 5_s._\n\n=CELLINI (Benvenuto). Memoirs of=, written by Himself. Translated by\nThomas Roscoe. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=CERVANTES\u2019 Don Quixote de la Mancha.= Motteux\u2019s Translation revised. 2\nvols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Galatea.= A Pastoral Romance. Translated by G. W. J. Gyll. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Exemplary Novels.= Translated by Walter K. Kelly. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=CHAUCER\u2019S Poetical Works.= Edited by Robert Bell. Revised Edition, with\na Preliminary Essay by Prof. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 4 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=CHESS CONGRESS of 1862.= A Collection of the Games played. Edited by J.\nL\u00f6wenthal. 5_s._\n\n=CHEVREUL on Colour.= Translated from the French by Charles Martel. Third\nEdition, with Plates, 5_s._; or with an additional series of 16 Plates in\nColours, 7_s._ 6_d._\n\n=CHILLINGWORTH\u2019S Religion of Protestants.= A Safe Way to Salvation. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=CHINA, Pictorial, Descriptive, and Historical.= With Map and nearly 100\nIllustrations. 5_s._\n\n=CHRONICLES OF THE CRUSADES.= Contemporary Narratives of the Crusade of\nRichard C\u0153ur de Lion, by Richard of Devizes and Geoffrey de Vinsauf; and\nof the Crusade at St. Louis, by Lord John de Joinville. 5_s._\n\n=CICERO\u2019S Orations.= Translated by Prof. C. D. Yonge, M.A. 4 vols. 5_s._\neach.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Letters.= Translated by Evelyn S. Shuckburgh. 4 vols. 5s. each.\n[_Vols. I. and II. ready._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 On Oratory and Orators.= With Letters to Quintus and Brutus.\nTranslated by the Rev. J. S. Watson, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 On the Nature of the Gods=, Divination, Fate, Laws, a Republic,\nConsulship. Translated by Prof. C. D. Yonge, M.A., and Francis Barham.\n5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Academics=, De Finibus, and Tusculan Questions. By Prof. C. D. Yonge,\nM.A. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Offices; or, Moral Duties.= Cato Major, an Essay on Old Age; L\u00e6lius,\nan Essay on Friendship; Scipio\u2019s Dream; Paradoxes; Letter to Quintus on\nMagistrates. Translated by C. R. Edmonds. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=CORNELIUS NEPOS.=\u2014_See_ JUSTIN.\n\n=CLARK\u2019S (Hugh) Introduction to Heraldry.= 18th Edition, Revised and\nEnlarged by J. R. Planch\u00e9, Rouge Croix. With nearly 1000 Illustrations.\n5_s._ Or with the Illustrations Coloured, 15_s._\n\n=CLASSIC TALES=, containing Rasselas, Vicar of Wakefield, Gulliver\u2019s\nTravels, and The Sentimental Journey. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=COLERIDGE\u2019S (S. T.) Friend.= A Series of Essays on Morals, Politics, and\nReligion. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Aids to Reflection=, and the CONFESSIONS OF AN INQUIRING SPIRIT, to\nwhich are added the ESSAYS ON FAITH and the BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Lectures and Notes on Shakespeare and other English Poets.= Edited by\nT. Ashe. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Biographia Literaria=; together with Two Lay Sermons. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Table-Talk and Omniana.= Edited by T. Ashe, B.A. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Miscellanies, \u00c6sthetic and Literary=; to which is added, THE THEORY\nOF LIFE. Collected and arranged by T. Ashe, B.A. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=COMTE\u2019S Positive Philosophy.= Translated and condensed by Harriet\nMartineau. With Introduction by Frederic Harrison. 3 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Philosophy of the Sciences=, being an Exposition of the Principles of\nthe _Cours de Philosophie Positive_. By G. H. Lewes. 5_s._\n\n=COND\u00c9\u2019S History of the Dominion of the Arabs in Spain.= Translated by\nMrs. Foster. 3 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=COOPER\u2019S Biographical Dictionary.= Containing Concise Notices (upwards\nof 15,000) of Eminent Persons of all Ages and Countries. By Thompson\nCooper, F.S.A. With a Supplement, bringing the work down to 1883. 2 vols.\n5_s._ each.\n\n=COWPER\u2019S Complete Works.= Edited by Robert Southey. Illustrated with 45\nEngravings. 8 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n  I. to IV.\u2014Memoir and Correspondence.\n\n  V. and VI.\u2014Poetical Works.\n\n  VII. and VIII.\u2014Translation of Homer\u2019s Iliad and Odyssey.\n\n=COXE\u2019S Memoirs of the Duke of Marlborough.= With his original\nCorrespondence. By W. Coxe, M.A., F.R.S. Revised edition by John Wade. 3\nvols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n  \u2042 An Atlas of the plans of Marlborough\u2019s campaigns, 4to. 10_s._\n  6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 History of the House of Austria (1218-1792).= With a Continuation\nfrom the Accession of Francis I. to the Revolution of 1848. 4 vols. 3_s._\n6_d._ each.\n\n=CRAIK\u2019S (G. L.) Pursuit of Knowledge under Difficulties.= Illustrated by\nAnecdotes and Memoirs. Revised edition, with numerous Woodcut Portraits\nand Plates. 5_s._\n\n=CRUIKSHANK\u2019S Three Courses and a Dessert=; comprising three Sets of\nTales, West Country, Irish, and Legal; and a M\u00e9lange. With 50 humorous\nIllustrations by George Cruikshank. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Punch and Judy.= The Dialogue of the Puppet Show; an Account of its\nOrigin, &c. With 24 Illustrations, and Coloured Plates, designed and\nengraved by G. Cruikshank. 5_s._\n\n=CUNNINGHAM\u2019S Lives of the Most Eminent British Painters.= A New Edition,\nwith Notes and Sixteen fresh Lives. By Mrs. Heaton. 3 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._\neach.\n\n=DANTE. Divine Comedy.= Translated by the Rev. H. F. Cary, M.A. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014= Translated into English Verse by I. C. Wright, M.A. 3rd Edition,\nrevised. With Portrait, and 34 Illustrations on Steel, after Flaxman.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 The Inferno.= A Literal Prose Translation, with the Text of the\nOriginal printed on the same page. By John A. Carlyle, M.D. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 The Purgatorio.= A Literal Prose Translation, with the Text printed\non the same page. By W. S. Dugdale. 5_s._\n\n=DE COMMINES (Philip), Memoirs of.= Containing the Histories of Louis\nXI. and Charles VIII., Kings of France, and Charles the Bold, Duke of\nBurgundy. Together with the Scandalous Chronicle, or Secret History\nof Louis XI., by Jean de Troyes. Translated by Andrew R. Scoble. With\nPortraits. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=DEFOE\u2019S Novels and Miscellaneous Works.= With Prefaces and Notes,\nincluding those attributed to Sir W. Scott. 7 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n  I.\u2014Captain Singleton, and Colonel Jack.\n\n  II.\u2014Memoirs of a Cavalier, Captain Carleton, Dickory Cronke, &c.\n\n  III.\u2014Moll Flanders, and the History of the Devil.\n\n  IV.\u2014Roxana, and Life of Mrs. Christian Davies.\n\n  V.\u2014History of the Great Plague of London, 1665; The Storm (1703);\n  and the True-born Englishman.\n\n  VI.\u2014Duncan Campbell, New Voyage round the World, and Political\n  Tracts.\n\n  VII.\u2014Robinson Crusoe.\n\n=DE LOLME on the Constitution of England.= Edited by John Macgregor.\n3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=DEMMIN\u2019S History of Arms and Armour=, from the Earliest Period. By\nAuguste Demmin. Translated by C. C. Black, M.A. With nearly 2000\nIllustrations. 7_s._ 6_d._\n\n=DEMOSTHENES\u2019 Orations.= Translated by C. Rann Kennedy. 5 vols. Vol. I.,\n3_s._ 6_d._; Vols. II.-V., 5_s._ each.\n\n=DE STA\u00cbL\u2019S Corinne or Italy.= By Madame de Sta\u00ebl. Translated by Emily\nBaldwin and Paulina Driver. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=DEVEY\u2019S Logic=, or the Science of Inference. A Popular Manual. By J.\nDevey. 5_s._\n\n=DICTIONARY of Latin and Greek Quotations=; including Proverbs, Maxims,\nMottoes, Law Terms and Phrases. With all the Quantities marked, and\nEnglish Translations. With Index Verborum (622 pages). 5_s._\n\n=DICTIONARY of Obsolete and Provincial English.= Compiled by Thomas\nWright, M.A., F.S.A., &c. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=DIDRON\u2019S Christian Iconography=: a History of Christian Art in the\nMiddle Ages. Translated by E. J. Millington and completed by Margaret\nStokes. With 240 Illustrations. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=DIOGENES LAERTIUS. Lives and Opinions of the Ancient Philosophers.=\nTranslated by Prof. C. D. Yonge, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=DOBREE\u2019S Adversaria.= Edited by the late Prof. Wagner. 2 vols. 5_s._\neach.\n\n=DODD\u2019S Epigrammatists.= A Selection from the Epigrammatic Literature of\nAncient, Medi\u00e6val, and Modern Times. By the Rev. Henry Philip Dodd, M.A.\nOxford. 2nd Edition, revised and enlarged. 6_s._\n\n=DONALDSON\u2019S The Theatre of the Greeks.= A Treatise on the History and\nExhibition of the Greek Drama. With numerous Illustrations and 3 Plans.\nBy John William Donaldson, D.D. 5_s._\n\n=DRAPER\u2019S History of the Intellectual Development of Europe.= By John\nWilliam Draper, M.D., LL.D. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=DUNLOP\u2019S History of Fiction.= A new Edition. Revised by Henry Wilson. 2\nvols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=DYER (Dr. T. H.). Pompeii=: its Buildings and Antiquities. By T. H.\nDyer, LL.D. With nearly 300 Wood Engravings, a large Map, and a Plan of\nthe Forum. 7_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 The City of Rome=: its History and Monuments. With Illustrations.\n5_s._\n\n=DYER (T. F. T.) British Popular Customs, Present and Past.= An Account\nof the various Games and Customs associated with Different Days of the\nYear in the British Isles, arranged according to the Calendar. By the\nRev. T. F. Thiselton Dyer, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=EARLY TRAVELS IN PALESTINE.= Edited by Thomas Wright, M.A. With Map of\nJerusalem. 5_s._\n\n=EBERS\u2019 Egyptian Princess.= An Historical Novel. By George Ebers.\nTranslated by E. S. Buchheim. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=EDGEWORTH\u2019S Stories for Children.= With 8 Illustrations by L. Speed.\n3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=ELZE\u2019S William Shakespeare.=\u2014_See_ SHAKESPEARE.\n\n=EMERSON\u2019S Works.= 3 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n  I.\u2014Essays, Lectures, and Poems.\n\n  II.\u2014English Traits, Nature, and Conduct of Life.\n\n  III.\u2014Society and Solitude\u2014Letters and Social Aims\u2014Miscellaneous\n  Papers (hitherto uncollected)\u2014May Day, and other Poems.\n\n=ELLIS (G.) Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances.= With an\nHistorical Introduction on the Rise and Progress of Romantic Composition\nin France and England. Revised Edition. By J. O. Halliwell, F.R.S. 5_s._\n\n=ENNEMOSER\u2019S History of Magic.= Translated by William Howitt. 2 vols.\n5_s._ each.\n\n=EPICTETUS, The Discourses of.= With the ENCHEIRIDION and Fragments.\nTranslated by George Long, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=EURIPIDES.= A New Literal Translation in Prose. By E. P. Coleridge, M.A.\n2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=EUTROPIUS.=\u2014_See_ JUSTIN.\n\n=EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS, Ecclesiastical History of.= Translated by Rev. C. F.\nCruse, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=EVELYN\u2019S Diary and Correspondence.= Edited from the Original MSS. by W.\nBray, F.A.S. With 45 Engravings. 4 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=FAIRHOLT\u2019S Costume in England.= A History of Dress to the end of the\nEighteenth Century. 3rd Edition, revised, by Viscount Dillon, V.P.S.A.\nIllustrated with above 700 Engravings. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=FIELDING\u2019S Adventures of Joseph Andrews and his Friend Mr. Abraham\nAdams.= With Cruikshank\u2019s Illustrations. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 History of Tom Jones, a Foundling.= With Cruikshank\u2019s Illustrations.\n2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Amelia.= With Cruikshank\u2019s Illustrations. 5_s._\n\n=FLAXMAN\u2019S Lectures on Sculpture.= By John Flaxman, R.A. With Portrait\nand 53 Plates. 6_s._\n\n=FLORENCE of WORCESTER\u2019S Chronicle=, with the Two Continuations:\ncomprising Annals of English History, from the Departure of the Romans to\nthe Reign of Edward I. Translated by Thomas Forester, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=FOSTER\u2019S (John) Life and Correspondence.= Edited by J. E. Ryland. 2\nvols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Lectures= delivered at Broadmead Chapel. Edited by J. E. Ryland. 2\nvols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Critical Essays.= Edited by J. E. Ryland. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Essays=: on Decision of Character; on a Man\u2019s writing Memoirs of\nHimself; on the epithet Romantic; on the aversion of Men of Taste to\nEvangelical Religion. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Essays= on the Evils of Popular Ignorance; to which is added, a\nDiscourse on the Propagation of Christianity in India. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=FOSTER\u2019S Essays= on the Improvement of Time. With NOTES OF SERMONS and\nother Pieces. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Fosteriana.= Selected and Edited by Henry G. Bohn. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=GASPARY\u2019S History of Italian Literature.= Translated by Hermann Oelsner,\nM.A., Ph.D. Vol. I. [_Preparing._\n\n=GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH, Chronicle of.=\u2014_See Six O. E. Chronicles._\n\n=GESTA ROMANORUM=, or Entertaining Moral Stories invented by the Monks.\nTranslated by the Rev. Charles Swan. Revised Edition, by Wynnard Hooper,\nB.A. 5_s._\n\n=GILDAS, Chronicles of.=\u2014_See Six O. E. Chronicles._\n\n=GIBBON\u2019S Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.= Complete and Unabridged,\nwith Variorum Notes. Edited by an English Churchman. With 2 Maps and\nPortrait. 7 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=GILBART\u2019S History, Principles, and Practice of Banking.= By the late J.\nW. Gilbart, F.R.S. New Edition, revised by A. S. Michie. 2 vols. 10_s._\n\n=GIL BLAS, The Adventures of.= Translated from the French of Lesage by\nSmollett. With 24 Engravings on Steel, after Smirke, and 10 Etchings by\nGeorge Cruikshank. 6_s._\n\n=GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS\u2019 Historical Works.= Translated by Th. Forester,\nM.A., and Sir R. Colt Hoare. Revised Edition. Edited by Thomas Wright,\nM.A., F.S.A. 5_s._\n\n=GOETHE\u2019S Works.= Translated into English by various hands. 14 vols.\n3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n  I. and II.\u2014Autobiography and Annals.\n\n  III.\u2014Faust. Two Parts, complete. (Swanwick.)\n\n  IV.\u2014Novels and Tales.\n\n  V.\u2014Wilhelm Meister\u2019s Apprenticeship.\n\n  VI.\u2014Conversations with Eckermann and Soret.\n\n  VIII.\u2014Dramatic Works.\n\n  IX.\u2014Wilhelm Meister\u2019s Travels.\n\n  X.\u2014Tour in Italy, and Second Residence in Rome.\n\n  XI.\u2014Miscellaneous Travels.\n\n  XII.\u2014Early and Miscellaneous Letters.\n\n  XIII.\u2014Correspondence with Zelter.\n\n  XIV.\u2014Reineke Fox, West-Eastern Divan and Achilleid.\n\n=GOETHE\u2019S Faust.= Part I. German Text with Hayward\u2019s Prose Translation\nand Notes. Revised by C. A. Buchheim, Ph.D. 5_s._\n\n=GOLDSMITH\u2019S Works.= A new Edition, by J. W. M. Gibbs. 5 vols. 3_s._\n6_d._ each.\n\n=GRAMMONT\u2019S Memoirs of the Court of Charles II.= Edited by Sir Walter\nScott. Together with the BOSCOBEL TRACTS, including two not before\npublished, &c. New Edition. 5_s._\n\n=GRAY\u2019S Letters.= Edited by the Rev. D. C. Tovey, M.A. [_In the press._\n\n=GREEK ANTHOLOGY.= Translated by George Burges, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=GREEK ROMANCES of Heliodorus, Longus, and Achilles Tatius=\u2014viz., The\nAdventures of Theagenes & Chariclea; Amours of Daphnis and Chloe; and\nLoves of Clitopho and Leucippe. Translated by Rev. R. Smith, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=GREGORY\u2019S Letters on the Evidences, Doctrines, & Duties of the Christian\nReligion.= By Dr. Olinthus Gregory. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=GREENE, MARLOWE, and BEN JONSON.= Poems of. Edited by Robert Bell. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=GRIMM\u2019S TALES.= With the Notes of the Original. Translated by Mrs. A.\nHunt. With Introduction by Andrew Lang, M.A. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Gammer Grethel=; or, German Fairy Tales and Popular Stories.\nContaining 42 Fairy Tales. Trans. by Edgar Taylor. With numerous Woodcuts\nafter George Cruikshank and Ludwig Grimm. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=GROSSI\u2019S Marco Visconti.= Translated by A. F. D. The Ballads rendered\ninto English Verse by C. M. P. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=GUIZOT\u2019S History of the Origin of Representative Government in Europe.=\nTranslated by A. R. Scoble. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 History of the English Revolution of 1640.= From the Accession of\nCharles I. to his Death. Translated by William Hazlitt. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 History of Civilisation=, from the Fall of the Roman Empire to the\nFrench Revolution. Translated by William Hazlitt. 3 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._\neach.\n\n=HALL\u2019S (Rev. Robert) Miscellaneous Works and Remains.= 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=HARDWICK\u2019S History of the Articles of Religion.= By the late C.\nHardwick. Revised by the Rev. Francis Procter, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=HAUFF\u2019S Tales.= The Caravan\u2014The Sheik of Alexandria\u2014The Inn in the\nSpessart. Trans. from the German by S. Mendel. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=HAWTHORNE\u2019S Tales.= 4 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n  I.\u2014Twice-told Tales, and the Snow Image.\n\n  II.\u2014Scarlet Letter, and the House with the Seven Gables.\n\n  III.\u2014Transformation [The Marble Faun], and Blithedale Romance.\n\n  IV.\u2014Mosses from an Old Manse.\n\n=HAZLITT\u2019S Table-talk.= Essays on Men and Manners. By W. Hazlitt. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Lectures on the Literature of the Age of Elizabeth= and on Characters\nof Shakespeare\u2019s Plays. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Lectures on the English Poets=, and on the English Comic Writers.\n3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 The Plain Speaker.= Opinions on Books, Men, and Things. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Round Table.= 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Sketches and Essays.= 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 The Spirit of the Age=; or, Contemporary Portraits. Edited by W.\nCarew Hazlitt. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=HEATON\u2019S Concise History of Painting.= New Edition, revised by Cosmo\nMonkhouse. 5_s._\n\n=HEGEL\u2019S Lectures on the Philosophy of History.= Translated by J. Sibree,\nM.A.\n\n=HEINE\u2019S Poems=, Complete. Translated by Edgar A. Bowring, C.B. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Travel-Pictures=, including the Tour in the Harz, Norderney, and Book\nof Ideas, together with the Romantic School. Translated by Francis Storr.\nA New Edition, revised throughout. With Appendices and Maps. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=HELP\u2019S Life of Christopher Columbus=, the Discoverer of America. By Sir\nArthur Helps, K.C.B. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Life of Hernando Cortes=, and the Conquest of Mexico. 2 vols. 3_s._\n6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Life of Pizarro.= 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Life of Las Casas= the Apostle of the Indies. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=HENDERSON (E.) Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages=,\nincluding the most famous Charters relating to England, the Empire, the\nChurch, &c., from the 6th to the 14th Centuries. Translated from the\nLatin and edited by Ernest F. Henderson, A.B., A.M., Ph.D. 5_s._\n\n=HENFREY\u2019S Guide to English Coins=, from the Conquest to the present\ntime. New and revised Edition by C. F. Keary, M.A., F.S.A. 6_s._\n\n=HENRY OF HUNTINGDON\u2019S History of the English.= Translated by T.\nForester, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=HENRY\u2019S (Matthew) Exposition of the Book of the Psalms.= 5_s._\n\n=HELIODORUS. Theagenes and Chariclea.=\u2014_See_ GREEK ROMANCES.\n\n=HERODOTUS.= Translated by the Rev. Henry Cary, M.A. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Notes on.= Original and Selected from the best Commentators. By D. W.\nTurner, M.A. With Coloured Map. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Analysis and Summary of.= By J. T. Wheeler. 5_s._\n\n=HESIOD, CALLIMACHUS, and THEOGNIS.= Translated by the Rev. J. Banks,\nM.A. 5_s._\n\n=HOFFMANN\u2019S (E. T. A.) The Serapion Brethren.= Translated from the German\nby Lt.-Col. Alex. Ewing. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=HOGG\u2019S (Jabez) Elements of Experimental and Natural Philosophy.= With\n400 Woodcuts. 5_s._\n\n=HOLBEIN\u2019S Dance of Death and Bible Cuts.= Upwards of 150 Subjects,\nengraved in facsimile, with Introduction and Descriptions by Francis\nDouce and Dr. Thomas Frognall Dibden. 5_s._\n\n=HOMER\u2019S Iliad.= Translated into English Prose by T. A. Buckley, B.A.\n5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Odyssey.= Hymns, Epigrams, and Battle of the Frogs and Mice.\nTranslated into English Prose by T. A. Buckley, B.A. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014= _See also_ COWPER and POPE.\n\n=HOOPER\u2019S (G.) Waterloo: The Downfall of the First Napoleon=: a History\nof the Campaign of 1815. By George Hooper. With Maps and Plans. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 The Campaign of Sedan=: The Downfall of the Second Empire,\nAugust-September, 1870. With General Map and Six Plans of Battle. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=HORACE.= A new literal Prose translation, by A. Hamilton Bryce, LL.D.\n3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=HUGO\u2019S (Victor) Dramatic Works.= Hernani\u2014Ruy Blas\u2014The King\u2019s Diversion.\nTranslated by Mrs. Newton Crosland and F. L. Slous. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Poems=, chiefly Lyrical. Translated by various Writers, now first\ncollected by J. H. L. Williams. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=HUMBOLDT\u2019S Cosmos.= Translated by E. C. Ott\u00e9, B. H. Paul, and W. S.\nDallas, F.L.S. 5 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each, excepting Vol. V. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Personal Narrative= of his Travels to the Equinoctial Regions of\nAmerica during the years 1799-1804. Translated by T. Ross. 3 vols. 5_s._\neach.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Views of Nature.= Translated by E. C. Ott\u00e9 and H. G. Bohn. 5_s._\n\n=HUMPHREYS\u2019 Coin Collectors\u2019 Manual.= By H. N. Humphreys. With upwards of\n140 Illustrations on Wood and Steel. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=HUNGARY=: its History and Revolution, together with a copious Memoir of\nKossuth. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=HUTCHINSON (Colonel). Memoirs of the Life of.= By his Widow, Lucy:\ntogether with her Autobiography, and an Account of the Siege of Lathom\nHouse. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=HUNT\u2019S Poetry of Science.= By Richard Hunt. 3rd Edition, revised and\nenlarged. 5_s._\n\n=INDIA BEFORE THE SEPOY MUTINY. A Pictorial, Descriptive, and Historical\nAccount=, from the Earliest Times to the Annexation of the Punjab. With\nupwards of 100 Engravings on Wood, and a Map. 5_s._\n\n=INGULPH\u2019S Chronicles of the Abbey of Croyland=, with the CONTINUATION by\nPeter of Blois and other Writers. Translated by H. T. Riley, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=IRVING\u2019S (Washington) Complete Works.= 15 vols. With Portraits, &c.\n3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n  I.\u2014Salmagundi, Knickerbocker\u2019s History of New York.\n\n  II.\u2014The Sketch Book, and the Life of Oliver Goldsmith.\n\n  III.\u2014Bracebridge Hall, Abbotsford and Newstead Abbey.\n\n  IV.\u2014The Alhambra, Tales of a Traveller.\n\n  V.\u2014Chronicle of the Conquest of Granada, Legends of the Conquest\n  of Spain.\n\n  VI. & VII.\u2014Life and Voyages of Columbus, together with the\n  Voyages of his Companions.\n\n  VIII.\u2014Astoria, A Tour on the Prairies.\n\n  IX.\u2014Life of Mahomet, Lives of the Successors of Mahomet.\n\n  X.\u2014Adventures of Captain Bonneville, U.S.A., Wolfert\u2019s Roost.\n\n  XI.\u2014Biographies and Miscellaneous Papers.\n\n  XII.-XV.\u2014Life of George Washington. 4 vols.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Life and Letters.= By his Nephew, Pierre E. Irving. 2 vols. 3_s._\n6_d._ each.\n\n=ISOCRATES, The Orations of.= Translated by J. H. Freese, M.A. Vol. I.\n5_s._\n\n=JAMES\u2019S (G. P. R.) Life of Richard C\u0153ur de Lion.= 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._\neach.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 The Life and Times of Louis XIV.= 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=JAMESON\u2019S (Mrs.) Shakespeare\u2019s Heroines.= Characteristics of Women:\nMoral, Poetical, and Historical. By Mrs. Jameson. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=JESSE\u2019S (E.) Anecdotes of Dogs.= With 40 Woodcuts and 34 Steel\nEngravings. 5_s._\n\n=JESSE\u2019S (J. H.) Memoirs of the Court of England during the Reign of the\nStuarts=, including the Protectorate. 3 vols. With 42 Portraits. 5_s._\neach.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Memoirs of the Pretenders and their Adherents.= With 6 Portraits.\n5_s._\n\n=JOHNSON\u2019S Lives of the Poets.= Edited by Mrs. Alexander Napier, with\nIntroduction by Professor Hales. 3 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=JOSEPHUS (Flavius)=, The Works of. Whiston\u2019s Translation, revised by\nRev. A. R. Shilleto, M.A. With Topographical and Geographical Notes by\nColonel Sir C. W. Wilson, K.C.B. 5 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=JOYCE\u2019S Scientific Dialogues.= With numerous Woodcuts. 5_s._\n\n=JUKES-BROWNE (A. J.) The Building of the British Isles=: a Study in\nGeographical Evolution. Illustrated by numerous Maps and Woodcuts. 2nd\nEdition, revised, 7_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Student\u2019s Handbook of Physical Geology.= With numerous Diagrams and\nIllustrations. 2nd Edition, much enlarged, 7_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 The Student\u2019s Handbook of Historical Geology.= With numerous Diagrams\nand Illustrations. 6_s._\n\n=JULIAN, the Emperor.= Containing Gregory Nazianzen\u2019s Two Invectives and\nLibanus\u2019 Monody, with Julian\u2019s extant Theosophical Works. Translated by\nC. W. King, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=JUSTIN, CORNELIUS NEPOS, and EUTROPIUS.= Translated by the Rev. J. S.\nWatson, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=JUVENAL, PERSIUS, SULPICIA and LUCILIUS.= Translated by L. Evans, M.A.\n5_s._\n\n=JUNIUS\u2019S Letters.= With all the Notes of Woodfall\u2019s Edition, and\nimportant Additions. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=KANT\u2019S Critique of Pure Reason.= Translated by J. M. D. Meiklejohn. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Prolegomena and Metaphysical Foundations of Natural Science.=\nTranslated by E. Belfort Bax. 5_s._\n\n=KEIGHTLEY\u2019S (Thomas) Mythology of Ancient Greece and Italy.= 4th\nEdition, revised by Leonard Schmitz, Ph.D., LL.D. With 12 Plates from the\nAntique. 5_s._\n\n=KEIGHTLEY\u2019S Fairy Mythology=, illustrative of the Romance and\nSuperstition of Various Countries. Revised Edition, with Frontispiece by\nCruikshank. 5_s._\n\n=LA FONTAINE\u2019S Fables.= Translated into English Verse by Elizur Wright.\nNew Edition, with Notes by J. W. M. Gibbs. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=LAMARTINE\u2019S History of the Girondists.= Translated by H. T. Ryde. 3\nvols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 History of the Restoration of Monarchy in France= (a Sequel to the\nHistory of the Girondists). 4 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 History of the French Revolution of 1848.= 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=LAMB\u2019S (Charles) Essays of Elia and Eliana.= Complete Edition. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Specimens of English Dramatic Poets of the Time of Elizabeth.= 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Memorials and Letters of Charles Lamb.= By Serjeant Talfourd. New\nEdition, revised, by W. Carew Hazlitt. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=LANZI\u2019S History of Painting in Italy=, from the Period of the Revival of\nthe Fine Arts to the End of the Eighteenth Century. Translated by Thomas\nRoscoe. 3 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=LAPPENBERG\u2019S History of England under the Anglo-Saxon Kings.= Translated\nby B. Thorpe, F.S.A. New edition, revised by E. C. Ott\u00e9. 2 vols. 3_s._\n6_d._ each.\n\n=LECTURES ON PAINTING=, by Barry, Opie, Fuseli. Edited by R. Wornum. 5_s._\n\n=LEONARDO DA VINCI\u2019S Treatise on Painting.= Translated by J. F. Rigaud,\nR.A., With a Life of Leonardo by John William Brown. With numerous\nPlates. 5_s._\n\n=LELAND\u2019S Itinerary.= Edited by Laurence Gomme, F.S.A. Vol. I. [_In the\nPress._\n\n=LEPSIUS\u2019S Letters from Egypt, Ethiopia, and the Peninsula of Sinai.=\nTranslated by L. and J. B. Horner. With Maps. 5_s._\n\n=LESSING\u2019S Dramatic Works=, Complete. Edited by Ernest Bell, M.A. With\nMemoir of Lessing by Helen Zimmern. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Laokoon, Dramatic Notes, and the Representation of Death by the\nAncients.= Translated by E. C. Beasley and Helen Zimmern. Edited by\nEdward Bell, M.A. With a Frontispiece of the Laokoon group. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=LILLY\u2019S Introduction to Astrology.= With a GRAMMAR OF ASTROLOGY and\nTables for Calculating Nativities, by Zadkiel. 5_s._\n\n=LIVY\u2019S History of Rome.= Translated by Dr. Spillan, C. Edmonds, and\nothers. 4 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=LOCKE\u2019S Philosophical Works.= Edited by J. A. St. John. 2 vols. 3_s._\n6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Life and Letters=: By Lord King. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=LOCKHART (J. G.)=\u2014_See_ BURNS.\n\n=LODGE\u2019S Portraits of Illustrious Personages of Great Britain=, with\nBiographical and Historical Memoirs. 240 Portraits engraved on Steel,\nwith the respective Biographies unabridged. 8 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=LONGFELLOW\u2019S Poetical Works.= With 24 full-page Wood Engravings and a\nPortrait. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Prose Works.= With 16 full-page Wood Engravings. 5_s._\n\n=LOUDON\u2019S (Mrs.) Natural History.= Revised edition, by W. S. Dallas,\nF.L.S. With numerous Woodcut Illus. 5_s._\n\n=LOWNDES\u2019 Bibliographer\u2019s Manual of English Literature.= Enlarged\nEdition. By H. G. Bohn. 6 vols. cloth, 5_s._ each. Or 4 vols. half\nmorocco, 2_l._ 2_s._\n\n=LONGUS. Daphnis and Chloe.=\u2014_See_ GREEK ROMANCES.\n\n=LUCAN\u2019S Pharsalia.= Translated by H. T. Riley, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=LUCIAN\u2019S Dialogues of the Gods, of the Sea Gods, and of the Dead.=\nTranslated by Howard Williams, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=LUCRETIUS.= Translated by the Rev. J. S. Watson, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=LUTHER\u2019S Table-Talk.= Translated and Edited by William Hazlitt. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Autobiography.=\u2014_See_ MICHELET.\n\n=MACHIAVELLI\u2019S History of Florence=, together with the Prince,\nSavonarola, various Historical Tracts, and a Memoir of Machiavelli. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=MALLET\u2019S Northern Antiquities=, or an Historical Account of the Manners,\nCustoms, Religions and Laws, Maritime Expeditions and Discoveries,\nLanguage and Literature, of the Ancient Scandinavians. Translated by\nBishop Percy. Revised and Enlarged Edition, with a Translation of the\nPROSE EDDA, by J. A. Blackwell. 5_s._\n\n=MANTELL\u2019S (Dr.) Petrifactions and their Teachings.= With numerous\nillustrative Woodcuts. 6_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Wonders of Geology.= 8th Edition, revised by T. Rupert Jones, F.G.S.\nWith a coloured Geological Map of England, Plates, and upwards of 200\nWoodcuts. 2 vols. 7_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=MANZONI. The Betrothed=: being a Translation of \u2018I Promessi Sposi.\u2019 By\nAlessandro Manzoni. With numerous Woodcuts. 5_s._\n\n=MARCO POLO\u2019S Travels=; the Translation of Marsden revised by T. Wright,\nM.A., F.S.A. 5_s._\n\n=MARRYAT\u2019S (Capt. R.N.) Masterman Ready.= With 93 Woodcuts. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Mission=; or, Scenes in Africa. 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Translated into Prose, each accompanied\nby one or more Verse Translations selected from the Works of English\nPoets, and other sources. 7_s._ 6_d._\n\n=MARTINEAU\u2019S (Harriet) History of England=, from 1800-1815. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 History of the Thirty Years\u2019 Peace=, A.D. 1815-46. 4 vols. 3_s._\n6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014= _See Comte\u2019s Positive Philosophy._\n\n=MATTHEW PARIS\u2019S English History=, from the Year 1235 to 1273. Translated\nby Rev. J. A. Giles, D.C.L. 3 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=MATTHEW OF WESTMINSTER\u2019S Flowers of History=, from the beginning of the\nWorld to A.D. 1307. Translated by C. D. Yonge, M.A. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=MAXWELL\u2019S Victories of Wellington and the British Armies.= Frontispiece\nand 5 Portraits. 5_s._\n\n=MENZEL\u2019S History of Germany=, from the Earliest Period to 1842. 3 vols.\n3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=MICHAEL ANGELO AND RAPHAEL, their Lives and Works.= By Duppa and\nQuatrem\u00e8re de Quincy. With Portraits, and Engravings on Steel. 5_s._\n\n=MICHELET\u2019S Luther\u2019s Autobiography.= Trans. by William Hazlitt. With an\nAppendix (110 pages) of Notes. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 History of the French Revolution= from its earliest indications to\nthe flight of the King in 1791. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=MIGNET\u2019S History of the French Revolution=, from 1789 to 1814. 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=MILL (J. S.). Early Essays by John Stuart Mill.= Collected from various\nsources by J. W. M. Gibbs. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=MILLER (Professor).= =History Philosophically Illustrated=, from the\nFall of the Roman Empire to the French Revolution. 4 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._\neach.\n\n=MILTON\u2019S Prose Works.= Edited by J. A. St. John. 5 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._\neach.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Poetical Works=, with a Memoir and Critical Remarks by James\nMontgomery, an Index to Paradise Lost, Todd\u2019s Verbal Index to all the\nPoems and a Selection of Explanatory Notes by Henry G. Bohn. Illustrated\nwith 120 Wood Engravings from Drawings by W. Harvey. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._\neach.\n\n=MITFORD\u2019S (Miss) Our Village.= Sketches of Rural Character and Scenery.\nWith 2 Engravings on Steel. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=MOLIERE\u2019S Dramatic Works.= A new Translation in English Prose, by C. H.\nWall. 3 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=MONTAGU. The Letters and Works of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu.= Edited by\nher great-grandson, Lord Wharncliffe\u2019s Edition, and revised by W. Moy\nThomas. New Edition, revised, with 5 Portraits. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=MONTAIGNE\u2019S Essays.= Cotton\u2019s Translation, revised by W. C. Hazlitt. New\nEdition. 3 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=MONTESQUIEU\u2019S Spirit of Laws.= New Edition, revised and corrected. By J.\nV. Pritchard, A.M. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=MOTLEY (J. L.). The Rise of the Dutch Republic.= A History. By John\nLothrop Motley. New Edition, with Biographical Introduction by Moncure D.\nConway. 3 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=MORPHY\u2019S Games of Chess.= Being the Matches and best Games played by the\nAmerican Champion, with Explanatory and Analytical Notes by J. L\u00f6wenthal.\n5_s._\n\n=MUDIE\u2019S British Birds=; or, History of the Feathered Tribes of the\nBritish Islands. Revised by W. C. L. Martin. With 52 Figures of Birds and\n7 Coloured Plates of Eggs. 2 vols.\n\n=NAVAL AND MILITARY HEROES of GREAT BRITAIN=; or, Calendar of Victory.\nBeing a Record of British Valour and Conquest by Sea and Land, on every\nday in the year, from the time of William the Conqueror to the Battle\nof Inkermann. By Major Johns, R.M., and Lieut. P. H. Nicolas, R.M. 24\nPortraits. 6_s._\n\n=NEANDER (Dr. A.). History of the Christian Religion and Church.= Trans.\nfrom the German by J. Torrey. 10 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Life of Jesus Christ.= Translated by J. McClintock and C. Blumenthal.\n3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 History of the Planting and Training of the Christian Church by the\nApostles.= Translated by J. E. Ryland. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Lectures on the History of Christian Dogmas.= Edited by Dr. Jacobi.\nTranslated by J. E. Ryland. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Memorials of Christian Life in the Early and Middle Ages=; including\nLight in Dark Places. Trans. by J. E. Ryland. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=NIBELUNGEN LIED.= =The Lay of the Nibelungs=, metrically translated from\nthe old German text by Alice Horton, and edited by Edward Bell, M.A. To\nwhich is prefixed the Essay on the Nibelungen Lied by Thomas Carlyle.\n5_s._\n\n=NEW TESTAMENT (The) in Greek.= Griesbach\u2019s Text, with various Readings\nat the foot of the page, and Parallel References in the margin; also a\nCritical Introduction and Chronological Tables. By an eminent Scholar,\nwith a Greek and English Lexicon. 3rd Edition, revised and corrected. Two\nFacsimiles of Greek Manuscripts. 900 pages. 5_s._\n\n  The Lexicon may be had separately, price 2_s._\n\n=NICOLINI\u2019S History of the Jesuits=: their Origin, Progress, Doctrines,\nand Designs. With 8 Portraits. 5_s._\n\n=NORTH (R.) Lives= of the Right Hon. Francis North, Baron Guildford, the\nHon. Sir Dudley North, and the Hon. and Rev. Dr. John North. By the Hon.\nRoger North. Together with the Autobiography of the Author. Edited by\nAugustus Jessopp, D.D. 3 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=NUGENT\u2019S (Lord) Memorials of Hampden, his Party and Times.= With a\nMemoir of the Author, an Autograph Letter, and Portrait. 5_s._\n\n=OCKLEY (S.) History of the Saracens and their Conquests in Syria,\nPersia, and Egypt.= By Simon Ockley, B.D., Professor of Arabic in the\nUniversity of Cambridge. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=OMAN (J. C.)= =The Great Indian Epics=: the Stories of the RAMAYANA and\nthe MAHABHARATA. By John Campbell Oman, Principal of Khalsa College,\nAmritsar. With Notes, Appendices, and Illustrations. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=ORDERICUS VITALIS\u2019 Ecclesiastical History of England and Normandy.=\nTranslated by T. Forester, M.A. To which is added the CHRONICLE OF ST.\nEVROULT. 4 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=OVID\u2019S Works=, complete. Literally translated into Prose. 3 vols. 5_s._\neach.\n\n=PASCAL\u2019S Thoughts.= Translated from the Text of M. Auguste Molinier by\nC. Kegan Paul. 3rd Edition. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=PAULI\u2019S (Dr. R.) Life of Alfred the Great.= Translated from the German.\nTo which is appended Alfred\u2019s ANGLO-SAXON VERSION OF OROSIUS. With a\nliteral Translation interpaged, Notes, and an ANGLO-SAXON GRAMMAR and\nGLOSSARY, by B. Thorpe. 5_s._\n\n=PAUSANIAS\u2019 Description of Greece.= Newly translated by A. R. Shilleto,\nM.A. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=PEARSON\u2019S Exposition of the Creed.= Edited by E. Walford, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=PEPYS\u2019 Diary and Correspondence.= Deciphered by the Rev. J. Smith, M.A.,\nfrom the original Shorthand MS. in the Pepysian Library. Edited by Lord\nBraybrooke. 4 vols. With 31 Engravings. 5_s._ each.\n\n=PERCY\u2019S Reliques of Ancient English Poetry.= With an Essay on Ancient\nMinstrels and a Glossary. Edited by J. V. Pritchard, A.M. 2 vols. 3_s._\n6_d._ each.\n\n=PERSIUS.=\u2014_See_ JUVENAL.\n\n=PETRARCH\u2019S Sonnets, Triumphs and other Poems.= Translated into English\nVerse by various Hands. With a Life of the Poet by Thomas Campbell. With\nPortrait and 15 Steel Engravings. 5_s._\n\n=PHILO-JUD\u00c6US, Works of.= Translated by Prof. C. D. Yonge, M.A. 4 vols.\n5_s._ each.\n\n=PICKERING\u2019S History of the Races of Man=, and their Geographical\nDistribution. With AN ANALYTICAL SYNOPSIS OF THE NATURAL HISTORY OF MAN\nby Dr. Hall. With a Map of the World and 12 coloured Plates. 5_s._\n\n=PINDAR.= Translated into Prose by Dawson W. Turner. To which is added\nthe Metrical Version by Abraham Moore. 5_s._\n\n=PLANCH\u00c9.= History of British Costume, from the Earliest Time to the\nClose of the Eighteenth Century. By J. R. Planch\u00e9, Somerset Herald. With\nupwards of 400 Illustrations. 5_s._\n\n=PLATO\u2019S Works.= Literally translated, with Introduction and Notes. 6\nvols. 5_s._ each.\n\n  I.\u2014The Apology of Socrates, Crito, Ph\u00e6do, Gorgias, Protagoras,\n  Ph\u00e6drus, The\u00e6tetus, Euthyphron, Lysis. Translated by the Rev. H.\n  Carey.\n\n  II.\u2014The Republic, Tim\u00e6us, and Critias. Translated by Henry Davis.\n\n  III.\u2014Meno, Euthydemus, The Sophist, Statesman, Cratylus,\n  Parmenides, and the Banquet. Translated by G. Burges.\n\n  IV.\u2014Philebus, Charmides, Laches, Menexenus, Hippias, Ion, The\n  Two Alcibiades, Theages, Rivals, Hipparchus, Minos, Clitopho,\n  Epistles. Translated by G. Burges.\n\n  V.\u2014The Laws. Translated by G. Burges.\n\n  VI.\u2014The Doubtful Works. Translated by G. Burges.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Summary and Analysis of the Dialogues.= With Analytical Index. By A.\nDay, LL.D. 5_s._\n\n=PLAUTUS\u2019S Comedies.= Translated by H. T. Riley, M.A. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=PLINY\u2019S Natural History.= Translated by the late John Bostock, M.D.,\nF.R.S., and H. T. Riley, M.A. 6 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=PLINY. The Letters of Pliny the Younger.= Melmoth\u2019s translation, revised\nby the Rev. F. C. T. Bosanquet, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=PLOTINUS, Select Works of.= Translated by Thomas Taylor. With an\nIntroduction containing the substance of Porphyry\u2019s Plotinus. Edited by\nG. R. S. Mead, B.A., M.R.A.S. 5_s._\n\n=PLUTARCH\u2019S Lives.= Translated by A. Stewart, M.A., and George Long, M.A.\n4 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Morals.= Theosophical Essays. Translated by C. W. King, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Morals.= Ethical Essays. Translated by the Rev. A. R. Shilleto, M.A.\n5_s._\n\n=POETRY OF AMERICA.= Selections from One Hundred American Poets, from\n1776 to 1876. By W. J. Linton. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=POLITICAL CYCLOP\u00c6DIA. A Dictionary= of Political, Constitutional,\nStatistical, and Forensic Knowledge; forming a Work of Reference on\nsubjects of Civil Administration, Political Economy, Finance, Commerce,\nLaws, and Social Relations. 4 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=POPE\u2019S Poetical Works.= Edited, with copious Notes, by Robert\nCarruthers. With numerous Illustrations. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Homer\u2019s Iliad.= Edited by the Rev. J. S. Watson, M.A. Illustrated by\nthe entire Series of Flaxman\u2019s Designs. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Homer\u2019s Odyssey=, with the Battle of Frogs and Mice, Hymns, &c., by\nother translators. Edited by the Rev. J. S. Watson, M.A. With the entire\nSeries of Flaxman\u2019s Designs. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Life=, including many of his Letters. By Robert Carruthers. With\nnumerous Illustrations. 5_s._\n\n=POUSHKIN\u2019S Prose Tales=: The Captain\u2019s Daughter\u2014Doubrovsky\u2014The\nQueen of Spades\u2014An Amateur Peasant Girl\u2014The Shot\u2014The Snow Storm\u2014The\nPost-master\u2014The Coffin Maker\u2014Kirdjali\u2014The Egyptian Nights\u2014Peter the\nGreat\u2019s Negro. Translated by T. Keane. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=PROPERTIUS.= Translated by Rev. P. J. F. Gantillon, M.A., and\naccompanied by Poetical Versions, from various sources. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=PROVERBS, Handbook of.= Containing an entire Republication of Ray\u2019s\nCollection of English Proverbs, with his additions from Foreign\nLanguages and a complete Alphabetical Index; in which are introduced\nlarge additions as well of Proverbs as of Sayings, Sentences, Maxims, and\nPhrases, collected by H. G. Bohn. 5_s._\n\n=PROVERBS, A Polyglot of Foreign.= Comprising French, Italian, German,\nDutch, Spanish, Portuguese, and Danish. With English Translations & a\nGeneral Index by H. G. Bohn. 5_s._\n\n=POTTERY AND PORCELAIN=, and other Objects of Vertu. Comprising an\nIllustrated Catalogue of the Bernal Collection of Works of Art, with the\nprices at which they were sold by auction, and names of the possessors.\nTo which are added, an Introductory Lecture on Pottery and Porcelain, and\nan Engraved List of all the known Marks and Monograms. By Henry G. Bohn.\nWith numerous Wood Engravings, 5_s._; or with Coloured Illustrations,\n10_s._ 6_d._\n\n=PROUT\u2019S (Father) Reliques.= Collected and arranged by Rev. F. Mahony.\nCopyright edition with the Author\u2019s last corrections and additions. New\nissue, with 21 Etchings by D. Maclise, R.A. Nearly 600 pages. 5_s._\n\n=QUINTILIAN\u2019S Institutes of Oratory=, or Education of an Orator.\nTranslated by the Rev. J. S. Watson, M.A. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=RACINE\u2019S (Jean) Dramatic Works.= A metrical English version. By R. Bruce\nBoswell, M.A. Oxon. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=RANKE\u2019S History of the Popes=, their Church and State, and especially\nof their Conflicts with Protestantism in the 16th and 17th centuries.\nTranslated by E. Foster. 3 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 History of the Latin and Teutonic Nations, 1494-1514.= Trans. by P.\nA. Ashworth. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 History of Servia and the Servian Revolution.= With an Account of the\nInsurrection in Bosnia. Translated by Mrs. Kerr. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=REUMONT (Alfred de).= _See_ CARAFAS.\n\n=RECREATIONS in SHOOTING.= By \u2018Craven.\u2019 With 62 Engravings on Wood after\nHarvey, and 9 Engravings on Steel, chiefly after A. Cooper, R.A. 5_s._\n\n=RENNIE\u2019S Insect Architecture.= Revised and enlarged by Rev. J. G. Wood,\nM.A. With 186 Woodcut Illustrations. 5_s._\n\n=REYNOLD\u2019S (Sir J.) Literary Works.= Edited by H. W. Beechy. 2 vols.\n3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=RICARDO on the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation.= Edited by\nE. C. K. Gonner, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=RICHTER (Jean Paul Friedrich). Levana=, a Treatise on Education:\ntogether with the Autobiography (a Fragment), and a short Prefatory\nMemoir. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Flower, Fruit, and Thorn Pieces=, or the Wedded Life, Death, and\nMarriage of Firmian Stanislaus Siebenkaes, Parish Advocate in the Parish\nof Kuhschnappel. Newly translated by Lt.-Col. Alex. Ewing. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=ROGER DE HOVEDEN\u2019S Annals of English History=, comprising the History\nof England and of other Countries of Europe from A.D. 732 to A.D. 1201.\nTranslated by H. T. Riley, M.A. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=ROGER OF WENDOVER\u2019S Flowers of History=, comprising the History of\nEngland from the Descent of the Saxons to A.D. 1235, formerly ascribed to\nMatthew Paris. Translated by J. A. Giles, D.C.L. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=ROME in the NINETEENTH CENTURY.= Containing a complete Account of the\nRuins of the Ancient City, the Remains of the Middle Ages, and the\nMonuments of Modern Times. By C. A. Eaton. With 34 Steel Engravings. 2\nvols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014= _See_ BURN and DYER.\n\n=ROSCOE\u2019S (W.) Life and Pontificate of Leo X.= Final edition, revised by\nThomas Roscoe. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Life of Lorenzo de\u2019 Medici=, called \u2018the Magnificent.\u2019 With his\npoems, letters, &c. 10th Edition, revised, with Memoir of Roscoe by his\nSon. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=RUSSIA. History of=, from the earliest Period, compiled from the most\nauthentic sources by Walter K. Kelly. With Portraits. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._\neach.\n\n=SALLUST, FLORUS, and VELLEIUS PATERCULUS.= Translated by J. S. Watson,\nM.A. 5_s._\n\n=SCHILLER\u2019S Works.= Translated by various hands. 7 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._\neach:\u2014\n\n  I.\u2014History of the Thirty Years\u2019 War.\n\n  II.\u2014History of the Revolt in the Netherlands, the Trials\n  of Counts Egmont and Horn, the Siege of Antwerp, and the\n  Disturbances in France preceding the Reign of Henry IV.\n\n  III.\u2014Don Carlos, Mary Stuart, Maid of Orleans, Bride of Messina,\n  together with the Use of the Chorus in Tragedy (a short Essay).\n\n    These Dramas are all translated in metre.\n\n  IV.\u2014Robbers (with Schiller\u2019s original Preface), Fiesco, Love and\n  Intrigue, Demetrius, Ghost Seer, Sport of Divinity.\n\n    The Dramas in this volume are translated into Prose.\n\n  V.\u2014Poems.\n\n  VI.\u2014Essays, \u00c6sthetical and Philosophical.\n\n  VII.\u2014Wallenstein\u2019s Camp, Piccolomini and Death of Wallenstein,\n  William Tell.\n\n=SCHILLER and GOETHE. Correspondence between=, from A.D. 1794-1805.\nTranslated by L. Dora Schmitz. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=SCHLEGEL\u2019S (F.) Lectures on the Philosophy of Life and the Philosophy of\nLanguage.= Translated by the Rev. A. J. W. Morrison, M.A. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Lectures on the History of Literature=, Ancient and Modern.\nTranslated from the German. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Lectures on the Philosophy of History.= Translated by J. B.\nRobertson. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Lectures on Modern History=, together with the Lectures entitled\nC\u00e6sar and Alexander, and The Beginning of our History. Translated by L.\nPurcell and R. H. Whitetock. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 \u00c6sthetic and Miscellaneous Works.= Translated by E. J. Millington.\n3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=SCHLEGEL (A. W.) Lectures on Dramatic Art and Literature.= Translated by\nJ. Black. Revised Edition, by the Rev. A. J. W. Morrison, M.A. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=SCHOPENHAUER on the Fourfold Root of the Principle of Sufficient\nReason=, and =On the Will in Nature=. Translated by Madame Hillebrand.\n5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Essays.= Selected and Translated. With a Biographical Introduction\nand Sketch of his Philosophy, by E. Belfort Bax. 5_s._\n\n=SCHOUW\u2019S Earth, Plants, and Man.= Translated by A. Henfrey. With\ncoloured Map of the Geography of Plants. 5_s._\n\n=SCHUMANN (Robert).= His Life and Works, by August Reissmann. Translated\nby A. L. Alger. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Early Letters.= Originally published by his Wife. Translated by May\nHerbert. With a Preface by Sir George Grove, D.C.L. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=SENECA on Benefits.= Newly translated by A. Stewart, M.A. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Minor Essays= and =On Clemency=. Translated by A. Stewart, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=SHAKESPEARE\u2019S Dramatic Art.= The History and Character of Shakespeare\u2019s\nPlays. By Dr. Hermann Ulrici. Translated by L. Dora Schmitz. 2 vols.\n3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=SHAKESPEARE (William).= A Literary Biography by Karl Elze, Ph.D., LL.D.\nTranslated by L. Dora Schmitz. 5_s._\n\n=SHARPE (S.) The History of Egypt=, from the Earliest Times till the\nConquest by the Arabs, A.D. 640. By Samuel Sharpe. 2 Maps and upwards of\n400 Illustrative Woodcuts. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=SHERIDAN\u2019S Dramatic Works=, Complete. With Life by G. G. S. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=SISMONDI\u2019S History of the Literature of the South of Europe.= Translated\nby Thomas Roscoe. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=SIX OLD ENGLISH CHRONICLES=: viz., ASSER\u2019S LIFE OF ALFRED AND THE\nCHRONICLES OF ETHELWERD, GILDAS, NENNIUS, GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH, AND\nRICHARD OF CIRENCESTER. Edited by J. A. Giles, D.C.L. 5_s._\n\n=SYNONYMS and ANTONYMS=, or =Kindred Words= and their =Opposites=,\nCollected and Contrasted by Ven. C. J. Smith, M.A. Revised Edition. 5_s._\n\n=SMITH\u2019S (Adam) The Wealth of Nations.= Edited by E. Belfort Bax. 2 vols.\n3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Theory of Moral Sentiments=; with his Essay on the First Formation of\nLanguages; to which is added a Memoir of the Author by Dugald Stewart.\n3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=SMYTH\u2019S (Professor) Lectures on Modern History=; from the Irruption of\nthe Northern Nations to the close of the American Revolution. 2 vols.\n3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Lectures on the French Revolution.= 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=SMITH\u2019S (Pye) Geology and Scripture.= 2nd Edition. 5_s._\n\n=SMOLLETT\u2019S Adventures of Roderick Random.= With short Memoir and\nBibliography, and Cruikshank\u2019s Illustrations. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Adventures of Peregrine Pickle=, in which are included the Memoirs of\na Lady of Quality. With Bibliography and Cruikshank\u2019s Illustrations. 2\nvols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 The Expedition of Humphry Clinker.= With Bibliography and\nCruikshank\u2019s Illustrations. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=SOCRATES (surnamed \u2018Scholasticus\u2019).= =The Ecclesiastical History of=\n(A.D. 305-445). Translated from the Greek. 5_s._\n\n=SOPHOCLES. The Tragedies of.= A New Prose Translation, with Memoir,\nNotes, &c., by E. P. Coleridge. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014= The Oxford Translation. 5_s._\n\n=SOUTHEY\u2019S Life of Nelson.= With Facsimiles of Nelson\u2019s writing,\nPortraits, Plans, and upwards of 50 Engravings on Steel and Wood. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Life of Wesley=, and the Rise and Progress of Methodism. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Robert Southey.= The Story of his Life written in his Letters. With\nan Introduction. Edited by John Dennis. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=SOZOMEN\u2019S Ecclesiastical History.= Comprising a History of the Church\nfrom A.D. 324-440. Translated from the Greek. Together with the\nECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF PHILOSTORGIUS, as epitomised by Photius.\nTranslated from the Greek by Rev. E. Walford, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=SPINOZA\u2019S Chief Works.= Translated, with Introduction, by R. H. M.\nElwes. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=STANLEY\u2019S Classified Synopsis of the Principal Painters of the Dutch and\nFlemish Schools.= By George Stanley. 5_s._\n\n=STARLING\u2019S (Miss) Noble Deeds of Women=; or, Examples of Female Courage,\nFortitude, and Virtue. With 14 Steel Engravings. 5_s._\n\n=STAUNTON\u2019S Chess-Player\u2019s Handbook.= A Popular and Scientific\nIntroduction to the Game. With numerous Diagrams. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Chess Praxis.= A Supplement to the Chess-player\u2019s Handbook.\nContaining the most important modern improvements in the Openings; Code\nof Chess Laws; and a Selection of Morphy\u2019s Games. Annotated. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Chess-player\u2019s Companion.= Comprising a Treatise on Odds, Collection\nof Match Games, and a Selection of Original Problems. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Chess Tournament of 1851.= A Collection of Games played at this\ncelebrated assemblage. With Introduction and Notes. 5_s._\n\n=ST\u00d6CKHARDT\u2019S Experimental Chemistry.= A Handbook for the Study of the\nScience by simple experiments. Edited by C. W. Heaton, F.C.S. With\nnumerous Woodcuts. New Edition, revised throughout. 5_s._\n\n=STRABO\u2019S Geography.= Translated by W. Falconer, M.A., and H. C.\nHamilton. 3 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=STRICKLAND\u2019S (Agnes) Lives of the Queens of England=, from the Norman\nConquest. Revised Edition. With 6 Portraits. 6 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Life of Mary Queen of Scots.= 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Lives of the Tudor and Stuart Princesses.= With Portraits. 5_s._\n\n=STUART and REVETT\u2019S Antiquities of Athens=, and other Monuments\nof Greece; to which is added, a Glossary of Terms used in Grecian\nArchitecture. With 71 Plates engraved on Steel, and numerous Woodcut\nCapitals. 5_s._\n\n=SUETONIUS\u2019 Lives of the Twelve C\u00e6sars and Lives of the Grammarians.= The\ntranslation of Thomson, revised by T. Forester. 5_s._\n\n=SULLY. Memoirs of the Duke of=, Prime Minister to Henry the Great.\nTranslated from the French. With 4 Portraits. 4 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=SWIFT\u2019S Prose Works.= Edited by Temple Scott. With a Biographical\nIntroduction by the Right Hon. W. E. H. Lecky, M.P. With Portraits and\nFacsimiles. 11 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n  [_Vols. I.-IV. ready._\n\n  I.\u2014Edited by Temple Scott. With a Biographical Introduction by\n  the Right Hon. W. E. H. Lecky, M.P. Containing:\u2014A Tale of a Tub,\n  The Battle of the Books, and other early works.\n\n  II.\u2014The Journal to Stella. Edited by Frederick Ryland, M.A. With\n  2 Portraits of Stella, and a Facsimile of one of the Letters.\n\n  III. & IV.\u2014Writings on Religion and the Church. Edited by Temple\n  Scott.\n\n  V.\u2014Historical and Political Tracts (English). Edited by Temple\n  Scott.\n\n  VIII.\u2014Gulliver\u2019s Travels. Edited by G. R. Dennis. With Portrait\n  and Maps.\n\n    The order and contents of the remaining volumes will probably\n    be as follows:\u2014\n\n  VI. & VII.\u2014Historical and Political Tracts (Irish).\n\n  IX.\u2014Contributions to the \u2018Examiner,\u2019 \u2018Tatler,\u2019 \u2018Spectator,\u2019 &c.\n\n  X.\u2014Historical Writings.\n\n  XI.\u2014Literary Essays and Bibliography.\n\n=STOWE (Mrs. H. B.) Uncle Tom\u2019s Cabin=, or Life among the Lowly. With\nIntroductory Remarks by Rev. J. Sherman. With 8 full-page Illustrations.\n3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=TACITUS. The Works of.= Literally translated. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=TALES OF THE GENII=; or, the Delightful Lessons of Horam, the Son of\nAsmar. Translated from the Persian by Sir Charles Morell. Numerous\nWoodcuts and 12 Steel Engravings. 5_s._\n\n=TASSO\u2019S Jerusalem Delivered.= Translated into English Spenserian Verse\nby J. H. Wiffen. With 8 Engravings on Steel and 24 Woodcuts by Thurston.\n5_s._\n\n=TAYLOR\u2019S (Bishop Jeremy) Holy Living and Dying=, with Prayers containing\nthe Whole Duty of a Christian and the parts of Devotion fitted to all\nOccasions and furnished for all Necessities. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=TEN BRINK.=\u2014_See_ BRINK.\n\n=TERENCE and PH\u00c6DRUS.= Literally translated by H. T. Riley, M.A. To which\nis added, SMART\u2019S METRICAL VERSION OF PH\u00c6DRUS. 5_s._\n\n=THEOCRITUS, BION, MOSCHUS, and TYRT\u00c6US.= Literally translated by the\nRev. J. Banks, M.A. To which are appended the Metrical Versions of\nChapman. 5_s._\n\n=THEODORET and EVAGRIUS.= Histories of the Church from A.D. 332 to A.D.\n427; and from A.D. 431 to A.D. 544. Translated from the Greek. 5_s._\n\n=THIERRY\u2019S History of the Conquest of England by the Normans=; its\nCauses, and its Consequences in England, Scotland, Ireland, and the\nContinent. Translated by William Hazlitt. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=THUCYDIDES. The Peloponnesian War.= Literally translated by the Rev. H.\nDale. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 An Analysis and Summary of.= With Chronological Table of Events, &c.\nBy J. T. Wheeler. 5_s._\n\n=THUDICHUM (J. L. W.)= =A Treatise on Wines=: their Origin, Nature, and\nVarieties. With Practical Directions for Viticulture and Vinification. By\nJ. L. W. Thudichum, M.D., F.R.C.P. (Lond.). Illustrated. 5_s._\n\n=URE\u2019S (Dr. A.) Cotton Manufacture of Great Britain=, systematically\ninvestigated. Revised Edit. by P. L. Simmonds. With 150 original\nIllustrations. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Philosophy of Manufactures.= Revised Edition, by P. L. Simmonds. With\nnumerous Figures. Double volume. 7_s._ 6_d._\n\n=VASARI\u2019S Lives of the most Eminent Painters, Sculptors, and Architects.=\nTranslated by Mrs. J. Foster, with a Commentary by J. P. Richter, Ph.D. 6\nvols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=VIRGIL.= A Literal Prose Translation by A. Hamilton Bryce, LL.D.,\nF.R.S.E. With Portrait. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=VOLTAIRE\u2019S Tales.= Translated by R. B. Boswell. Vol. I., containing\nBebouc, Memnon, Candide, L\u2019Ing\u00e9nu, and other Tales. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=WALTON\u2019S Complete Angler=, or the Contemplative Man\u2019s Recreation, by\nIzaak Walton and Charles Cotton. Edited by Edward Jesse. To which is\nadded an account of Fishing Stations, Tackle, &c., by Henry G. Bohn. With\nPortrait and 203 Engravings on Wood and 26 Engravings on Steel. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Lives of Donne, Hooker, &c.= New Edition revised by A. H.\nBullen, with a Memoir of Izaak Walton by Wm. Dowling. With numerous\nIllustrations. 5_s._\n\n=WELLINGTON, Life of.= By \u2018An Old Soldier.\u2019 From the materials of\nMaxwell. With Index and 18 Steel Engravings. 5_s._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Victories of.= _See_ MAXWELL.\n\n=WERNER\u2019S Templars in Cyprus.= Translated by E. A. M. Lewis. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=WESTROPP (H. M.) A Handbook of Arch\u00e6ology, Egyptian, Greek, Etruscan,\nRoman.= By H. M. Westropp. 2nd Edition, revised. With very numerous\nIllustrations. 5_s._\n\n=WHITE\u2019S Natural History of Selborne=, with Observations on various Parts\nof Nature, and the Naturalists\u2019 Calendar. With Notes by Sir William\nJardine. Edited by Edward Jesse. With 40 Portraits and coloured Plates.\n5_s._\n\n=WHEATLEY\u2019S A Rational Illustration of the Book of Common Prayer.= 3_s._\n6_d._\n\n=WHEELER\u2019S Noted Names of Fiction, Dictionary of.= Including also\nFamiliar Pseudonyms, Surnames bestowed on Eminent Men, and Analogous\nPopular Appellations often referred to in Literature and Conversation. By\nW. A. Wheeler, M.A. 5_s._\n\n=WIESELER\u2019S Chronological Synopsis of the Four Gospels.= Translated by\nthe Rev. Canon Venables. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=WILLIAM of MALMESBURY\u2019S Chronicle of the Kings of England=, from the\nEarliest Period to the Reign of King Stephen. Translated by the Rev. J.\nSharpe. Edited by J. A. Giles, D.C.L. 5_s._\n\n=XENOPHON\u2019S Works.= Translated by the Rev. J. S. Watson, M.A., and the\nRev. H. Dale. In 3 vols. 5_s._ each.\n\n=YOUNG (Arthur). Travels in France during the years 1787, 1788, and\n1789.= Edited by M. Betham Edwards. 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=\u2014\u2014 Tour in Ireland=, with General Observations on the state of the\ncountry during the years 1776-79. Edited by A. W. Hutton. With Complete\nBibliography by J. P. Anderson, and Map. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.\n\n=YULE-TIDE STORIES.= A Collection of Scandinavian and North-German\nPopular Tales and Traditions, from the Swedish, Danish, and German.\nEdited by B. Thorpe. 5_s._\n\n\n\n\n_NEW AND FORTHCOMING VOLUMES OF BOHN\u2019S LIBRARIES._\n\n\n=THE PROSE WORKS OF JONATHAN SWIFT.= Edited by Temple Scott. With an\nIntroduction by the Right Hon. W. E. H. Lecky, M.P. In 11 volumes, 3_s._\n6_d._ each.\n\n  Vol. I.\u2014\u2018A Tale of a Tub,\u2019 \u2018The Battle of the Books,\u2019 and other\n  early works. Edited by Temple Scott. With Introduction by the\n  Right Hon. W. E. H. Lecky, M.P. Portrait and Facsimiles.\n\n  Vol. II.\u2014\u2018The Journal to Stella.\u2019 Edited by F. Ryland, M.A. With\n  a Facsimile Letter and two Portraits of Stella.\n\n  Vols. III. and IV.\u2014Writings on Religion and the Church. Edited by\n  Temple Scott. With portraits and facsimiles of title pages.\n\n  Vol. V.\u2014Historical and Political Tracts (English). Edited by\n  Temple Scott. With Portrait and Facsimiles.\n\n  Vol. VIII.\u2014Gulliver\u2019s Travels. Edited by G. R. Dennis. With the\n  original Maps and Illustrations.\n\n=THE LAY OF THE NIBELUNGS.= Metrically translated from the Old German\ntext by Alice Horton, and Edited by Edward Bell, M.A. With the Essay on\nthe Nibelungen Lied by Thomas Carlyle. 5_s._\n\n=GRAY\u2019S LETTERS.= Edited by the Rev. D. C. Tovey, M.A., author of \u2018Gray\nand his Friends,\u2019 &c., late Clark Lecturer at Trinity College, Cambridge.\nVol. I. [_Shortly._\n\n=CICERO\u2019S LETTERS.= The whole extant Correspondence. Translated by Evelyn\nS. Shuckburgh, M.A. In 4 vols. 5_s._ each. [_Vols. I. and II. ready._\n\n=THE ROMAN HISTORY OF APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA.= Translated by Horace White,\nM.A., LL.D. With Maps and Illustrations. 2 vols. 6_s._ each.\n\n=GASPARY\u2019S HISTORY OF ITALIAN LITERATURE.= Translated by Hermann Oelsner,\nM.A., Ph.D. Vol. I. [_In the press._\n\n=THE GREAT INDIAN EPICS.= The Stones of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata.\nBy John Campbell Oman, Principal of Khalsa College, Amritsar. With Notes,\nAppendices, and Illustrations. New Edition, revised, 3_s._ 6_d._\n\n=LELAND\u2019S ITINERARY.= Edited by Laurence Gomme, F.S.A. In several\nvolumes. [_Preparing._\n\n\n\n\nROYAL NAVY HANDBOOKS.\n\nEDITED BY COMMANDER C. N. ROBINSON, R.N.\n\nProfusely Illustrated. Crown 8vo. 5_s._ each.\n\n\n_Now Ready._\n\n1. NAVAL ADMINISTRATION. By Admiral Sir R. VESEY HAMILTON, G.C.B. With\nPortraits and other Illustrations.\n\n2. THE MECHANISM OF MEN-OF-WAR. By Fleet-Engineer REGINALD C. OLDKNOW,\nR.N. With 61 Illustrations.\n\n3. TORPEDOES AND TORPEDO-VESSELS. 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Our national\nliterature has certainly lacked much in this respect. Such books as have\nheretofore been produced have almost invariably been of a character too\nscientific and technical to be of much use to the general public. The\nseries now being issued is intended to obviate this defect, and when\ncompleted will form a description, both historical and actual, of the\nRoyal Navy, which will not only be of use to the professional student,\nbut also be of interest to all who are concerned in the maintenance and\nefficiency of the Navy.\u2019\u2014_Broad Arrow._\n\n\u2018The series of naval handbooks edited by Commander Robinson has made a\nmost hopeful beginning, and may be counted upon to supply the growing\npopular demand for information in regard to the Navy, on which the\nnational existence depends.\u2019\u2014_Times._\n\n\u2018Messrs. Bell\u2019s series of \u201cRoyal Navy Handbooks\u201d promises to be a very\nsuccessful enterprise. 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Allingham.\n\n=Chatterton.= Edited by the Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 2 vols.\n\n=Chaucer.= Edited by Dr. R. Morris, with Memoir by Sir H. Nicolas. 6 vols.\n\n=Churchill.= Edited by Jas. Hannay. 2 vols.\n\n*=Coleridge.= Edited by T. Ashe, B.A. 2 vols.\n\n=Collins.= Edited by W. Moy Thomas.\n\n=Cowper.= Edited by John Bruce, F.S.A. 3 vols.\n\n=Dryden.= Edited by the Rev. R. Hooper, M.A. 5 vols.\n\n=Falconer.= Edited by the Rev. J. Mitford.\n\n=Goldsmith.= Revised Edition by Austin Dobson. With Portrait.\n\n*=Gray.= Edited by J. Bradshaw, LL.D.\n\n=Herbert.= Edited by the Rev. A. B. Grosart.\n\n*=Herrick.= Edited by George Saintsbury. 2 vols.\n\n*=Keats.= Edited by the late Lord Houghton.\n\n=Kirke White.= Edited, with a Memoir, by Sir H. Nicolas.\n\n=Milton.= Edited by Dr. Bradshaw. 2 vols.\n\n=Parnell.= Edited by G. A. Aitken.\n\n=Pope.= Edited by G. R. Dennis. With Memoir by John Dennis. 3 vols.\n\n=Prior.= Edited by R. B. Johnson. 2 vols.\n\n=Raleigh and Wotton.= With Selections from the Writings of other COURTLY\nPOETS from 1540 to 1650. Edited by Ven. Archdeacon Hannah, D.C.L.\n\n=Rogers.= Edited by Edward Bell, M.A.\n\n=Scott.= Edited by John Dennis. 5 vols.\n\n=Shakespeare\u2019s Poems.= Edited by Rev. A. Dyce.\n\n=Shelley.= Edited by H. Buxton Forman. 5 vols.\n\n=Spenser.= Edited by J. Payne Collier. 5 vols.\n\n=Surrey.= Edited by J. Yeowell.\n\n=Swift.= Edited by the Rev. J. Mitford. 3 vols.\n\n=Thomson.= Edited by the Rev. D. C. Tovey. 2 vols.\n\n=Vaughan.= Sacred Poems and Pious Ejaculations. Edited by the Rev. H.\nLyte.\n\n=Wordsworth.= Edited by Prof. Dowden. 7 vols.\n\n=Wyatt.= Edited by J. Yeowell.\n\n=Young.= 2 vols. Edited by the Rev. J. 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(In Paper Cover, 6_d._)\n\n=Skating.= By DOUGLAS ADAMS. With a Chapter for Ladies, by Miss L.\nCHEETHAM, and a Chapter on Speed Skating, by a Fen Skater. Dbl. vol. 2_s._\n\n=Baseball.= By NEWTON CRANE.\n\n=Rounders, Fieldball, Bowls, Quoits, Curling, Skittles, &c.= By J. M.\nWALKER and C. C. MOTT.\n\n=Dancing.= By EDWARD SCOTT. Double vol. 2_s._\n\n\nTHE CLUB SERIES OF CARD AND TABLE GAMES.\n\n\u2018No well-regulated club or country house should be without this useful\nseries of books.\u2019\u2014_Globe._\n\nSmall 8vo. cloth, Illustrated. Price 1_s._ each.\n\n=Whist.= By Dr. WM. POLE, F.R.S.\n\n=Solo Whist.= By ROBERT F. GREEN.\n\n=Bridge.= BY ROBERT F. GREEN. [_In the press._\n\n=Billiards.= By Major-Gen. A. W. DRAYSON, F.R.A.S. With a Preface by W.\nJ. Peall.\n\n=Chess.= By ROBERT F. GREEN.\n\n=The Two-Move Chess Problem.= By B. G. LAWS.\n\n=Chess Openings.= By I. 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By PERCY ADDLESHAW, B.A. 2nd Edition, revised. 35 Illustrations.\n\nGLOUCESTER. By H. J. L. J. MASS\u00c9, M.A. 49 Illustrations.\n\nHEREFORD. By A. HUGH FISHER, A.R.E. 40 Illustrations.\n\nLICHFIELD. By A. B. CLIFTON. 42 Illustrations.\n\nLINCOLN. By A. F. KENDRICK, B.A. 2nd Edition, revised. 46 Illustrations.\n\nNORWICH. By C. H. B. QUENNELL. 38 Illustrations.\n\nOXFORD. By Rev. PERCY DEARMER, M.A. 2nd Edition, revised. 34\nIllustrations.\n\nPETERBOROUGH. By Rev. W. D. SWEETING. 2nd Edition, revised. 51\nIllustrations.\n\nROCHESTER. By G. H. PALMER, B.A. 2nd Edition, revised. 38 Illustrations.\n\nSALISBURY. By GLEESON WHITE. 2nd Edition, revised. 50 Illustrations.\n\nSOUTHWELL. By Rev. ARTHUR DIMOCK, M.A. 37 Illustrations.\n\nWELLS. By Rev. PERCY DEARMER, M.A. 43 Illustrations.\n\nWINCHESTER. By P. W. SERGEANT. 2nd Edition, revised. 50 Illustrations.\n\nYORK. By A. CLUTTON-BROCK, M.A. 41 Illustrations.\n\n\n_In the Press._\n\nCARLISLE. By C. K. ELEY.\n\nST. PAUL\u2019S. By Rev. ARTHUR DIMOCK, M.A.\n\nRIPON. By CECIL HALLETT, B.A.\n\nST. DAVID\u2019S. By PHILIP ROBSON, A.R.I.B.A.\n\nELY. By Rev. W. D. SWEETING, M.A.\n\nWORCESTER. By E. F. STRANGE.\n\nBRISTOL. By H. J. L. J. MASS\u00c9, M.A.\n\nST. ALBANS. By Rev. W. D. SWEETING.\n\nCHICHESTER. By H. C. CORLETTE, A.R.I.B.A.\n\nST. ASAPH and BANGOR. By P. B. IRONSIDE BAX.\n\nGLASGOW. By P. MACGREGOR CHALMERS, I.A., F.S.A.(Scot.).\n\n\n_Uniform with above Series. Now ready._\n\nST. MARTIN\u2019S CHURCH, CANTERBURY. By the Rev. CANON ROUTLEDGE.\n\nBEVERLEY MINSTER. By CHARLES HIATT.\n\nWIMBORNE MINSTER and CHRISTCHURCH PRIORY. By the Rev. T. PERKINS, M.A.\n\nTEWKESBURY ABBEY. By H. J. L. J. MASS\u00c9, M.A.\n\nWESTMINSTER ABBEY. By CHARLES HIATT.\n\n  \u2018The volumes are handy in size, moderate in price, well\n  illustrated, and written in a scholarly spirit. The history of\n  cathedral and city is intelligently set forth and accompanied\n  by a descriptive survey of the building in all its detail. The\n  illustrations are copious and well selected, and the series\n  bids fair to become an indispensable companion to the cathedral\n  tourist in England.\u2019\u2014_Times._\n\n  \u2018We have so frequently in these columns urged the want of cheap,\n  well-illustrated and well-written handbooks to our cathedrals,\n  to take the place of the out-of-date publications of local\n  booksellers, that we are glad to hear that they have been taken\n  in hand by Messrs. George Bell & Sons.\u2019\u2014_St. James\u2019s Gazette._\n\n\n\n\nWEBSTER\u2019S INTERNATIONAL DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE.\n\n_2118 Pages. 3500 Illustrations._\n\n\nPRICES:\n\nCloth, 1_l._ 11_s._ 6_d._; half calf, 2_l._ 2_s._; half russia, 2_l._\n5_s._; full calf, 2_l._ 8_s._; full russia, 2_l._ 12_s._; half morocco,\nwith Patent Marginal Index, 2_l._ 8_s._; full calf, with Marginal Index,\n2_l._ 12_s._ Also bound in 2 vols., cloth, 1_l._ 14_s._; half calf, 2_l._\n12_s._; half russia, 2_l._ 18_s._; full calf, 3_l._ 3_s._; full russia,\n3_l._ 15_s._\n\nThe Appendices comprise a Pronouncing Gazetteer of the World,\nVocabularies of Scripture, Greek, Latin, and English Proper Names, a\nDictionary of the Noted Names of Fiction, a Brief History of the English\nLanguage, a Dictionary of Foreign Quotations, Words, Phrases, Proverbs,\n&c., a Biographical Dictionary with 10,000 names, &c., &c.\n\n  \u2018We believe that, all things considered, this will be found to\n  be the best existing English dictionary in one volume. We do not\n  know of any work similar in size and price which can approach\n  it in completeness of a vocabulary, variety of information, and\n  general usefulness.\u2019\u2014_Guardian._\n\n  \u2018The most comprehensive and the most useful of its\n  kind.\u2019\u2014_National Observer._\n\n  \u2018We recommend the New Webster to every man of business, every\n  father of a family, every teacher, and almost every student\u2014to\n  everybody, in fact, who is likely to be posed at an unfamiliar or\n  half-understood word or phrase.\u2019\u2014_St. James\u2019s Gazette._\n\n_Prospectuses, with Specimen Pages, on Application._\n\nTHE ONLY AUTHORISED AND COMPLETE EDITION.\n\nLONDON: GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN.\n\nS. & S. 10.99.","title":"Letters from Egypt, Ethiopia, and the peninsula of Sinai","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":220979}