{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_7978/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_7978","id":"gutenberg_7978","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/7978","summary":null,"tags":["Anthropology","Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: History - Other","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Iroquois Indians","Native America","Tuscarora Indians"],"text":"Editorial note: This E-text attempts to re-create the original text as\n                closely as possible. As the author was writing in a\n                \"foreign\" language, expect grammar and spelling which\n                might seem more strange or mistaken than mere time or\n                preference can explain.\n\nThis E-text was prepared by Juliet Sutherland, Marlo Dianne, Charles Franks,\nand the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.\n\n\n\nLEGENDS, TRADITIONS, AND LAWS OF THE\n\nIROQUOIS, OR SIX NATIONS\n\nAND\n\nHISTORY OF THE TUSCARORA INDIANS\n\nBY\n\nELIAS JOHNSON,\n\nA NATIVE TUSCARORA CHIEF.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTION.\n\n\"A book about Indians!\"--who cares anything about them?\n\nThis will probably be the exclamation of many who glance on my little\npage. To those who know nothing concerning them, a whole book about\nIndians will seem a very prosy affair, to whom I can answer nothing, for\nthey will not proceed as far as my Preface to see what reasons I can\nrender for the seeming folly.\n\nBut to those who are willing to listen, I can say that the Indians are a\nvery interesting people, whether I have made an interesting book about\nthem or not.\n\nThe Antiquarian, the Historian, and the Scholar, have been a long time\nstudying Indian character, and have given plenty of information\nconcerning the Indian, but it is all in ponderous volumes for State and\nCollege libraries, and quite inaccessible to the multitude--those who\nonly take up such book as may be held in the hand, sitting by the\nfire,--still remain very ignorant of the Children of Nature who inhabited\nthe forests before the Saxon set his foot upon our shores.\n\nThere is also a great deal of prejudice, the consequence of this\nignorance, and the consequence of the representations of your forefathers\nwho were brought into contact with the Indians, under circumstances that\nmade it impossible to judge impartially and correctly.\n\nThe Histories which are in the schools, and from which the first\nimpressions are obtained, are still very deficient in what they relate of\nIndian History, and most of them are still filling the minds of children\nand youth, with imperfect ideas. I have read many of the Histories, and\nhave longed to see refuted the slanders, and blot out the dark pictures\nwhich the historians have wont to spread abroad concerning us. May I live\nto see the day when it may be done, for most deeply have I learned to\nblush for my people.\n\nI thought, at first, of only giving a series of Indian Biographies, but\nwithout some knowledge of the government and religion of the Iroquois,\nthe character of the Indians could not be understood or appreciated.\n\nI enter upon the task with much distrust. It is a difficult task at all\ntimes to speak and to write in foreign language, and I fear I shall not\nsucceed to the satisfaction of myself, or to my readers.\n\nMy title will not be so attractive to the American ears, as if it related\nto any other unknown people. A tour in Arabia, or Spain, or in India, or\nsome other foreign country, with far less important and interesting\nmaterial, would secure a greater number of readers, as we are always more\ncurious about things afar off.\n\nI might have covered many pages with \"Indian Atrocities,\" but these have\nbeen detailed in other histories, till they are familiar to every ear,\nand I had neither room nor inclination for even a glance at war and its\ndark records.\n\nTHE AUTHOR.\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE.\n\nTo animate a kinder feeling between the white people and the Indians,\nestablished by a truer knowledge of our civil and domestic life, and of\nour capabilities for future elevation, is the motive for which this work\nis founded.\n\nThe present Tuscarora Indians, the once powerful and gifted nation, after\ntheir expulsion from the South, came North, and were initiated in the\nconfederacy of the Iroquois, and who formerly held under their\njurisdiction the largest portion of the Eastern States, now dwell within\nyour bounds, as dependent nations, subject to the guardianship and\nsupervision of a people who displaced their forefathers. Our numbers, the\ncircumstances of our past history and present condition, and more\nespecially the relation in which we stand to the people of the State,\nsuggest many important questions concerning our future destiny.\n\nBeing born to an inauspicious fate, which makes us the _inheritors of\nmany wrongs_, we have been unable, of ourselves, to escape from the\ncomplicated difficulties which accelerate our decline. To make worse\nthese adverse influences, the public estimation of the Indian, resting,\nas it does, upon the imperfect knowledge of their character, and infused,\nas it ever has been, with the prejudice, is universally unjust.\n\nThe time has come in which it is no more than right to cast away all\nancient antipathies, all inherited opinions, and to take a nearer view of\nour social life, condition and wants, and to learn anew your duty\nconcerning the Indians. Nevertheless, the embarrassments that have\nobstructed our progress, in the obscurity which we have lived, and the\nprevailing indifference to our welfare, we have gradually overcame many\nof the evils inherent in our social system, and raised ourselves to a\ndegree of prosperity. Our present condition, if considered in connection\nwith the ordeal through which we have passed, shows that there is the\npresence of an element in our character which must eventually lead to\nimportant results.\n\nAs I do not profess that this work is based upon authorities, a question\nmight arise in the breast of some reader, where these materials were\nderived, or what reliance is to be placed upon its contents. The\ncredibility of a witness is known to depend chiefly upon his means of\nknowledge. For this reason, I deem it important to state, that I was born\nand brought up by Tuscarora Indian parents on their Reservation in the\nTown of Lewiston, N.Y. From my childhood up was naturally inquisitive and\ndelighted in thrilling stories, which led me to frequent the old people\nof my childhood's days, and solicited them to relate the old Legends and\ntheir Traditions, which they always delighted to do. I have sat by their\nfireside and heard them, and thus they were instilled upon my young mind.\nI also owe much of my information to our Chief, JOHN MT. PLEASANT. I have\nalso read much of Indian history, and compared them with our LEGENDS and\nTRADITIONS.\n\nTHE AUTHOR.\n\n\n\n\nTHE IROQUOIS.\n\n\nNATIONAL TRAITS OF CHARACTER.\n\nIn all the early histories of the American Colonies, in the stories of\nIndian life and the delineations of Indian character, these children of\nnature are represented as savages and barbarians, and in the mind of a\nlarge portion of the community the sentiment still prevails that they\nwere blood-thirsty, revengeful, and merciless, justly a terror to both\nfriends and foes. Children are impressed with the idea that an Indian is\nscarcely human, and as much to be feared as the most ferocious animal of\nthe forest.\n\nNovelists have now and then clothed a few with a garb which excites your\nimagination, but seldom has one been invested with qualities which you\nwould love, unless it were also said that through some captive taken in\ndistant war, he inherited a whiter skin and a paler blood.\n\nBut I am inclined to think that Indians are not alone in being\nsavage--not alone barbarous, heartless, and merciless.\n\nIt is said they were exterminating each other by aggressive and\ndevastating wars, before the white people came among them. But wars,\naggressive and exterminating wars, certainly, are not proofs of\nbarbarity. The bravest warrior was the most honored, and this has been\never true of Christian nations, and those who call themselves christians\nhave not yet ceased to look upon him who could plan most successfully the\nwholesale slaughter of human beings, as the most deserving his king's or\nhis country's laurels. How long since the pean died away in praise of the\nDuke of Wellington? What have been the wars in which all Europe, or of\nAmerica, has been engaged, That there has been no records of her history?\nFor what are civilized and christian nations drenching their fields with\nblood?\n\nIt is said the Indian was cruel to the captives, and inflicted\nunspeakable torture upon his enemy taken in battle. But from what we know\nof them, it is not to be inferred that Indian Chiefs were ever guilty of\nfilling dungeons with innocent victims, or slaughtering hundreds and\nthousands of their own people, whose only sin was a quiet dissent from\nsome religious dogma. Towards their enemies they were often relentless,\nand they had good reason to look upon the white man as their enemy. They\nslew them in battle, plotted against them secretly, and in a few\ninstances comparatively, subjected individuals to torture, burned them at\nthe stake, and, perhaps, flayed them alive. But who knows anything of the\nprecepts and practices of the Roman Catholic Christendom, and quote these\nthings as proofs of unmitigated barbarity.\n\nAt the very time that the Indians were using the tomahawk and scalping-\nknife to avenge their wrongs, peaceful citizens in every country of\nEurope, where the Pope was the man of authority, were incarcerated for no\ncrime whatever, and such refinement of torture invented and practiced, as\nnever entered in the heart of the fiercest Indian warrior that roamed the\nwilderness to inflict upon man or beast.\n\nWe know very little of the secrets of the inquisition, and this little\nchills our blood with horror. Yet these things were done in the name of\nChrist, the Savior of the World, the Prince of Peace, and not savage, but\ncivilized. Christian men looked on, not coldly, but rejoicingly, while\nwomen and children writhed in flames and weltered in blood. Were the\natrocities committed in the vale of Wyoming and Cherry Valley\nunprecedented among the Waldensian fastnesses and the mountains of\nAurvergne? Who has read Fox's book of Martyrs, and found anything to\nparallel it in all the records of Indian warfare? The slaughter of St.\nBartholomew's days, the destruction of the Jews in Spain, and the Scotch\nCovenanters, were in obedience to the mandates of Christian princes,--\naye, and some of them devised by Christian women who professed to be\nserving God, and to make the Bible the man of their counsel.\n\nIt is said also that the Indians were treacherous, and more, no\ncompliance with the conditions of any treaty, was ever to be trusted. But\nthe Puritan fathers cannot be wholly exonerated from the charge of\nfaithlessness; and who does not blush to talk of Indian traitors when he\nremembers the Spanish invasion and the fall of the princely and\nmagnanimous Montezuma?\n\nIndians believed in witches, and burned them, too. And did not the\nsainted Baxter, with the Bible in his hand, pronounce it right, and was\nnot the Indian permitted to be present, when the quiet unoffending woman\nwas cast into the fire, by the decree of a Puritan council?\n\nTo come down to the more decidedly Christian times, it is not so very\nlong since, in Protestant England, hanging was the punishment of a petty\nthief, long and hopeless imprisonment of a slight misdemeanor, when men\nwere set up to be stoned and spit upon by those who claimed the exclusive\nright to be called humane and merciful.\n\nAgain, it is said, the Indian mode of warfare is, without exception, the\nmost inhuman and revolting. But I do not know that those who die by the\nbarbed and poisoned arrow linger in any more unendurable torment than\nthose who are mangled with powder and lead balls, and the custom of\nscalping among Christian murderers would save thousands from groaning\ndays, and perhaps weeks, among heaps that cover victorious fields and\nfill hospitals with the wounded and dying. But scalping is not an\ninvention exclusively Indian. \"It claims,\" says Prescott, \"high\nauthority, or, at least, antiquity.\" And, further history, Herodotus,\ngives an account of it among the Scythians, showing that they performed\nthe operation, and wore the scalp of their enemies taken in battle, as\ntrophies, in the same manner as the North American Indian. Traces of the\ncustom are also found in the laws of the Visigaths, among the Franks, and\neven the Anglo Saxons. The Northern Indians did not scalp, but they had a\nsystem of slavery, of which there are no traces to be found among the\ncustoms, laws, or legends of the Iroquois.\n\nAgain, it is said, \"They carried away women and children captive, and in\ntheir long journey through the wilderness, they were subjected to\nheartrending trials.\"\n\nThe wars of Christian men throw hundreds and thousands of women and\nchildren helpless upon the cold world, to toil, to beg, and to starve.\n\nThis is not so bright a picture as is usually given of people who have\nwritten laws and have stores of learning, but people cannot see in any\nplace that the coloring is too dark! There is no danger of painting\nIndians so they will become attractive to the civilized people.\n\nThere is a bright and pleasing side to the Indian character, and thinking\nthat there has been enough written of their wars and cruelties, of the\nhunter's and fisherman's life, I have sat down at their fireside,\nlistened to their legends, and am acquainted with their domestic habits,\nunderstand their finer feelings and the truly noble traits of their\ncharacter.\n\nIt is so long now since they were the lords of this country, and\nformidable as your enemies, and they are so utterly wasted away and\nmelted like snow under the meridian sun, and helpless, that you can sit\ndown and afford to listen to the truth, and to believe that even your\nenemies had their virtues. Man was created in the image of God, and it\ncannot be that anything human is utterly vile and contemptible.\n\nThose who have thought of Indians as roaming about in the forests hunting\nand fishing, or at war, will laugh, perhaps, at the idea of Indian homes,\nand domestic happiness. Yet there are no people of which we have any\nknowledge, among whom, in their primitive state, family ties and\nrelationship were more distinctly defined, or more religiously respected\nthan the Iroquois.\n\nThe treatment which they received from the white people, whom they always\nconsidered as intruders, aroused, and kept in exercise all their\nferocious passions, so that none except those who associated with them as\nmissionaries, or as captives, saw them in their true character, as they\nwere to each other.\n\nAlmost any portrait that we see of an Indian, he is represented with\ntomahawk and scalping knife in hand, as if they possessed no other but a\nbarbarous nature. Christian nations might with equal justice be always\nrepresented with cannon and balls, swords and pistols, as the emblems of\ntheir employment and their prevailing tastes.\n\nThe details of war are from far to great a portion of every History of\ncivilized and barbarous nations, to conquer and to slay has been to long\nthe glory of the christian people; he who has been most successful in\nsubjugating and oppressing, in mowing down human beings, has too long\nwore the laural crown, been too long an object for the admiration of men\nand the love of women.\n\nIt seems you might be weary of the pomp and circumstance of war, of\nprincely banquets, and gay cavalcades. The time and space you bestow upon\nKing and courts, and the homage you pay to empty titles, are unworthy\nyour professed republican spirit and preferences, let us turn aside from\nthe war path, and sit down by the hearth-stone of peace.\n\nIn the picture which I have given, I have confined myself principally to\nthe Iroquois, or Six Nations, a people who no more deserve the term\nsavage, than the whites do that of heathen, because they have still\nlingering among them heathen superstitions, and many opinions and\npractices which deserves no better name.\n\nThe cannibals of some of the west Indies Islands, and the Islands of the\nPacific, may with justice be termed savage, but a people like the\nIroquois who had a goverment, established offices, a system of religion\neminently pure and Spiritual, a code of honor and laws of hospitality,\nexcelling those of all other nations, should be considered something\nbetter than savage, or utterly barbarous.\n\nThe terrible torture they inflicted upon their enemies, have made their\nname a terror, and yet there were not so many burnt, hung, and starved by\nthem, as perished among Christian nations by these means. The miseries\nthey inflicted were light, in comparison, with those they suffered. If\nindividuals should have come among you to expose the barbarities of\nsavage white men, the deeds they relate would quite equal anything known\nof Indian cruelty. The picture an Indian gives of civilized barbarism\nleaves the revolting custom of the wilderness quite in the back-ground.\nYou experienced their revenge when you had put their souls and bodies at\na stake, with your fire-water that maddened their brains. There was a\npure and beautiful spirituality in their faith, and their conduct was\nmuch more influenced by it, as are any people, Christian or Pagan.\n\nIs there anything more barbaric in the annals of Indian warfare, than the\nnarrative of the Pequod Indians? In one place we read of the surprise of\nan Indian fort by night, when the inmates were slumbering, unconscious of\nany danger. When they awoke they were wrapped in flames, and when they\nAttempted to flee, were shot down like beasts. From village to village,\nfrom wigwam to wigwam, the murderers proceeded, \"being resolved,\" as your\nhistorian piously remarks, \"by God's assistance, to make a final\ndestruction of them,\" until finally a small but gallant band took refuge\nin a swamp. Burning with indignation, and made sullen by dispair, with\nhearts bursting with grief at the destruction of their nation, and\nspirits galled and sore at the fancied ignominy of their defeat, they\nrefused to ask life at the hands of an insulting foe, and preferred death\nto submission. As the night drew on, they were surrounded in their dismal\nretreat, volleys of musketry poured into their midst, until nearly all\nwere killed or buried in the mire. In the darkness of a thick fog which\npreceded the dawn of day, a few broke through the ranks of the beseigers\nand escaped to the woods.\n\nAgain, the same historian tells us that the few that remained, \"stood\nlike sullen dogs to be killed rather than to implore mercy, and the\nsoldiers on entering the swamp, found many sitting together in groups,\nwhen they approached, and resting their guns on the boughs of trees,\nwithin a few yards of them, literally filled their bodies with bullets.\"\nBut they were Indians, and it was pronounnced a pious work. But when the\nGauls invaded Italy, and the Roman Senators, in their purple robes and\nchairs of State, sat unmoved in the presence of barbarian conquerors,\ndisdaining to flee, and equally disdaining to supplicate for mercy, it\nis applauded as noble, as dying like statesmen and philosophers. But the\nIndians with far more to lose and infinitely greater provocation, sits\nupon his mother earth upon the green mound, beneath the canopy of Heaven,\nand refuses to ask mercy of civilized fiends, he is stigmatized as dogs,\nspiritless, and sullen. What a different name has greatness, clothed in\nthe garb of christian princes and sitting beneath spacious domes, gorgeous\nwith men's device, and the greatness, in the simple garb of nature,\ndestitute and alone in the wilderness.\n\nThere is nothing in the character of Alexander of Macedon who \"conquered\nthe world, and wept that he had no more to conquer,\" to compare with the\nnoble qualities of king Philip of Mt. Hope, and among his warriors are a\nlong list of brave men unrivalled in deeds of heroism, by any of ancient\nor modern story. But in what country, and by whom were they hunted,\ntortured, and slain, and who was it that met together to rejoice and give\nthanks at every species of cruelty inflicted upon those who were fighting\nfor their wives, their children, their homes, their altars and their God.\nWhen it is recorded that \"men, women and children, indiscriminately, were\nhewn down and lay in heaps upon the snow,\" it is spoken of as doing God's\nservice, because they were nominally heathen. \"Before the fight was\nfinished, the wigwams were set on fire, and into those, hundreds of\ninnocent women and children had crowded themselves, and perished in the\ngeneral conflagration.\" And for those thanksgivings were sent up to\nheaven, the head of Philip is strung upon a pole, and exposed to the\npublic. But this was not done by savage warriors, and the crowd that\nhuzzaed at the revolting spectacle, assembled on the Sabbath day, in a\nPuritan church, to listen to the Gospel that proclaims peace and love to\nall men. His body was literally cut in slices to be distributed among the\nconquerors, and a christian city rings with acclamation.\n\nIn speaking of this bloody contest, one who is most eminent among the\nfathers, says: \"Nor could they cease praying unto the Lord against\nPhilip, until they had prayed the bullet through his heart.\" \"Two and\ntwenty Indian captives were slain, and brought down to hell in one day.\"\n\"A bullet took him in the head, and sent his cursed soul in a moment\namongst the devils and blasphemers in hell forever.\"\n\nMasasoit, the father of Philip, was the true friend to the English, and\nwhen he was about to die, took his two sons, Alexander and Philip, and\nfondly commended them to the kindness of the new settlers, praying them\nthe same peace and good will might be between them, that had existed\nbetween him and his white friends. Upon mere suspicion only a short time\nafterwards, the elder, who succeeded his father as ruler, among his\npeople, was hunted in his forest home, and dragged before the court, the\nnature and object of which he could not understand. But the indignity\nwhich was offered him, and the treachery of those who insulted him, so\nchafed his proud spirit that a fever was the consequence, of which he\ndied. And that is not all. The son and wife of Philip were sold into\nslavery, (as were also about eight hundred persons of the Tuscaroras, and\nalso many others of the Indians that were taken captive during the\nColonial wars.) \"Yes,\" says a distinguished orator, (Everett,) \"they were\nsold into slavery, West Indian slavery. An Indian princess and her child,\nsold from the cold breezes of Mount Hope, from a wild freedom of New\nEngland forest, to drop under the lash, beneath the blazing sun of the\ntropics.\"\n\nBitter as death, aye, bitter as hell! Is there anything--I do not think\nin the range of humanity--is there any animal that would not struggle\nagainst this? Nor is this indeed all. A kinswoman of theirs, a Princess\nin her own right, Wetamore Pocasset, was pursued and harrassed till she\nfell exhausted in the wilderness, and died of cold and starvation. There\nshe was found by men professing to be shocked at Indian barbarity, her\nhead severed from her body, and carried bleeding upon a pole to be\nexposed in the public highways of the country, ruled by men who have been\nhonored as saints and martyrs.\n\n\"Let me die among my kindred,\" \"Bury me with my fathers,\" is the prayer\nof every Indian's heart; and the most delicate and reverential kindness\nin the treatment of the bodies of the dead, was considered a religious\nduty. There was nothing in all their customs that indicated a barbarism\nso gross and revolting as these acts, which are recorded by New England\nhistorians without a censure, while the Indian's protests in his grief at\nseeing his kindred dishonored and his religion reviled, are stigmatized\nas savage and fiendish.\n\nIf all, or even a few who ministered among them in holy things, had been\nlike Eliot, who is called \"the Apostle to the Indians,\" and deserved to\nbe ranked with the Apostle of old, or Kirkland, who is endeared to the\nmemory of every Iroquois who heard his name, it could not have become a\nproverb or a truth that civilization and christianity wasted them away.\n\nThey were, not by one, but many, unscrupulously called \"dogs, wolves,\nbloodhounds, demons, devils incarnate, hellhounds, fiends, monsters,\nbeasts,\" always considering them inferior beings, and scarcely allowing\nthem to be human, yet one, who was at that time a captive among them,\nrepresents them as \"kind and loving and generous;\" and concerning this\nsame monster--Philip--records nothing that should have condemned him in\nthe eyes of those who believed in wars aggressive and defensive, and\nawarded honors to heroes and martyrs and conquerors.\n\nBy the Governor of Jamestown a hand was severed from the arm of a\npeaceful, unoffending Indian, that he might be sent back a terror to his\npeople; and through the magnanimity of a daughter and king of that same\npeople, that colony was saved from destruction. It was through their love\nand trust alone that Powhatan and Pocahontas lost their forest dominions.\n\nHospitality was one of the Indians' distinguishing virtues, and there was\nno such thing among them as individual starvation or want. As long as\nthere was a cup of soup, it was divided. If a friend or a stranger made a\ncall he was welcome to all their wigwams would furnish, and to offer him\nfood was not merely a custom, for it was a breach of politeness for him\nto refuse to eat however full he might be.\n\nBecause their system not being like the white people's, it does not\nfollow that it was not a system. You might have looked into the wigwam or\nlodge and thought everything in confusion, while to the occupants, there\nwas a place for everything, and everything in its place: each had a couch\nwhich answered for bed by night and seat by day. The ceremonies at their\nfestivals were as regular as in the churches, their rules of war as well\ndefined as those of christian nations, and in their games and athletic\nsports there was a code of honor which it was disgraceful to violate:\ntheir marriage vows were as well understood, and courtesy as formally\npracticed at their dances.\n\nThe nature of the Indian is in all respects like the nature of any other\nnation; placed in the same circumstances, he exhibits the same passions\nand vices. But in his forest home there was not the same temptation to\ngreat crimes, or what is termed the lesser ones, that of slander,\nscandal, and gossip, as exists among civilized nations.\n\nThey knew nothing of the desire of gain, and therefore were not made\nselfish by the love of hoarding; and there was no temptation to steal,\nwhere they had everything in common, and their reverence for truth and\nfidelity to promises, may well put all the nations of christendom to\nshame.\n\nI have written in somewhat of the spirit which will characterize a\nHistory, by an Indian, yet it does not deserve to be called Indian\npartiality, but only justice and the spirit of humanity; or, if I may be\nallowed to say it, the spirit with which any christian should be able to\nconsider the character and deeds of his foe. I would not detract from the\nvirtues of your forefathers. They were at that time unrivalled, but\nbigotry and superstition of the dark ages still lingered among them, and\ntheir own perils blinded them to the wickedness and cruelty of the means\nthey took for defence.\n\nFour, and perhaps two centuries hence, I doubt not, some of your dogmas\nwill seem unchristian, as the Indians seem to you, and I truly hope, ere\nthen, all wars will seem as barbarous, and the fantastic dress of the\nsoldiers as ridiculous, as you have been in the habit of representing the\nwars and the wild drapery of the Indians of the forest.\n\nHow long were the Saxon and Celt in becoming a civilized and Christian\npeople? How long since the helmet, the coat of mail, and the battle axe,\nwere laid aside?\n\nTo make himself more terrific, the Briton of the days of Henry II drew\nthe skin of a wild beast over his armor with the head and ears standing\nupright, and mounted his war-horse to go forth crying, \"To arms! Death to\nthe invader!\" The paint and the Eagle plume of the Indian warrior were\nscarcely a more barbarous invention, nor his war-cry more terrible.\n\nIt is not just to compare the Indian of the fifteenth, with the christian\nof the fifteenth century. But compare them with the barbarian of Britain,\nof Russia, of Lapland, and Tartary, and represent them as truly as these\nnations have been represented, and they will not suffer by the\ncomparison.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\n\n\nCAPTIVE'S LIFE AMONG INDIANS.\n\n\nILLUSTRATED BY THE LIFE OF THE \"WHITE WOMAN.\"\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nTo be taken captive by the Indians, was, among the early colonists,\nconsidered the most terrible of all calamities, and it was indeed a\nfearful thing to become the victim of their revenge. But those who were\nenduring the actual sufferings of captivity, or suffering still more from\nterror of uncertain evils, thought little of the provocation given by the\nwhite people. The innocent suffered for the guilty, and however\npersevering--I suppose the efforts of the government to be just--in its\ninfancy, in a wild unknown country it was impossible to control\nunprincipled marauders. Some atrocious act was first committed by white\nmen, which drove the Indian to retaliation, and thinking pale faces were\nall alike, he did not wait till the real offender fell into his hands.\n\nWhen the white men first came, the Indian looked upon them as superior\nbeings. They were ready to worship Columbus and his little party, and all\nothers along the coast, until their simple trust was outraged beyond\nendurance, they welcomed the strangers, gave them food when they were\nhungry, and sheltered them when they were cold. It was not till their\nencroachments became alarming, that the Indians asserted their rights,\nand if in all cases they had been as justly and kindly dealt with as by\nthe Quakers of Pennsylvania, there would not have been so dark a record\nof sins, wrongs and tortures. If none but men of principle had made\ntreaties with them, and all whose duty it was to observe them, had kept\ntheir faith, revenge had not come out so prominently in Indian character.\n\nBut it was not in obedience to national policy that those who were taken\nin battle, were put to the torture, burned, and flayed. The Six Nations\nhad never found it necessary to build prisons, and dig dungeons for their\nown people. If any man committed murder, they sometimes decided that he\nshould die, and sometimes bade him flee far away where none who knew him\ncould look upon his face. But crimes were so rare that they had no\ncriminal code, and when they overcame their enemies, they either adopted\nthem and treated them as brethren, or put them immediately to death.\n\nWhite people have often put Indians to death, and oftener put them in\ndungeons to waste and starve, but it was not part of their practice to\nadopt them and call them brethren. Had they sometimes done this, or sent\nthem freely back to their friends unharmed, they might have conciliated\nwhere they were only made more desperate.\n\nWhen families are bereaved, they sought to be revenged on those who had\nbereaved them, and when warriors returned from battle, the prisoners were\ngiven up to the friends of the afflicted. With them alone it remained to\ndecide the fate of those who fell into their hands. If they chose, they\nadopt them in place of the husbands, or brothers, who were slain; and if\nthey so decided they were put to death, and in any way they decreed. If\nthe manner in which their friend had been killed was aggravating and\ngreatly enraged them, they were very likely to decide upon torture, and\ninflicted it in a manner to produce the greatest suffering. But in such\ncases, they sometimes showed great magnanimity, and \"returned good for\nevil.\"\n\nChildren were often adopted, and by a solemn ceremony received into a\nparticular tribe, and evermore treated as one of their own people. You\nhave been in the habit of listening to heart-rending stories of cruelties\nto captives, but captives who were adopted were never cruelly treated.\nThose who were immediately put to death experienced great suffering for a\nfew hours, and those who were preserved were subjected to hardships which\nseemed to them unspeakable, but they were such as are necessarily\nincident to Indian life. They left no written chronicles to tell to all\nfuture generations the wrongs and tortures to which they were subjected,\nbut one who sits with them by their firesides, may have his blood frozen\nwith horror at the recitals of civilized barbarity.\n\nAnd there was one species of wrong of which no captive woman of any\nnation had to complain when she was thrown upon the tender mercies of\nIndian warriors. Not among all the dark and terrible records which their\nenemies have delighted to magnify, is there a single instance of the\noutrage of that delicacy which a pure minded woman cherishes at the\nexpense of life, and sacrifices not to any species of mere animal\nsuffering. Of what other nation can it thus be written, that their\nsoldiers were not more terrible at the firesides of their enemies than on\nthe battle-field, with all the fierce engines of war at their command. To\nwhatever motive it is to be ascribed, let this at least stand out on the\npages of Indian history as an ever enduring monument to their honor.\n\nA little book which professes to have been written for the sole purpose\nof recording and perpetuating Indian atrocities, and dwells upon them\nwith infinite delight, alludes to this redeeming trait in Indian\ncharacter, but attempts to ascribe it to the influence of superstition,\nas it were necessary to find some evil or deteriorating motive for\neverything noble, or pleasing in Indian character. Their treatment of\ncaptives from among Indian nations were the same. And I know not that\nthere has been any satisfactory solution of a characteristic which has\nbeen found among only one other civilized christian or barbarous nation.\nA wanderer among the Indian tribes once asked an Indian why they thus\nhonored their women, and he said \"The Great Spirit taught, and would\npunish us if we did not.\" Among the Germans I believed there existed the\nsame respect for woman, till they became civilized. They may have been\nsome superstitious fears mingled with a strong governing and controlling\nprinciple, but it is not on this account the less marvelous that whole\nnations, consisting of millions, should have been so trained, religiously\nor domestically, that degree of beauty or fascination placed under their\ncare, though hundreds of miles in the solitudes of the wilderness, should\nhave tempted them from the strictest honor and the most delicate\nkindness. MARY JANISON was eighty years a resident among the Senecas, and\nin the early part of the time the forests had few clearings, and the\ncomforts and the vices of white men prevailed but little among them. She\nwas born on the ocean, with the billowy sea for her cradle, and the\ntempest for her lullaby. Her parents emigrated from England to this\ncountry in 1742, and settled in the unfortunate vale of Wyoming, where\ndate her first remembrances, which were all the woes that fell upon her\nfamily, the wail of the sorrow-stricken and breaking of heart-strings.\nThe last meal they took together was a breakfast, after which the father\nand eldest three sons went into the field, and Mary with the other\nlittle children was playing not far from the house. They were suddenly\nstartled by a shriek, and knew it must be from their mother. On running\nin they saw her in the hands of two Indians, who were holding her fast. A\nlittle boy ran to call his father, and found him also bound by another of\nthe party, and his eldest brother lying dead upon the earth; the other\ntwo fled to Virginia, where they had an uncle, as Mary afterward learned,\nand those who remained were made captives and hurried into the woods. All\nday they were obliged to march in single file over the rough, cold soil.\nNight found them in the heart of the wilderness, surrounded by their\nstrange captors, and all the horrors of Indian life or Indian death\nstaring them in the face. They had no hope of mercy, whether permitted to\nlive or condemned to die. The mother said to Mary, \"My daughter, you, I\nthink will be permitted to live, but they will deprive you of your father\nand mother, and perhaps of your brothers and sisters, so that you will be\nalone. But endeavor in all things to please the Indians, and they will be\nmore kind to you. Do not forget your own language, and never fail to\nrepeat your catechism and the Lord's prayer every morning and evening\nwhile you live.\" This she promised to do, and having kissed her child,\nthe mother was removed from her sight.\n\nMary must at this time have been ten years of age. She was afterwards\ntold, when she could understand the Indian language, that they would not\nhave killed her parents if the captors had not been pursued, and that a\nlittle boy, who was the son of a neighbor, and was also taken, was given\nto the French, two of whom were of the party.\n\nIn the marches of the Indians it was the custom for one to linger behind,\nand poke up the grass with a stick after a party had passed along, to\nconceal all traces of their footsteps, so a pursuit was seldom\nsuccessful. In deviating from a direct course in order not to get lost,\nthey noticed the moss upon the trees, which always grows thickest upon\nthe north side, as the south side being most exposed to the sun, became\nsoonest dry. They also had some knowledge of the stars, and knew from the\nposition of certain clusters that were to be seen at certain seasons,\nwhich was east and which west.\n\nMary was adopted in place of two brothers who had fallen in battle, and\nfor whom the lamentations had not died away. The ceremony of adoption is\nvery solemn, requiring the deliberations of a council and the formal\nbestowing of a name, as a sort of baptism, from which time the captive is\nnot allowed to speak any other language but the Indian, and must in all\nthings conform to Indian habits and tastes.\n\nIt is customary among them to give children a name which corresponds with\nthe sports and dependence of childhood, and when they arrive at maturity\nto change it for one that corresponds with the duties and employments of\nmanhood and womanhood. The first name is given by the relatives and\nafterwards publicly announced in council. The second is bestowed in the\nsame way; and by this they are ever afterward called, except on becoming\na Sachem, and, sometimes, on becoming a Chief or warrior another name is\ntaken, and each denotes definitely the new position. Each clan, too, had\nits peculiar names, so that when a person's name was mentioned it was\nimmediately known to what clan he belonged.\n\nA curious feature in the Indian code of etiquette is that it is\nexceedingly impolite to ask a person's name, or to speak it in his\npresence. In the social circle and all private conversation the person\nspoken of is described if it is necessary to allude to him, as the person\nwho sits there, or who lives in that house, or wears such a dress. If I\nask a woman, whose husband is present if that is Mr. B-- she blushes, and\nstammers, and replies, \"He is my child's father,\" in order to avoid\nspeaking his name in his presence, which would offend him. On asking a\nman his name he remained silent, not understanding the reason the\nquestion was repeated, when he indignantly replied, \"Do you think that I\nam an owl to go about hooting my name everywhere?\" The name of the owl in\nIndian corresponding exactly to the note he utters.\n\nWhen Mary Jemmison had been formally named De-he-wa-mis, they called her\ndaughter and sister, and treated her in all respects as if she had been\nborn among them and the same blood flowed in her veins, or rather, they\nwere accustomed to be more kind to captives than to their own children,\nbecause they had not been inured to the same hardships. There was no\ndifference in the cares bestowed, no allusion was ever made to the child\nas if it belonged to a hated race, and it never felt the want of\naffection.\n\nMary said her tasks were always light, and everything was done to win her\nlove and make her happy. She now and then longed for the comforts of her\ncottage home, and wept at the thought of her mother's cruel death, but\ngradually learned to love the freedom of the forest, and to gambol freely\nand gaily with her Indian play-mates. When she was named they threw her\ndress away, and clothed her in deer skins and moccasins, and painted her\nface in true Indian style. She never spoke English in their presence, as\nthey did not allow it, but when alone, did not forget her mother's\ninjunction, and repeated her prayers and all the words she could\nremember, thus retaining enough of the language to enable her easily to\nrecall it when she should again return to civilized society, as she\nconstantly indulged the hope of doing, by an exchange of captives.\n\nBut when she was fourteen years of age, her mother selected for her a\nhusband, to whom she was married according to Indian custom. His name was\nSheningee, and though she was not acquainted with him previously, and of\ncourse had no affection for him, but proved not only an amiable and\nexcellent man but a congenial companion, whom she loved devotedly. He had\nall the noble qualities of an Indian, being handsome and brave, and\ngenerous, and kind, and to her very gentle and affectionate.\n\nNow she became thoroughly reconciled to Indian life, her greatest sorrow\nbeing the necessary absence of her husband on the war-path and hunting\nexcursions. She followed the occupation of a woman, tilled the fields,\ndressed the meats and skins, and gathered the fuel for the winter's fire,\nand although this seems to the whites as unfeminine labor, it was\nperformed at their leisure, and occupied very little of their time.\n\nWhen the hunters returned they were weary and passive, and seldom were\nguilty of fault-finding, and so well did an Indian woman know her duty,\nthat her husband was not obliged to make his wants known. Obedience was\nrequired in all respects, and where there was harmony and affection,\ncheerfully yielded, and knowing as they did that separation would be the\nconsequence of neglect of duty and unkindness, there was really more\nself-control, and about little things, than those who are bound for\nlife. They did not agree to live together through good and through evil\nreports, but only while they loved and confided in each other, and they\nwere therefore careful not to throw lightly away this love and affection.\n\nThe labor of the field was performed in so systematic a manner, and by so\nthorough and wisely divisioned labor, that there were none of the\njealousies and enjoyings which exist among those who wish to hoard, and\nambitious to excel in style and equipage. And before the fire-water came\namong them, dissentions of any kind were almost unknown. This has been\nthe fruitful source of all their woes. It was not till Mary became a\nmother that she gave up all longing for civilized society, and\nrelinquished all hope of again returning to the abodes of the white man.\nNow she had a tie to bind her which could not be broken. If she should\nfind her white friends they would not recognize her Indian husband, or\nconsider her lawfully married: they would not care to be connected by\nties of blood to a people whom they despised: her child would not be\nhappy among those who looked upon her as inferior, and she herself had no\neducation to fit her for the companionship of the white people. She\nlooked upon her little daughter and thought, it is Sheningee's--it is\ndearer to me than all things else--I could not endure to see her treated\nwith aversion or neglect.\n\nBut only a little while was she permitted this happiness, her daughter\ndied while yet an infant, and when Sheningee was away. Again the feeling\nof desolation came over her young spirit, but all around her ministered\nin every way to her comfort, and became more than ever endeared to her\nheart. After a long absence. Sheningee returned. She afterwards had a\nson, and named him after her father, to which no objection was made by\nher Indian friends, and her love for her husband became idolatry. In her\neyes he seemed everything noble and good: she mourned his departure and\nlonged for his return, for his affection prompted him to treat her with\ngentle and winning kindness which is the spirit of true love alone.\n\nBut again the separation, and she must pass another winter alone. For\nhunting was the Indian's toil, and though they delighted in it, the pangs\nof parting from his wife and little one, made it a sacrifice, and spread\na dark cloud over a long period of his life. And now it became dark\nindeed to Mary, for she waited long and Sheningee came not. She put\neverything in order in his little dwelling. She dressed new skins for his\ncouch, and smoked venison to please his taste. She made the fire bright\nto welcome him, hoping every evening when she lay down with her baby upon\nher bosom, that ere the morning sun the husband and father would gladden\nthem by his smiles, but in vain; winter had passed away, and the spring,\nand then came the sad tidings that he was dead, she became a widow and\nher child fatherless.\n\nVery long did she mourn Sheningee, for it seemed to her there was none\nlike him. But again the sympathies of his people created a new link to\nbind her to them, and she said she could not have loved a mother or\nsisters more dearly than she did those who stood in this relationship to\nher, and soothed her with their loving words.\n\nNot for four years was she again urged to marry, and during this time\nthere was an exchange of prisoners and she had an opportunity to return\nto her kindred; she was left to do as she chose. They told her she might\ngo, but if she preferred to remain she should still be their daughter and\nsister, and they would give her land for her own where she might always\ndwell. Again she thought of the prejudice she would everywhere meet, and\nthat she could never patiently listen to reproaches concerning her\nhusband's people. It would not be believed that he was noble, because he\nwas an Indian; and she would have no near relatives and those she had\nmight reject her if she should seek them, so she came to the final\nconclusion and never more sighed for the advantages or pleasures of\ncivilized life. She came with the brothers of Sheningee to the banks of\nthe Genesee, where she resided the remaining seventy-two years of her\nlife.\n\nHer second husband--Hiokatoo--she never learned to love. He was a Chief\nand a warrior brave and fearless; but though he was always kind to her,\nhe was a man of blood. He delighted in deeds of cruelty and delighted to\nrelate them. And now the fire water had become common, and the good were\nbad and the bad worse, so that dissensions arose in families and in\nneighborhoods, and the happiness which had been almost without alloy was\nno longer known among these simple people.\n\nShe adds her testimony to that of all travelers and historians concerning\nthe purity of their lives, having never herself received the slightest\ninsult from an Indian and scarcely knowing an instance of infidelity or\nimmorality. But when once they had tasted of the maddening draught the\nthirst was insatiable, and all they had would be given for a glass of\nsomething to destroy their reason. Now they were indeed converted into\nfiends and furies and sold themselves to swift destruction.\n\nHiokatoo hesitated at no crime and took pleasure in everything dark and\nterrible, but this was a small trial compared to those which Mrs.\nJemmison was called upon to endure from the intoxication and recklessness\nof her son. Her eldest, the son of Sheningee, was murdered by John, the\nson of Hiokatoo, who afterward murdered his own brother Jesse, and came\nto the same violent death himself at the hands of others. When they came\nto be in the midst of temptation there was no restraining principle, and,\neven after they grew up her house was the scene of quarrels and confusion\nin consequence of their intemperance, and she knew no rest from fear of\nsome calamity from the indulgence of their unbridled passions. The Chief\nof the Seneca nation, to which her second husband belonged, gave her a\nlarge tract of land, and when it became necessary that it should be\nsecured to her by treaty, she plead her own case. The commissioners\nwithout inquiring particularly concerning the dimensions of her lots,\nallowed her to make her own boundaries, and when the document was signed\nand she was in firm possession it was found that she was the owner of\nnearly four thousand acres, of which only a deed in her own hand-writing\ncould deprive her. But though she was rich she toiled not the less\ndilligently and forsook not the sphere of woman in attending to the ways\nof her household, and also, true to her Indian education, she planted and\nhoed and harvested, retaining her Indian dress and habits till the day of\nher death. During the revolutionary war her house was made the rendevous\nand headquarters of British officers and Indian Chiefs, as her sympathies\nwere entirely with her red brethren, and the cause they espoused was the\none she preferred to aid. It was in her power to sympathize with many a\nlone captive, she always remembered her own anguish at the prospect of\nspending her life in the wilderness. The companion of Indians, and though\nshe had learned to love instead of fearing them, and knew they were, as a\npeople, deserving of respect and the highest honor, she understood the\nfeelings of those who knew them not.\n\nHer supplication procured the release of many from torture, and her\ngenerous kindness clothed the naked and fed the starving.\n\nLot after lot, acre after acre the Indians sold their lands, and at\nlength the beautiful valley of the Genesee fell into the hands of the\nwhite people, except the dominion of \"the white woman,\" as she was always\ncalled, which couldn't be given up without her consent. She refused, at\nthe time of the sale, to part with her portion, but after the Indians\nremoved to Buffalo reservation and she was left alone, though a lady in\nthe manor and surrounded by white people, she preferred to take her abode\nwith those whom she now called her own people. Most emphatically did she\nadopt the language of Ruth in the days of old, \"Entreat me not to leave\nthee, or return from following after thee, for whither thou goest I will\ngo, and where thou lodgest I will lodge, thy people will be my people,\nand thy God my God, where thou diest will I die, and there will I be\nburied.\"\n\nShe as as thoroughly pagan as the veriest Indian who had never heard of\nGod, and she exclaimed with him that their religion was good enough and\nshe desired no change.\n\nShe was ninety years of age--eighty years she had been an exile from the\nland of her birth. She had forgotten the prayer her mother taught her,\nand knew nothing of the worship of her father, when one morning she sent\na messenger to tell the missionaries she wished to see them. She had ever\nbefore refused to listen to them if they came to her dwelling, but they\nhastened to obey the summons, glad to feel that they should be welcomed,\nthough quite uncertain concerning the nature of the interview she\nproposed. She was literally withered away, her face was scarcely larger\nthan an infant's and completely checkered with fine wrinkles, her teeth\nwere entirely gone and her mouth so sunken that her nose and chin almost\nmet, her hair not silvery, but snowy white, except a little lock by each\near which still retained the sandy hue of childhood, her form which was\nalways slender, was bent, and her limbs could not longer support her. She\nhad revived the knowledge of her language since she had dwelled among the\nwhite people but, \"Oh,\" said she, as the ladies entered, \"I have\nforgotten how to pray; my mother taught me and told me never to forget\nthis, though I remembered nothing else,\" and then she exclaimed, \"Oh,\nGod! have mercy upon me.\" This expression she had heard in her old age,\nand now uttered it in the fullness of her heart. There had come a gleam\nof light through all the darkness and superstitions of Paganism, and this\nspark was kindled at the fireside of that little cottage home, and fell\nupon her heart from a mother's lips, and now revived at the remembrance\nof a mother's love and her dying blessing. It was eighty years since she\nhad seen that mother's face, as she breathed out her soul in anguish,\nbending over her in the silent depths of the wilderness, eighty years\nsince she listened to \"Our Father who art in Heaven,\" from Christian\nlips, and now the still small voice which had so long been silent, spoke\naloud, and startled her as if an angel called. She tried to stifle it,\nand for many days after it awoke in her bosom, she heeded it not, but it\ngave her no rest. No earthly voice had since reminded her that her heart\nwas sinful, and needed to be \"washed in the blood of the lamb, that\ntaketh away the sins of the world,\" in order to be clean. The seed which\nhad been sown in it when she was a little child, had just sprung up; the\nsnows of eighty winters had not chilled it, the mildew of nearly a\ncentury had not blighted it, and the heavy hand of hundreds of calamities\nhad left it unharmed. She had not been in the midst of corruptions,\ntherefore it had not been destroyed. The little germ was still alive, and\nproving that it had not been in vain.\n\nThe aged woman sat pillowed up in bed with her children, and children's\nchildren of three generations around her, and lifting her withered hands\nand sunken eyes to Heaven, once more repeated, \"Our Father, who art in\nHeaven,\" while a new light, like a halo, overspread her face, the tears\nflowed in floods down her cheeks, and in the dark eyes of every listener\nthere glistened tears of sympathy in her new found happiness.\n\nWhen she was asked if she regretted that she had not consented to be\nexchanged, she still said, \"No. I love the Indians; I love them better\nthan the white people. Because they had been kind to me, and provided\ngenerously for my youth and old age, and my children would inherit an\nabundance from the avails of the lands, and herds, and flocks.\"\n\nA few days after the new light dawned upon her spirit, in the year 1833,\nMary was numbered with the dead. She had embraced the faith which makes\nno difference between those who come at the first or the eleventh hour,\nand those who were present at the dissolution of her soul and body,\ndoubted not that Jesus had whispered to her the same consolation that\nfell upon the heart of the thief upon the Cross, \"This day shall thou be\nwith me in Paradise\"\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\n\n\nCUSTOMS AND INDIVIDUAL TRAITS OF CHARACTER.\n\nThe more you read, and the better you understand Indian history, the more\nyou will be impressed with the injustice which has been done the\nIroquois, not only in dispossessing them of their inheritance, but in the\nestimation which has been made of their character. They have been\nrepresented, as seen in the transition state, the most unfavorable\npossible for judging correctly. In the chapter of National Traits of\nCharacter, I have in two or three instances quoted Washington Irving and\nmight again allow his opinions to relieve my own from the charge of\npartiality. He says, in speaking of this same subject, that \"the current\nopinion of Indian character is too apt to be formed from the miserable\nhordes which infest the frontiers, and hang on the shirts of settlements.\nThese are too commonly composed of degenerate beings, corrupted and\nenfeebled by the voice of society, without being benefited by its\ncivilization.\"\n\n\"The proud independence which formed the main pillar of motive virtue has\nbeen spoken down, and the whole moral fabric lies in ruins. The spirits\nare humiliated and debased by a sense of inferiority, and their native\ncourage cowed and daunted by the superior knowledge and power of their\nenlightened neighbors. Society has advanced upon them like one of a those\nwithering airs that will sometimes breed desolation over a whole region\nof fertility. It has enervated their strength, multiplied their diseases,\nand superinduced upon their original barbarity the law-vices of\nartificial life. It has given them a thousand superfluous wants, while it\nhas diminished their means of mere existence. It has driven before it the\nanimals of the chase, who fly from the sound of the axe and the smoke of\nthe settlement and seek refuge in the depths of remote forests, and yet\nuntrodden wilds. Thus do we often find the Indians in the frontiers to be\nmere wrecks and remnants of once powerful tribes, who have lingered in\nthe vicinity of settlements, and sunk into precarious and vagabond\nexistence. Poverty, repining and hopeless poverty--a canker on the mind\nbefore unknown to them--corrodes their spirits and blights every free and\nnoble qualities of their nature. They loiter like vagrants about the\nsettlements among spacious dwellings, replete with elaborate comforts,\nwhich only renders them more sensible of the comparative wretchedness of\ntheir own condition. Luxury spreads its ample board before their eyes,\nbut they are excluded from the banquet; plenty revels over the fields,\nbut they are starving in the midst of abundance. The whole wilderness\nblossomed into a garden, but they feel as reptiles that infest them. How\ndifferent was their state while undisputed lords of the soil? Their wants\nwere few, and the means of gratification within their reach, they saw\nevery one among them sharing the same lot, enduring the same hardships,\nfeeding on the same aliments, arrayed in the same rude garment. No roof\nthen rose under whose sheltering wings, that was not ever open to the\nhomeless stranger, no smoke curled among the trees, but he was welcome to\nsit down by its fire and join the hunter in his repast.\"\n\nIn discussing Indian character, writers have been too prone to indulge in\nvulgar prejudice and passionate exaggeration, instead of the candid\ntemper of the true philosopher. They have not sufficiently considered the\npeculiar circumstance in which the Indians have been placed, and the\npeculiar principles under which they having been educated. No being acts\nmore rigidly from rule than the Indians, his whole conduct is regulated\naccording to some general maxims early implanted in his mind. The moral\nlaws which govern him are few, but he conforms to them all. The white man\nabounds in laws and religion, morals, and manners, but how many of them\ndoes he violate. In their intercourse with the Indians the white people\nwere continually trampling upon their religion and their sacred rights.\nThey were expected to look merely on while the graves of their fathers\nwere robbed of their treasures, and the bones of their fathers were left\nto bleach upon the fields. And when exasperated by the brutality of their\nconquerors, and driven to deeds of vengence, there was very little\nappreciation of the motives which influenced them, and no attempt was\nmade to palliate their cruelties.\n\nIt was their custom to bury the dead with their best clothing, and the\nvarious implements they had been in the habit of using whilst living. If\nit was a warrior that they were preparing for burial, they placed his\ntomahawk by his side and his knife in his shield; with the hunter, his\nbow and arrows and implements for cooking his food; with the woman, their\nkettles and cooking apparatus and also food for all. Tobacco was\ndeposited in every grave; for to smoke was an Indian's idea of felicity\nin the body and out of it, and in this there was not so much difference\nas one might wish, between them and gentlemen of a paler hue.\n\nAmong the Iroquois, and many other Indian nations, it was the custom to\nplace the dead upon scaffolds, built for the purpose, from tree to tree,\nor within a temporary inclosure, and underneath a fire was kept burning\nfor several days.\n\nThey had known instances of persons reviving after they were supposed to\nbe dead, and this led to the conclusion that the spirit sometimes\nreturned to animate the body after it had once fled. If there was no\nsigns of life for ten days, the fire was extinguished and the body left\nunmolested until decomposition had begun to take place, when the remains\nwere buried, or, as was often the case, kept in the lodge for many years.\nIf they were obliged to desert the settlement where they had long\nresided, these skeletons were collected from all the families and buried\nin one common grave, with the same ceremonies as when a single individual\nwas interred.\n\nThey did not suppose the spirit was instantaneously transferred from\nearth to Heaven, but that it wandered in aerial region for many moons. In\nlater days they only allowed ten days for its flight. Their period for\nmourning continued only whilst the spirit is wandering, as soon as they\nbelieve it has entered Heaven they commenced rejoicing, saying, there is\nno longer cause for sorrow, because it is now where happiness dwells\nforever. Sometimes a piteous wailing was kept up every night for a long\ntime, but it was only their bereavement that they bewailed, as they did\nnot fear about the fate of those who died. Not until they had heard of\nPurgatory from the Jesuits, or endless woe from Protestants, did they\nlook upon death with terror, or life as anything but a blessing.\n\nThey were sometimes in the habit of addressing the dead, as if they could\nhear. The following are the words of a mother as she bends over her only\nson to look for the last time upon his beloved face: \"My son, listen once\nmore to the words of thy mother. Thou wast brought into life with her\npains, thou wast nourished with her life. She has attempted to be\nfaithful in raising you up. When you were young she loved you as her\nlife. Thy presence has been a source of great joy to her. Upon thee she\ndepended for support and comfort in her declining days. But thou hast\noutstripped her and gone before. Our wise and great Creator has ordered\nit thus. By his will, I am left yet, to taste more of the miseries of\nthis world. Thy relations and friends have gathered about thy body to\nlook upon thee for the last time. They mourn, as with one mind, thy\ndeparture from among us. We, too, have but a few days more and our\njourney will be ended. We part now, and you are conveyed out of our\nsight. But we shall soon meet again, and shall look upon each other, then\nwe shall part no more. Our Maker has called thee home, and thither will\nwe follow.\"\n\nAfter the adoption of the league of the Iroquois, and they dwelled in\nvillages, this was one of the duties enjoined by their religious teacher\nat their festivals: \"It is the will of the Great Spirit that you\nreverence the aged, even though they be helpless as infants.\" And also,\n\"Kindness to the orphan, and hospitality to all.\" \"If you tie up the\nclothes of an orphan child, the Great Spirit will notice it, and reward\nyou for it.\" \"To adopt an orphan, and bring them up in virtuous ways, is\npleasing to the Great Spirit.\" \"If strangers wander about your abode,\nwelcome him to your home, be hospitable towards him, speak to him with\nkind words, and forget not, always to make mention of the Great Spirit.\"\n\nThe Indians lamentations, on being driven far away from the graves of\ntheir fathers, have been the theme of all historians and travelers. It\ncan be easily imagined how those who so loved their homes and revered\ntheir fathers' graves, would become fierce with indignation and rage, on\nseeing themselves treated as without human feeling, and the sacred relics\nof the dead ploughed up and scattered as indifferently as the stones, or\nthe bones of the moose and the deer of the forest. It was this feeling\nthat often prompted them to acts of hostility, which those who\nexperienced them, ascribed to wanton cruelty and barbarity.\n\nIn many of the villages there was a strangers home, a house, for\nstrangers where they were placed, while the old men went about collecting\nskins for them to sleep upon, and food for them to eat, expecting no\nreward.\n\nThey called it very rude for them to stare at them as they passed in the\nstreets, and said that they had as much curiosity as the white people,\nbut they did not gratify it by intruding upon them, by examining them.\nThey would sometimes hide behind trees in order to look at strangers, but\nnever stood openly and gaze at them.\n\nTheir respective attention to missionaries was often the result of their\nrules of politeness, as it is a part of the Indian's code. Their councils\nare eminent for decorum, and no person is interrupted during a speech.\nSome Indians, after respectfully listening to a missionary, thought they\nwould relate to him some of their legends, but the good man could not\nrestrain his indignation, but pronounced them foolish fables, while what\nhe told them was sacred truth. The Indian was, in his turn, offended, and\nsaid, we listened to your stories, why do you not listen to ours? you are\nnot instructed in the common rules of civility.\n\nA hunter, in his wandering for game, fell among the back settlements of\nVirginia, and on account of the inclemency of the weather, sought refuge\nat the house of a planter, whom he met at the door. He was refused\nadmission. Being both hungry and thirsty, he asked for a bit of bread and\na cup of cold water. But the answer to every appeal was, \"_You, shall\nhave nothing here, get you gone you Indian dog!_\"\n\nSome months afterwards this same planter lost himself in the woods, and\nafter a weary day of wandering, came to an Indian cabin, into which he\nwas welcomed. On inquiring the way and distance to the settlement, and\nfinding it was too far to think of going that night, he asked if he could\nremain. Very cordially the inmates replied, that he was at liberty to\nstay, and all they had was at his service. They gave him food, they made\na bright fire to cheer and warm him, and supplied him with clean deer-\nskin for his couch, and promised to conduct him the next day on his\njourney. In the morning the Indian hunter and the planter set out\ntogether through the forest, when they came in sight of the white man's\ndwelling, the hunter, about to leave, turned to his companion, and said,\n\"Do you not know me?\" The white man was struck with horror, that he had\nbeen so long in the power of one whom he had so inhumanly treated, and\nexpected now to experience his revenge. But on beginning to make excuses,\nthe Indian interrupted him saying, \"when you see a poor Indian fainting\nfor a cup of cold water, don't say again, 'get you gone, you Indian\ndog.'\" and turned back to his hunting grounds. Which best deserved the\nappellation of a christian, and to which will it most likely be said,\n\"Inasmuch as ye have done it unto the least of these, ye have done it\nunto me.\"\n\n\n\n\nCREATION.\n\n\nORIGIN OF THE CONTINENT, THE ANIMAL, AND OF THE INDIAN.\n\nINTRODUCTION OF THE TWO PRINCIPLES OF GOOD AND EVIL INTO THE GOVERNMENT\nOF THE WORLD.\n\nThe Tuscarora tradition opens with the notion that there were originally\ntwo worlds, or regions of space, that is an upper and lower world. The\nupper world was inhabited by beings resembling the human race. And the\nlower world by monsters, moving on the surface and in the waters, which\nis in darkness. When the human species were transferred below, and the\nlower sphere was about to be rendered fit for their residence; the act of\ntheir transferrance is by these ideas, that a female who began to descend\ninto the lower world, which is a region of darkness, waters, and\nmonsters, she was received on the back of a tortoise, where she gave\nbirth to male twins, and there she expired. The shell of this tortoise\nexpanded into a continent, which, in the English language, is called\n\"island,\" and is named by the Tuscaroras, Yowahnook. One of the children\nwas called Got-ti-gah-rah-quast, or good mind, the other, Got-ti-gah-\nrak-senh, or bad mind. These two antagonistical principles were at\nperpetual variance, it being the law of one to counteract whatever the\nother did. They were not, however, men, but gods, or existences, through\nwhom the Great Spirit, or \"Holder of the Heavens,\" carried out his\npurposes.\n\nThe first work of Got-ti-gah-rah-quast was to create the sun out of the\nhead of his dead mother, and the moon and stars out of the other parts of\nher body. The light these gave drove the monsters into the deep waters to\nhide themselves. He then prepared the surface of the continent and fitted\nit for human habitation, by making it into creeks, rivers, lakes and\nplains, and by filling them with the various kinds of animals and\nvegetable kingdom. He then formed a man and a woman out of the earth,\ngave them life, and called them Ongwahonwd, that is to say, a real\npeople. Meanwhile the bad mind created mountains, water-falls, and\nsteeps, caves, reptiles, serpents, apes, and other objects supposed to be\ninjurious to, or in mockery to mankind. He made an attempt also to\nconceal the land animals in the ground, so as to deprive men of the means\nof subsistance. This continued opposition, to the wishes of the Good\nMind, who was perpetually at work, in restoring the effects and\ndisplacements, of the wicked devices of the other, at length led to a\npersonal combat, of which the time and instrument of battle were agreed\non. They fought two days; the Good Mind using the deer's horn, and the\nother, using wild flag leafs, as arms. Got-ti-gah-rah-quast, or Good\nMind, who had chosen the horn, finally prevailed. His antagonist sunk\ndown into a region of darkness, and became the Evil Spirit of the world\nof despair. Got-ti-gah-rah-quast, having obtained his triumph, retired\nfrom the earth.\n\nThe earliest tradition that we have of the Iroquois is as follows: That a\ncompany of Ongwahonwa being encamped on the banks of the St. Lawrence\nRiver, where they were invaded by a nation--few in number, but were great\ngiants, called \"Ronongwaca.\" War after war was brought on by personal\nencounters and incidents, and carried on with perfidity and cruelty. They\nwere delivered at length by the skill and courage of Yatontea, who, after\nretreating before them, raised a large body of men and defeated them,\nafter which they were supposed to be extinct. And the next they suffered\nwas from the malice, perfidity and lust of an extraordinary appearing\nperson, who they called That-tea-ro-skeh, who was finally driven across\nthe St. Lawrence, and come to a town south of the shores of Lake Ontario,\nwhere, however, he only disguised his intentions, to repeat his cruel and\nperfidious deeds. He assassinated many persons, and violated six virgins.\nThey pointed to him as a fiend in human shape.\n\nIn this age of monsters, the country was again invaded by another\nmonster, which they called Oyahguaharh, supposed to be some great\nmammoth, who was furious against men, and destroyed the lives of many\nIndian hunters, but he was at length killed, after a long and severe\ncontest.\n\nA great horned serpent also next appeared on Lake Ontario who, by means\nof his poisonous breath, caused disease, and caused the death of many. At\nlength the old women congregated, with one accord, and prayed to the\nGreat Spirit that he would send their grand-father, the Thunder, who\nwould get to their relief in this, their sore time of trouble, and at the\nsame time burning tobacco as burned offerings. So finally the monster was\ncompelled to retire in the deeps of the lake by thunder bolts. Before\nthis calamity was forgotten another happened. A blazing star fell into\ntheir fort, situated on the banks of the St. Lawrence, and destroyed the\npeople. Such a phenomenon caused a great panic and consternation and\ndread, which they regarded as ominious of their entire destruction. Not\nlong after this prediction of the blazing star it was verified. These\ntribes, who were held together by feeble ties, fell into dispute and wars\namong themselves, which were pursued through a long period, until they\nhad utterly destroyed each other, and so reduced their numbers that the\nlands were again over-run with wild beasts.\n\nAt this period there were six families took refuge in a large cave in a\nmountain, where they dwelled for a long time. The men would come out\noccasionally to hunt for food. This mammoth cave was situated at or near\nthe falls of the Oswego River. Taryenya-wa-gon (Holder of the Heavens)\nextricated these six families from this subterraneous bowels and confines\nof the mountain. They always looked to this divine messenger, who had\npower to assume various shapes, as emergency dictated, as the friend and\npatron of their nation.\n\nAs soon as they were released he gave them instructions respecting the\nmode of hunting, matrimony, worship and many other things. He warned them\nagainst the evil spirit, and gave them corn, beans, squash, potatoes,\ntobacco, and dogs to hunt their game. He bid them go toward the rising of\nthe sun, and he personally guided them, until they came to a river, which\nthey named Yehnonanatche (that is going around a mountain,) now Mohawk,\nthey went down the bank of the river and came to where it discharges into\na great river, running towards the midway sun, they named it Skaw-nay-\ntaw-ty (that is beyond the pineries) now Hudson, and went down the banks\nof the river and touched the bank of the great water. The company made an\nencampment at this place and remained for a while. The people was then of\none language. Some of them went on the banks of the great waters, towards\nthe midway sun, and never returned. But the company that remained at the\ncamp returned as they came--along the bank of the river, under the\ndirection of Taryenyawagon (Holder of the Heavens).\n\nThis company were a particular body, which called themselves of one\nhousehold. Of these there were six families, and they entered into an\nagreement to preserve the chain of alliance which should not be\nextinguished under any circumstance.\n\nThe company advanced some distance up the river of Skawnatawty (Hudson).\nThe Holder of the Heavens directed the first family to make their\nresidence near the bank of the river, and the family was named Tehawrogeh\n(that is, a speech divided) now Mohawk. Their language soon changed. The\ncompany then turned and went towards the sun-setting, and traveled about\ntwo days and a half, then came to a creek, which was named Kawnatawteruh\n(that is pineries). The second family was directed to make their\nresidence near the creek; and the family was named Nehawretahgo (that is\nbig tree) now Oneida. Their language was changed likewise. The company\ncontinued to proceed toward the sun-setting under the direction of the\nHolder of the Heavens. The third family was directed to make their\nresidence on a mountain, named Onondaga (now Onondaga), and the family\nwas named Seuhnowhahtah (that is, carrying the name.) Their language also\nchanged. The rest of the company continued their journey towards the sun-\nsetting. The fourth family was directed to make their residence near a\nlarge lake, named Goyogoh (that is a mountain rising from water) now\nCayuga, and the family was named Sho-nea-na-we-to-wah (that is a great\npipe). Their language was altered. The rest of the company kept their\ncourse towards the sun-setting. The fifth family was directed to make\ntheir residence near a high mountain, situated south of Canandaigua Lake,\nwhich was named Tehow-nea-nyo-hent (that is possessing a door) now\nSeneca. Their language was also changed. The sixth, and last family, went\non their journey toward the sun-setting, until they touched the bank of\nthe great lake, which was named Kan-ha-gwa-rah-ka (that is a Cape) now\nErie, and then went toward, between the midway and sun-setting, and\ntraveled a great distance, when they came to a large river, which was\nnamed O-nah-we-yo-ka (that is a principal stream) now Mississippi. The\npeople discovered a grapevine lying across the river, by which a part of\nthe people went over, but while they were crossing the vine broke. They\nwere divided, and became enemies, to those that were over the river in\nconsequence of which, they were obliged to abandon the journey. Those\nthat went over the river were finally lost and forgotten from the memory\nof those that remained on the eastern banks.\n\nTa-ren-ya-wa-go (the Holder of the Heavens), who was the patron of the\nfive home bands, did not fail, in this crisis, to direct them their way\nalso. He instructed those on the eastern bank the art of the bow and\narrows, to use for game and in time of danger. After giving them suitable\ninstructions, he guided their footsteps in their journeys, south and\neast, until they had crossed the Alleghany Mountains, and with some\nwanderings they finally reached the shores of the sea, on the coast which\nis now called the Carolinas. By this time their language was changed.\nThey were directed to fix their residence on the banks of the Gow-ta-no\n(that is, pine in the water) now Neuse River, in North Carolina. Here Ta-\nren-ya-wa-gon left them to hunt, increase and prosper, whilst he returned\nto direct the other five nations to form their confederacy.\n\nTarenyawagon united in one person the power of a God and a man, and gave\nhim the expressive name of the Holder of the Heavens, and was capable of\nassuming any form or shape that he chosed, but appeared to them only in\nthe form of a man, and taught them hunting, gardening, and the knowledge\nof the arts of war. He imparted to them the knowledge of the laws and\ngovernment of the Great Spirit, and gave them directions and\nencouragement how to fulfill their duties and obligations. He gave them\ncorn, beans, and fruits of various kinds, with the knowledge of planting\nthose fruits. He taught them how to kill and to cook the game. He made\nthe forest free to all the tribes to hunt, and removed obstructions from\nthe streams. He took his position, sometimes, on the top of high cliffs,\nspringing, if needs be, over frightful chasms; and he flew, as it were,\nover great lakes in a wonderful canoe of immaculate whiteness and of\nmagic power.\n\nHaving finished his commission with the Tuscaroras at Cautanoh, in North\nCarolina, and the other five families, which were left at the north, he\ncame down to closer terms and intimacy with the Onondagas. He resolved to\nlay aside his divine character and live among them, that he might\nexemplify the maxims which he had taught. And for this purpose he\nselected a handsome spot of ground on the southern banks of Cross Lake,\nNew York. Here he built his cabin, and from the shores of this lake he\nwent into the forest, like the rest of his companions, in quest of game\nand fish. He took a wife of the Onondagas, by whom he had an only\ndaughter, whom he tenderly loved, and most kindly and carefully treated\nand instructed, so that she was known far and near as his favorite child,\nand was regarded almost as a goddess. The excellence of his character,\nand his great sagacity and good counsels, led the people to regard him\nwith veneration, and they gave him, in his sublunary character, the name\nof Hi-a-wat-ha (a wise man). People came to him from all quarters, and\nhis abode was thronged by all ages and conditions who came for advice.\n\nHe became the first chief of all the land, and whomsoever he made his\ncompanions and friends were likewise clothed with the authority of chiefs\nin the tribe. In this manner all power came naturally into his hands, and\nthe tribe rejoiced that they had so wise and good a man as their ruler.\nFor in those days each tribe was independent of all others; they had not\nyet formed a league, but fought and made war with each other.\n\nNothing that belonged to Hiawatha, in his character of Tarenyawagon, was\nmore remarkable than his light and magic canoe, which shone with a\nsupernatural lustre, and in which he had performed so many of his\nextraordinary feats. This canoe was laid aside when he came to fix his\nresidenee at Cross Lake, and never used it but for great and\nextraordinary purposes. When great councils were called, and he assembled\nthe wise men to deliberate together, the sacred canoe was carefully\nlifted from the grand lodge; and after these occasions were ended, it was\ncarefully returned to the same receptacle, on the shoulders of men, who\nfelt honored in being the bearers of such a precious burden.\n\nThus passed away many years, and every year saw the people increasing in\nnumbers, skill, arts and bravery. It was among the Onondagas that\nTarenyawagon had located himself, although he regarded the other tribes\nas friends and brothers; he had become indentified as an adopted member\nof this particular tribe. Under his teaching and influence they became\nthe first among all the original tribes, and rose to the highest\ndistinction in every art which was known to or prized by the Akonoshuni\n(Iroquois). They were the wisest counsellors, the best orators, the most\nexpert hunters, and the bravest warriors. They also afforded the highest\nexamples of obedience to the laws of the Great Spirit. If offences took\nplace, Hiawatha redressed them, and his wisdom and moderation preserved\nthe tribe from feuds. Hence, the Onondagas were early noted among all the\ntribes for their pre-eminence. He appeared to devote his chief attention\nto them, that he might afterwards make them examples to the others, in\narts and wisdom. They were foremost in the overthrow of the Stonish\nGiants and the killing of the great Serpent. To be an Onondaga was the\nhighest honor.\n\nWhile Hiawatha was thus living in domestic life quietly among the people\nof the hills, and administering their simple government with wisdom, they\nbecame alarmed by the sudden news of the approach of a furious and\npowerful enemy from north of the great lakes. As the enemy advanced, they\nmade an indiscriminate slaughter of men, women and children. The people\nfled from their villages a short time before them, and there was no heart\nin the people to make a stand against such powerful and ruthless\ninvaders. In this emergency, they fled to Hiawatha for his advice. He\ncounseled them to call a general council of all the tribes from the east\nand west. \"For,\" said he, \"our strength is not in the war club and arrows\nalone, but in wise counsels.\" He appointed a place on the banks of\nOnondaga Lake for the meeting. It was a clear eminence from which there\nwas a wide prospect. Runners were dispatched in every direction, and the\nchiefs, warriors and headmen forthwith assembled in great numbers,\nbringing with them, in the general alarm, their women and children.\nFleets of canoes were seen on the bosom of the lake, and every inteterior\nwarpath was kept open by the foot-prints of the different tribes,\nhurrying to obey the summons of Hiawatha. All but the wise man himself\nhad been there for three days, anxiously awaiting the arrival of\nHiawatha, when a messenger was dispatched after him. They found him\ngloomy and depressed. Some great burden appeared to hang on his mind. He\ntold them that evil lay on his path, and that he had fearful forebodings\nof ill-fortune. He felt that he was called to make some great sacrifice,\nbut he did not know what it was, it seemed to be hid from him. Least of\nall did he think it was to be his daughter: ever careful of her, he bade\nher kindly to accompany him. Nothing happened to hinder, or at all\ninterrupt their voyage. The Talismanic canoe, which held them, gllded\nsilently down the waters of the Seneca; not a paddle was necessary to\ngive it impetus, while it pursued the downward course of the stream till\nthey reached the point of the lake outlet. At this point Hiawatha took\nhis paddle and gave it impetus against the current, until they entered on\nthe bright and calm surface of the Onondaga, cradled, as this blue sheet\nof water is, among the lofty and far-swelling hills. When the white canoe\nof the venerable chief appeared, a shout of welcome rang among those\nhills. The day was calm and serene. No wind ruffled the lake, and\nscarcely a cloud floated in the sky above. But while the wise man was\nmeasuring his steps towards the place designated for the council, and\nwhile ascending from the water's edge, a rumbling and low sound was\nheard, as if it were caused by the approach of a violent, rushing wind.\nInstantly all the eyes were turned upwards, where a small and compact\nmass of cloudy darkness appeared. It gathered in size and velocity as it\napproached, and appeared to be directed inevitably to fall in the midst\nof the assembly. Every one fled in consternation but Hiawatha and his\ndaughter. He stood erect, with ornaments waving in his frontlet, and\nbesought his daughter calmly to await the issue, \"for it is impossible,\"\nsaid he, \"to escape the power of the Great Spirit. If he has determined\nour destruction we cannot, by running, fly from him.\" She modestly\nassented and they stood together, while horror was depicted in the faces\nof the others. But the force of the descending body was that of a sudden\nstorm. They had hardly taken the resolution to halt when an immense bird,\nwith long, extended wings, came down with swoop. This gigantic agent of\nthe sky came with such force that the assembly felt the shock. The girl\nbeing in a nature, and embodied in the combination of the Terrestial and\nCelestial nature, was beautiful and fascinating in her looks and form,\nwas borne away by this Celestial Bird to be seen no more upon the earth.\nBut Hiawatha was inconsolable for his loss. He grieved sorely, day and\nnight, and wore a desponding and dejected countenance. But these were\nonly faint indications of the feelings of his heart. He threw himself\nupon the ground, and refused to be comforted. He seemed dumb with\nmelancholy, and the people were concerned of his life. He spoke nothing;\nhe made no answers to questions put to him, and laid still as if dead.\nAfter several days the council appointed a certain merry-hearted Chief to\nmake him a visit, and to whisper a word of consolation in his ears to\narouse him from his stupor. The result was successful. He approached with\nceremonies and induced him to arise, and named the time when the council\nwould convene. Yet haggard with grief, he called for refreshments and\nate. He then adjusted his wardrobe and head-dress and went to the\ncouncil. He drew his robe of wolf-skin gracefully around him, and walked\nto his seat at the head of the assembled chiefs with a majestic step.\nStiliness and the most profound attention reigned in the council while he\npresided, and the discussion opened and proceeded. The subject of the\ninvasion was handled by several of the ablest counselors and the bravest\nwarriors. Various plans were proposed to defeat the enemy. Hiawatha\nlistened with silence until all had finished speaking. His opinion was\nthen asked. After a brief allusion of the calamity which had befallen him\nthrough the descent of the great bird by the Great Spirit, he spoke to\nthe following effect:\n\n\"I have listened to the words of the wise men and brave chiefs, but it is\nnot fitting that we should do a thing of so much importance in haste; it\nis a subject demanding calm reflection and mature deliberation. Let us\npostpone the decision for one day. During this time we will weigh well\nthe words of the speakers who have already spoken. If they are good, I\nwill then approve of them. If they are not, I will then open to you my\nplan. It is one which I have reflected on, and feel confident that it\nwill insure safety.\"\n\nWhen another day had expired, the council again met. Hiawatha entered the\nassembly with even more than ordinary attention, and every eye was fixed\nupon him, when he began to address the council in the following words:\n\n\"Friends and Brothers:--You being members of many tribes, you have come\nfrom a great distance; the voice of war has aroused you up; you are\nafraid of your homes, your wives and your children; you tremble for your\nsafety. Believe me, I am with you. My heart beats with your hearts. We\nare one. We have one common object. We come to promote our common\ninterest, and to determine how this can be best done.\n\n\"To oppose those hordes of northern tribes, singly and alone, would prove\ncertain destruction. We can make no progress in that way. We must unite\nourselves into one common band of brothers. We must have but one voice.\nMany voices makes confusion. We must have one fire, one pipe and one war\nclub. This will give us strength. If our warriors are united they can\ndefeat the enemy and drive them from our land; if we do this, we are\nsafe.\n\n\"Onondaga, you are the people sitting under the shadow of the _Great\nTree_, whose branches spread far and wide, and whose roots sink deep\ninto the earth. You shall be the first nation, because you are warlike\nand mighty.\n\n\"Oneida, and you, the people who recline your bodies against the\n_Everlasting Stone_, that cannot be moved, shall be the second\nnation, because you always give good counsel.\n\n\"Seneca, and you, the people who have your habitation at the foot of the\n_Great Mountain_, and are overshadowed by its crags, shall be the\nthird nation, because you are all greatly gifted in speech.\n\n\"Cayuga, you, whose dwelling is in the _Dark Forest_, and whose home\nis everywhere, shall be the fourth nation, because of your superior\ncunning in hunting.\n\n\"Mohawk, and you, the people who live in the open country, and possess\nmuch wisdom, shall be the fifth nation, because you understand better the\nart of raising corn and beans and making cabins.\n\n\"You five great and powerful nations, with your tribes, must unite and\nhave one common interest, and no foes shall disturb or subdue you.\n\n\"And you of the different nations of the south, and you of the west, may\nplace yourselves under our protection, and we will protect you. We\nearnestly desire the alliance and friendship of you all.\n\n\"And from you, Squaw-ki-haws (being a remote branch of the Seneca\nNation), being the people who are as the _Feeble Bushes_, shall be\nchosen, a Virgin, who shall be the peacemaker for all the nations of the\nearth, and more particularly the favored Ako-no-shu-ne, which name this\nconfederacy shall ever sustain. If we unite in one band the Great Spirit\nwill smile upon us, and we shall be free, prosperous and happy; but if we\nshall remain as we are we shall incur his displeasure. We shall be\nenslaved, and perhaps annihilated forever.\n\n\"Brothers, these are the words of Hiawatha. Let them sink deep into your\nhearts. I have done.\"\n\nA deep and impressive silence followed the delivery of this speech. On\nthe following day the council again assembled to act on it. High wisdom\nrecommended this deliberation.\n\nThe union of the tribes into one confederacy was discussed and\nunanimously adopted. To denote the character and intimacy of the union\nthey employed the figure of a single council-house, or lodge, whose\nboundaries be co-extensive with their territories. Hence the name of Ako-\nno-shu-ne, who were called the Iroquois.\n\nThe great bird which visited them from heaven brought a precious gift to\nthe warriors in the white plumes which she shed at the visit. Every\nwarrior, as he approached the spot where they fell, picked up a feather\nof snowy white to adorn his crown; and the celestial visitant thus became\nthe means of furnishing the aspirants of military fame with an emblem\nwhich was held in the highest estimation. Succeeding generations imbibed\nthe custom from this incident to supply themselves with a plumage\napproaching it as nearly as possible; they selected the plume of the\nwhite heron.\n\nAt the formation of the confederacy Ato-ta-rho, being considered next in\nwisdom and all other traits of character which constitutes the necessary\nqualifications of an honored Sachem, was ordained as the head Sachem of\nthe confederacy, which office has been transmitted down to succeeding\ngenerations of the Onondaga Nation to the present time.\n\nHiawatha, the guardian and founder of the league, having now accomplished\nthe will of the Great Spirit, and the withdrawal of his daughter having\nbeen regarded by him as a sign that his mission was ended, he immediately\nprepared to make his final departure. Before the great council, which had\nadopted his advice just before dispersing, he arose, with a dignified\nair, and addressed them in the following manner:\n\n\"Friends and Brothers:--I have now fulfilled my mission here below; I\nhave furnished you seeds and grains for your gardens; I have removed\nobstructions from your waters, and made the forest habitable by teaching\nyou how to expel its monsters; I have given you fishing places and\nhunting grounds; I have instructed you in the making and using of war\nimplements; I have taught you how to cultivate corn, and many other arts\nand gifts. I have been allowed by the Great Spirit to communicate to you.\nLast of all, I have aided you to form a league of friendship and union.\nIf you preserve this, and admit no foreign element of power by the\nadmission of other nations, you will always be free, numerous and happy.\nIf other tribes and nations are admitted to your councils, they will sow\nthe seed of jealousy and discord, and you will become few, feeble and\nenslaved.\n\n\"Friends and brothers, these are the last words you will hear from the\nlips of Hiawatha. The Great Creator of our bodies calls me to go; I have\npatiently awaited his summons; I am ready to go. Farewell.\"\n\nAs the voice of the wise man ceased, sweet strains of music from the air\nburst on the ears of the multitude. The whole sky appeared to be filled\nwith melody; and while all eyes were directed to catch glimpses of the\nsights, and enjoy strains of the celestial music that filled the sky,\nHiawatha was seen, seated in his snow-white canoe, amid the air,\n_rising, rising_ with every choral chant that burst out. As he rose\nthe sound of the music became more soft and faint, until he vanished amid\nthe summer clouds, and the melody ceased. Thus terminated the labors and\ncares of the long-cherished memory of Ta-ren-ya-wa-gon.\n\nI will now resume the history of the sixth and last family, the Tuscarora\nOn-gwe-hon-wa, that were left at the Neuse river, or Gan-ta-no. Here they\nincreased in numbers, valor and skill, and in all knowledge of the arts\nnecessary in forest life. The country was wide and covered with dense\nwilderness, large rivers and lakes, which gave shelter to many fierce\nanimals and monsters which beset their pathways and kept them in dread.\nNow the Evil Spirit also plagued them with monstrous visitations. They\nwere often induced to change their locations; sometimes from fear of\nenemies and sometimes from epidemics, or some strange visitations.\n\nI will now relate a few of the monsters that plagued them: The first\nenemy that appeared to question their power or disturb their peace was\nthe fearful phenomenon of Ko-nea-rah-yah-neh, or the flying heads. The\nheads were enveloped in beard and hair, flaming like fire; they were of\nmonstrous size, and shot through the air with the speed of meteors. Human\npower was not adequate to cope with them. The priests pronounced them a\nflowing power of some mysterious influence, and it remained with the\npriests alone to expel them by their magic power.\n\n[Illustration: Flying head and woman sitting by the fire]\n\nDrum and rattle and enchantments were deemed more effective than arrows\nor clubs. One evening, after they had been plagued a long time with\nfearful visitations, the flying head came to the door of a lodge occupied\nby a single female and her dog. She was sitting composedly before the\nfire roasting acorns, which, as they became cooked, she deliberately took\nfrom the fire and ate. Amazement seized the flying head, who put out two\nhuge black paws from under his streaming beard. Supposing the woman to be\neating live coals he withdrew, and from that time he came no more among\nthem.\n\nAnd they were also invaded by a still more fearful enemy, the Ot-nea-yar-\nheh, or Stonish Giants. They were a powerful tribe from the wilderness,\ntall, fierce and hostile, and resistance to them was vain. They defeated\nand overwhelmed an army which was sent out against them, and put the\nwhole country in fear. These giants were not only of great strength, but\nthey were cannibals, devouring men, women and children in their inroads.\n\n[Illustration: Stonish giant chasing indians.]\n\nIt is said by the Shawnees that these giants were descended from a\ncertain family which was journeying on the east side of the Mississippi.\nAfter some of them had crossed the river on a vine it broke, which left\nthe main body on the east bank of the river. Those who were on the west\nside of the river went toward the northwest. Being abandoned in their\nwanderings, and being vagrants, without any knowledge of the arts of\nlife, they forgot the rules of humanity. They at first began to eat their\ngame in the raw flesh, which led them finally to become cannibals, and\nthey practiced to roll themselves in the sand, which caused their bodies\nto be covered with a hard skin, so that the arrows of the Tuscaroras only\nrattled against their rough bodies and fell at their feet. And the\nconsequence was, that they were obliged to bide in caves and glens, and\nwere brought into subjection by those fierce invaders for many winters.\nAt length the Holder of the Heavens visited his people, and finding that\nthey were in great distress, he determined to relieve them of these\nbarbarous invaders. To accomplish this he changed himself as into one of\nthose giants. As you will remember, it is said that he was able to change\nhimself into any shape that he wished. He then joined himself with the\ninvaders, and brandishing his heavy war club, led them on under the\npretence of finding the other five nations, which they were also in the\nhabit of visiting. When they came near to the strong fort at Onondaga,\nthey being weary of the long journey, and the night being dark, their\nleader bade them lie down at the foot of a mountain until the customary\ntime to make the attack, which was at the break of day. But during the\nnight the Indian benefactor ascended the height and overwhelmed the\nslumberers below with a vast mass of rocks. At this catastrophe only one\nescaped to carry the news of their dreadful fate, and he fled toward the\nnorth.\n\nThe Tuscaroras and the other five nations were so much troubled with\ngiants and other monsters that they were obliged to build forts to\nprotect themselves. The way they built them was always by selecting an\neminence, or rocky cliff, and on the back part was dug a trench according\nto the plan of the fort. Then timbers were set in the trench upright,\nprojecting above the ground several feet, and being adjusted together as\nclose as possible, and the trench being filled in again. They had two\ngates, one way to get their water, the other for a sally port.\n\nThey were also molested by a terrific animal which they called Ro-qua-ho\n--a variegated lizzard--a swift runner and strikes very violent blows with\nits tail, which destroyed many hunters while lying in lurk for them. One\nday while a party of hunters were on their journey to camp-out for the\npurpose of hunting, the party consisting of four, they came to a very\nlarge hollow tree where they noticed quite a number of great marks of\nclaws on the bark of the tree. Supposing it to be the lodge of bears,\nthey laid their bundles down and made ready for their game. One of them\nbounded on the tree and climbed it, and he struck the trunk of the tree\nseveral times. When the supposed bear appeared, to their consternation it\nwas found to be the enemy they so much dreaded, the Ro-qua-ho. The person\non the tree only stepped behind it and the other three ran away for their\nlives. The Ro-qua-ho came down and pursued them, and while yet in sight\none was caught, killed and brought back, and he carried the body into the\ntree. Then he went after the second which was brought in a short time,\nafter which, he went for the third; then the one on the tree came down\nand ran away also. While on his way he heard a voice calling him; he\nstopped, and behold, a man of stately form, with long flowing hair stood\nand said, \"Why run? I have seen the distress of my people, I have come to\ndeliver them out of trouble; now confide in me and we will prevail. I am\nyour benefactor, Tarenyawagon. Get behind me, the enemy is approaching.\"\n\nIn the twinkling of an eye this Celestial being was changed, and assumed\nhimself into a great white bear. When the Roquaho came a great struggle\nensued, but with the help of the man the enemy was killed.\n\nThey were again molested by an extraordinary and ferocious animal in\nvarious places--a mammoth bear. One morning while a party of hunters were\nin their camp, they were alarmed by a great tumult breaking out from the\nforest. Upon going to ascertain the cause of this extraordinary noise,\nthey saw the great monster on the bank pawing and rolling stones and logs\nin every direction, exhibiting the utmost rage. Another great animal of\nthe cat kind appeared, and seized the bear and a dreadful fight ensued.\nIn the end the bear got the worst of it and retired horribly mangled, and\nnever was heard of afterwards.\n\nAfter a while a pestiferous and annoying creature of the insect kind\nappeared in the guise of the Ro-tay-yo (a huge mosquito). It first\nappeared among the Tuscaroras along the Neuse river. It flew about with\nvast wings, making a loud noise, with a long stinger; and on whomsoever\nit lighted it sucked out all the blood and killed them. Many warriors\nwere destroyed in this way, and all attempts made to subdue it were vain;\nbut at length it retired of itself. Next they heard that it appeared\nabout the fort at Onondaga, where it also destroyed many lives, until\nTarenyawagon made a visit to the ruler of the Onondagas. The great\nmosquito happened to come flying about the fort as usual at that time.\nTarenyawago immediately made his attack, but such was the rapidity of its\nflight, that he could scarcely keep in sight of it. He chased it around\nthe borders of the great lakes, towards the sun-setting, and around the\ngreat country at large, east and west. At last he overtook it, and took\nhis strong bow and sent an arrow which struck him through the heart and\nkilled him, near Gen-an-do-a (the salt lake of Onondaga). From the blood\nflowing out on this occasion were the present species of small mosquito\noriginated.\n\nI have now related a few of the tragedies of the dark recesses of the\nforest, from the many that our tradition relates.\n\nThere was also a little old man of singular appearance that frequented\namong them at their ball plays, and did not seem to be inclined to make\nacquaintance with any one, but kept by himself and appeared to be mild\nand humble. At length this man became very sick with putrefying sores\nfrom head to foot and was very loathesome. Nobody knew who he was or\nwhere he came from: he had no home; he gave his name as Qua-ra, or\nRabbit: he went from house to house of all the different clans or tribes\nin the nation, as for instance, the Eel, Snipe, Beaver, Turtle, Wolf,\nDeer. When he would approach the house, seemingly to go in, they would\nloathe him to enter, and when he came to the doorstep he would seem to\nhear their thoughts and then return; thus he was repulsed from all the\nhouses of the above clans, he finally came to the house of the Bear clan.\nWhen the mistress of the house observed him coming, she had pity on him,\nand presently prepared a bed for him with the best deerskins she had;\nwhen he came to the door he knew her hospitable heart and went in. She\nimmediately assured him of his welcome in her meanly hut, and that she\nwas ready to do everything in her power to relieve his distress, and\nappointed his lodge where he had laid himself nearly exhausted. He then\ntold her to go and get the root of a certain kind of plant, which she\nimmediately did and prepared according to his direction, which he took\nand readily recovered. He then went through a series of diseases,\ndirecting her as before to get the different kind of medicines for the\ndifferent diseases. Lastly, he became sick with that fatal disease,\nconsumption. This he said was incurable, and he must die. He then told\nher he was a messenger from Tarenyawagon, to show them the diseases that\nthey should be subjected to, and also the medicine to cure them. And also\nto tell them the predictions of their fate and doom. Said he could not\nwithhold the water from his eyes, or keep from quaking when he thought of\ntheir irrevocable doom to which they were destined, and said: \"There is a\nhabitation beyond these great waters towards the sun-rising, which are\ninhabited by beings of very pale faces, and are looking only to\nthemselves, have pity for nobody, and make their delight in doing\nmischief. They have killed Rah-wah-ne-yo (God); they mocked him and done\nall manner of bad things to him, and finally, they fastened him to a tree\nuntil he died. But death and the grave had not power to hold him. He\narose and lives again, and he has gone to the world above, in those happy\nhunting grounds where all good O-qua-ho-wa (Indians), will go when they\ndie, and will see him as he is.\n\n\"Now this class of pale-faces will come across the great waters and make\ntheir abode on this island, and will bring poison to give you to drink,\nwhich will poison the spirit and kill the body. They will kill your\nhusbands, brothers and sons, and drive you away to the sun-setting, and\nwill deprive the children that are coming behind, off their domain. They\nwill drive you until you are in the great salt water up to your waist.\nOh, hostess, this is the final doom of your great nation.\n\n\"And now as for you, Oh, mother, I have no words that I can utter, to\nexpress the sincere gratitude of my inmost soul. I have nothing to give\nto compensate you for all the tenderness you have given me. But my\nblessings I will leave with you. I place in the midst of your clan, the\nBear, a majestic pine tree, which is ever green, and as the top reaches\nabove all other trees, so will your clan be. Wherever the nation will be\ndriven to, your clan will multiply above all others, and be the ruler of\nthe nation. This is all I have to deliver unto you. I now commend myself\nto that Great Spirit that has made us all, who ruleth above.\"\n\nThus ended the last messenger of Tarenyawagon, who is now basking in the\npleasures of that hunting ground in the world above.\n\n\n\n\nTUSCARORA.\n\nBefore the discovery, by Columbus, the Tuscaroras consisted of six towns,\nand they were a powerful nation, numbering over twelve hundred warriors,\nwhich, at a ratio according to the rule of estimating, would bring them\nat about five or six thousand souls.\n\nThe Tuscaroras had many years of enjoyment and peaceful possession of\ntheir domain, consisting of six towns on the Roanoke, Neuse, Taw and\nPemlico rivers, in the State of North Carolina. And they were also\nconfederated to six other nations, which were the Corees, Mattamuskeets,\nNotaways and the Bear River Indians; the names of the other two nations I\nhave been unable to obtain. My readers will readily see why some writers\nhave it that they consisted in twelve towns, and other writers would have\nit that they consisted in six towns. The real Tuscaroras consisted in six\ntowns; but with the confederate nations, altogether, were known to be in\ntwelve towns, and all these different nations which composed the\nconfederacy went under the name of Tuscarora, the Tuscaroras being the\nmost powerful of the several nations.\n\nThe tradition of the Tuscaroras admits of having captured Lawson and his\nparty, and executed some of them to death on account of their\nencroachments upon their domain; but concerning the massacre of Oct. 2d,\n1711, the Tuscaroras emphatically deny having taken any part in the\naffair whatever, officially. The project was presented to them and in the\ncouncil of the sachems, chiefs and warriors, they emphatically declined\ntaking any part in such a movement, but said if the colonists made\nencroachments and trespass on their domain, it is no more than right and\njust that we defend our rights, and even cautioned their young men that\nthey should not take any part whatever in the action; but, nevertheless,\nthere were a few of the rash and reckless warriors that took part in the\ndisorder.\n\nThe Corees, Mattamuskeets, and Bear River Indians seemed to be the\ninstigators of the project: but there were several other nations that\ntook part in the massacre. These three nations being considered\nTuscaroras, on account of the confederacy, and the capture of Lawson and\nhis party a little previous to this time by the Tuscaroras, led the\ncolonists to conclude that it was the Tuscaroras who caused the disaster,\nand to them was directed the feud of the colonists.\n\nA little previous to these disorders, it seems that there were some white\nmen, as our tradition states, with long coats and wide brimmed hats,\nvisited several nations of the Indians in that neighborhood, and appeared\nto be very friendly toward them, wished them success in everything, and\ntold them that those settlers who were on the borders of their lands and\nconstantly encroaching and committing depredations upon the Indians, were\nnot of the government, but were merely squatters, who settled there of\ntheir own accord, and if they were cut off, there would be none to avenge\nthem, and were advised to do so.\n\nIt has always been a question in my mind who those white men were, to\ngive such rash advice. Were they Quakers? But what motive had they in\nadvising, from which so great a disaster was the result? Or, were they\nmen in disguise, from the county of Bath, in which the massacre was\ncommitted, to make the Indians believe that they were Quakers, as the two\ncounties were in arms against each other at that time.\n\nTo coroborate the tradition above, I would call your attention to part of\na letter from President Pollock to Lord Craven, in the year 1712, who\nattributes the calamity thus:\n\n\"Our divisions,\" says he, \"chiefly occasioned by the Quakers and some\nother ill-disposed persons, have been the cause of all the troubles, for\nthe Indians were informed by some of the traders that the people who\nlived here are only a few vagabonds, who had run away from other\ngovernments and settled here of their own accord, without any authority,\nso that if they were cut off, there would be none to revenge them. This\nwith their seeing our differences rise to such a heighth, that consisting\nof two counties only, were in arms one against the other, encouraged them\nto fall upon the county of Bath, expecting it would have no assistance\nfrom this nor any other of the English plantations. This is the chief\ncause that moved the Indians to rise against us, as far as I understand.\"\n\nThe Tuscaroras never had the inclination of cutting off the inhabitance\nof the pale faces. Nevertheless, they did not always remain idle or\nunconcerned spectators of the feuds and dissensions that so long\nprevailed among the white people, toward the red men. The successive and\nregular encroachments, on their hunting grounds and plantations, which\nthe increase of the European population occasioned, had not always been\nsubmitted to without murmur.\n\nAlthough they were pleased with the neighbors, from whom they had trade\nfor their furs, and could procure spirituous liquors and other articles,\nwhich tended to the gratification of their real or imaginary wants. And\nthey were required to surrender larger and larger portions of their\ndomain, and at last, the removal of families from the neighborhood of\ntheir long cherished memories of the graves of their ancestors, to the\nmore distant and less valuable tracts of land. Other causes of animosity\nand ill-will were not wanting. Their hunters were shot down like so many\nbeasts, at the edge of the settlement, killed in their wigwams, their\nyoung females' chastity violated, and many other things might be related,\nwhich their tradition shows. But I have neither heart nor inclination to\nbring to a resurrection the long gone-by memories of our forefathers. I\nwould that all were cast into oblivion, where might not be found neither\ntrace nor track; but rather that the chain of friendship which has\nexisted for more than a century between the Tuscaroras and the United\nStates Government may be made brighter and brighter as time rolls on.\n\nI have said that the Tuscaroras never had the inclination of cutting off\nthe first colonies, and if that were their desire, how readily would they\nhave excepted the advice of President Thomas Carey, through one of his\ncounsel--Edward Porter--in the year 1710, of which you will find in\nMartin's History of North Carolina a difficulty between Gov. Hyde and the\nabove, to-wit: \"Before any relief could be sent he attempted the landing\nof some of his men under fire of his brig, but they were repulsed by the\nmilitia of the neighborhood, which Gov. Hyde had time to collect. They\nreturned on board, and their Chief sought a safe retreat in the swamps of\nthe Tar river, where he raised his standard and endeavored to bring the\nTuscarora Indians into an alliance. For this purpose he dispatched to\nthem Edward Porter, one of his counsel, who endeavored by promises of\ngreat rewards to induce them to cut off all the inhabitants of that part\nof the province who adhered to Gov. Hyde. This was acceded to by some of\nhis young warriors, but when the matter was debated in council the old\nmen dissuaded them from listening to Porter.\"\n\nNow, did not some of Carey's men go afterwards to some of the neighboring\nIndian nations and induced them, in the year 1710, to commit the\nmassacre?\n\nI suppose to the critical reader, and to the people generally, my writing\nwill appear to them fictitious, because of their first impression, which\nhas been taught them by many historians. Historians generally have given\nonly one side of the story, and have avoided, as much as possible, to\ngive the history of the wrongs done to the Tuscaroras, but they are very\nscrupulous to preserve the history of the capture of Lawson, his\nexecution and of the massacre, which they allege to have been committed\nby the Tuscaroras, and are styled by many as being inimical, haughty,\njealous, warlike bloodhounds, bloodthirsty and scarcely to be human.\nThese are the first impressions made by the historians upon the mind of\nthe world. I suppose, for the purpose of getting a general verdict, that\nit was right; that they were crushed as a nation, their domain snatched\nfrom them, driven into the cold world, and not a word has been written by\nhistorians, or the Tuscaroras themselves, to vindicate their cause.\n\nBut with all the great tide of prejudiced feelings towards the\nTuscaroras, I have ventured to write their history as I have received it,\nand think it to be true.\n\nAfter the massacre, and the Tuscaroras heard it reported that they were\ncharged with being the author of the disaster, they immediately sent\nmessengers and denied the charge of having officially taken any part in\nthe disorder, but acknowledged that a few of the reckless and lawless\nwarriors did take part against their admonitions, but they were willing\nto make all the restoration that was in their power to do, and would\nfight for them if necessary. At different times they petitioned,\nremonstrated and supplicated for peace, which was slighted and\ndisregarded, and only produced more violence and insult.\n\nNotice what Governor Spotswood, of Virginia, said concerning the\nTuscaroras, to wit:\n\n\"On the first of the disaster I sent a detachment of the militia to the\ntributary Indians of this province to prevent them from joining in the\nwar, and understanding that the Indians in some of the Tuscarora towns\nhad refused to march against the whites, sent a messenger to invite them,\nwith the rest of the friendly tribes, to a conference at the Nottoway\nline, on the southern border of Virginia, where he met them on the 7th of\nNovember.\"\n\n\"The Governor, after entering into some conversation with the Chiefs, had\nthe pleasure of finding the report which his messengers had made, from\ntheir observations while in the Tuscarora towns, that they were very\ndesirous of continuing in peace, and were greatly concerned that any of\ntheir nation should have joined in the massacre.\"\n\nThe Chiefs, after accounting for the delay that occurred, expressed the\ndesire of the Indians of their towns to continue in strict friendship\nwith the whites, and assist them in chastising the authors of the late\ndisorder.\n\n\"But now an unfortunate difference arose between the Governor and the\nburgesses, the latter insisting on the passage of a bill for raising an\narmy in Virginia, without trusting to the sincerity of the profession of\nthe Tuscarora Chiefs. The Governor refusing to accede to this\nproposition, and declining to co-operate in their plans, the dispute\nended by a dissolution of the assembly.\"\n\nThere was at one time a treaty of peace concluded between the Sachems and\nChiefs of the Tuscaroras and Governor Spotswood, of Virginia, and one of\nthe conditions of the treaty was to help in chastising the authors of the\nlate massacre. In conformity with this pledge the Tuscaroras made an\nattack on the Mattamuskeets, where they obtained thirty scalps and\npresented them to the authorities of the whites, of which they pretended\nto be pleased. I don't doubt but that they were really pleased, but not\nwith any good feelings towards the Tuscaroras. I suppose the object was\nto get all the other Indian nations alienated from them, so that in due\ntime they might be easily conquered, because they were the nation that\nthe whites seemed bent on destroying. The Tuscaroras had faith in the\ntreaty, but only to disappoint them in the thought of having the dark\ncloud which hung so glowingly over them taken away. It is said by\nhistorians that the Tuscaroras disregarded the treaty and began\nhostilities. But I will relate a tradition, handed down from generation\nto generation, which is as follows, to wit:\n\nSome little time after the treaty concluded, several white men went into\none of their towns and said that they were sent by the government to\ndistribute among them an annuity of goods in token of friendship; and\nalso said, \"In token of your sincerity to the treaty of peace, you will\nall repair to a place where there is a cord stretched out in a straight\nline, you must all take hold of the line with your right hand, and all\nthose that refuse to take hold will be considered as hostile and will be\nomitted in the distribution of the goods.\" They all went to the place\ndesignated and found the cord strung out for nearly a mile; at one end of\nit was a bundle covered with cloth, which, as they supposed, contained\nthe goods; so the unsuspecting Indians, women and children, with eager\nhearts, laid hold on the rope. When it was thought that they were in a\nproper position, the white men all at once uncovered the supposed goods,\nwhich was a large cannon, and being prepared to shoot in a line with the\ncord it was at once fired and roared like thunder. In a moment the ground\nalong the cord was strewn with the meats of the Tuscaroras. This is one\nof the effects of the treaty at that time.\n\nI will copy a report of Governor Spotswood to the Lords Commissioners of\nTrade, in the year 1711, to-wit:\n\n\"Had they,\" said he, \"really intended to carry on the war against the\nIndians, they could not have done it in a more frugal way than by the\ntreaty I concluded with the Tuscarora chiefs.\n\n\"Indeed, some of that house, since the dissolution, own more freely than\nthey would do while sitting, that most of the irregularities of their\nproceedings are owing to some rash votes, passed without foresight, which\nthey could not afterwards get over without breaking the rules of their\nhouse; and so they chose, rather, to let the country suffer than to own\nthemselves in an error.\n\n\"Some of the Tuscarora chiefs have lately been with Governor Spotswood,\nof Virginia, and pretend a great inclination to peace.\n\n\"They are again to be with him on the 26th of this month; we are to send\ntwo agents to meet them there--Mr. Tobias Knight and Mayor Christophe\nGale--not with any expectation that the Governor will make any treaty for\nus, for that would be dishonorable to your lordship and make us appear\ncontemptible in the eyes of the Indians, but with a view to hear what\nthey have to propose.\"\n\nI might quote many more passages similar to those above, but let these\nfew suffice to show how the Tuscaroras were treated. Now, finally, with a\ncombination of causes, they were in 1713, crushed and broken down as a\nnation, to satisfy the inclinations of the white people, persecutions\nbeing kept up by neighboring whites and southern Indians until June\nfollowing. The Oneida Indians, having heard of the disaster to the\nTuscarora Nation, invited them to come and make their dwelling among\nthem: so, accordingly, they left Carolina and took their journey north to\nrejoin their sister nations.\n\nMethink I can see them leaving their once cherished homes--the aged, the\nhelpless, the women and children, and the warriors faint and few--the\nashes are cold on their native hearth; the smoke no more curls round\ntheir lowly cabin: they move on with slow, unsteady steps; they turn to\ntake a last look upon their doomed village and cast a last glance upon\nthe long cherished memories of their fathers' graves. They shed no tears;\nthey utter no cries: they heave no groans, they linger but a moment. They\nknow and feel that there is for them still one more remove further, not\ndistant nor unseen.\n\nOne bright, sunny June morning, in the year 1813, was one of the darkest\ndays that the Tuscaroras ever witnessed, when most of the nation took\ntheir pace to the north until they came within the bounds of the Oneida\ndomain, about two miles west of Tamaqua, in the state of Pennsylvania,\nwhere they located and set out apple trees which can be seen to this day:\nsome of the trees, will measure about two feet in diameter. Here they\ndwelled for about two years.\n\nIn about the year 1815, the Iroquois, being the Mohawk, Onondaga, Seneca,\nOneida and Cayuga nations, which were then called the five nations, had a\ngeneral council where the Tuscarora made an application through their\nbrothers the Oneida, to be admitted into the Iroquois and become the\nsixth nation, on the grounds of a common generic origin, which was\ngranted them unanimously. Then the Seneca adopted the Tuscarora as their\nchildren. Ever since that time to the present, if a Seneca addresses the\nTuscaroras, he will invariably salute them as \"my sons,\" in social or in\ncouncil; and also the Tuscaroras in return will say \"my fathers.\" The\nrelation has always been kept up to the present.\n\nThe Tuscaroras were then initiated without enlarging the frame-work of\nthe confederacy and formation of the League, by allowing them their own\nSachems and Chiefs, which they had as hereditary from their nation in the\nsouth, except on which they gave, as the Holder of the Tree, to sit and\nenjoy a nominal equality in the councils of the League, by the courtesy\nof the other five nations. They were not dependent, but were admitted to\nas full an equality as could be granted them without enlarging the frame-\nwork of the confederacy. In the councils of the League they had no\nnational designation. They were then assigned a portion of the Oneidas'\nterritory, which is lying upon the Unadilla river on the east, the\nChenango on the west, and the Susquehanna on the south, where they\ndwelled and enjoyed their peace again for about seventy years. In 1736\nthey numbered 200 warriors of fighting men.\n\nWe again hear of the Tuscarora by history, concerning a massacre of the\nGerman Flats, N. Y., in November, 1757.\n\nA narrative communicated to the author of the Documentary History of New\nYork, vol. 2, page 520, viz: A few days after this massacre and\ndesolation had been perpetrated, Sir William Johnson dispatched Geo.\nCroghan, Esq., Deputy Agent, with Mr. Montour, the Indian interpreter, to\nthe German Flats, where he understood several of the Oneida and Tuscarora\nIndians were assembled, in order to call upon them to explain why they\nhad not given more timely notice to the Germans of the designs and\napproach of the enemy, it having been reported that no intelligence had\nbeen given by the Indians until the same morning the attack was made, and\nas these Indians might naturally be supposed, from their situation and\nother circumstances, to have had an earlier knowledge of the enemy's\ndesign and march.\n\nBefore Mr. Croghan could get up to the German Flats the aforesaid Indians\nwere on their road homewards, but he was informed that the Chief Sachem\nof the Upper Oneida town, with a Tuscarora Sachem (which is supposed to\nbe Solomon Longboard) and another Oneida Indian, were still about four\nmiles from Fort Harkeman, upon which he sent a messenger to acquaint them\nthat he was at the said fort.\n\nThe aforesaid Indians returned, and on the 3oth of November, at Fort\nHarkeman, Conaghquieson, the Oneida Sachem, made the following speech to\nMr. Croghan, having first called in one Rudolph Shumaker, Hanjost Harkman\nand several other Germans who understood the Indian language, and desired\nthem to sit down and hear what he had to say. Conaghquieson then\nproceeded and said:\n\n\"Brothers:--I can't help telling you that we were very much surprised to\nhear that our English brethren suspect and charge us with not giving them\ntimely notice of the designs of the French, as it is well known we have\nnot neglected to give them every piece of intelligence that came to our\nknowledge.\n\n\"Brothers, about fifteen days before the affair happened we sent the\nGermans word that some Swegatchi Indians told us that the French were\ndetermined to destroy the German Flats, and desired them to be on their\nguard. About six days after that we had a further account from the\nSwegatchi Indians that the French were preparing to march.\n\n\"I then came to the German Flats, and in a meeting with the Germans told\nthem what we had heard, and desired to collect themselves together in a\nbody at their fort, [Footnote: A stockaded work round the church, and a\nblock-house, with a ditch, and a parapet thrown up by Sir William\nJohnson, a year ago, upon an alarm then given.] and secure their women,\nchildren and effects, and to make the best defence they could. At the\nsame time I told them to write what I had said to our brother,\nWarraghryagey (meaning Sir William Johnson [Footnote: They never sent\nthis intelligence to Sir William Johnson.]), but they paid not the least\nregard to what I told them, and laughed at me, slapping their hands on\ntheir buttocks, saying they did not value the enemy, upon which I\nreturned home and sent one of our people to the lake (meaning Oneida\nLake) to find out whether the enemy were coming or not. After he had\nstaid there two days the enemy arrived at the carrying-place, and sent\nword to the castle at the lake that they were there, and told them what\nthey were going to do, but charged them not to let us at the upper castle\nknow anything of their design. As soon as the man I sent there heard this\nhe came on to us with the account that night; and as soon as we received\nit we sent a belt of wampum, to confirm the truth thereof, to the Flats,\nwhich came here the day before the enemy made their attack: but the\npeople would not give credit to the account even then, or they might have\nsaved their lives. [Footnote: The Indians who brought the belt of wampum,\nfinding the Germans still incredulous, the next morning, just before the\nattack began, laid hold on the German Minister, and in a manner forced\nhim over to the other side of the river, by which means he and some who\nfollowed him escaped the fate of their brethren.] This is the truth, and\nthose Germans here present know it to be so. The aforesaid Germans did\nacknowledge it to be so, and that they had such intelligence.\n\n\"GEORGE CROGHAN.\"\n\nThe Oneida being the original owner of the tract of land assigned to the\nTuscarora as aforesaid, were made party with the Tuscarora to the treaty\nmade at Fort Herkimer in the year 1785, by which it was ceded to the\nState, and the Oneida took all the avails of the treaty. The Tuscaroras\nwere then again left without a home and were partially scattered among\nthe other nations, although they continued to preserve their nationality.\nThey had some settlements, at a later period, in Oneida Castle, called by\nthem Gaunea-wahro-hare (signifying head on the pole), and one in the\nvalley of the Genesee below Avon, called by them Ju-na-stre-yo\n(signifying the beautiful valley); another settlement at Con-na-so-ra-ga,\non the line between Onondaga and Oneida; another in the fork of\nChattenango Creek, which they called Ju-ta-nea-ga (signifying where the\nsun shines); and another on the Jordan Creek, which they called Kan-ha-to\n(signifying limb in water). These several places were settled at\ndifferent periods, which I am not able to give.\n\nIn the revolutionary war between the United States and Great Britain, the\nTuscaroras then had their settlement at the place alotted them by the\nleague in 1715, between the Unadilla river and the Chenango. They took an\nactive part with the United States. Many a soldier and scout of the\nUnited States, in their fatigue and hunger, found a rest and a morsel in\nthe rude homes of the Tuscaroras, which were ever hospitably open to\nthem.\n\nWhen the other Indians which took part with the British knew that the\nTuscaroras took part with the United States, they invaded their\nsettlement, destroyed their property and burned down their houses to\nashes, which scattered them for a while. There was a party that settled\nat Oyouwayea, or Johnson's landing place, on lake Ontario, about four\nmiles east of the mouth of Niagara River, which is at the mouth of the\nfour-mile creek, for the purpose of getting out of the centre of the\nother Indians which were for the British.\n\nAbout the close of the war there were two families of the Tuscaroras\nhunting and fishing along the shores of lake Ontario, and then up the\neast shore of Niagara River as far as Lewiston, and there left their\ncanoe; then traveled east and up the mountain as far as a place which\nthey now call the Old Saw Mill (now on the Tuscarora Reservation), above\nthe Ayers' farm, where they saw great quantities of butternuts and\nwalnuts and and a nice stream of water flowing down the mountain; there\nthey took their rest, and after remaining several days they concluded to\nmake their winter quarters at that place, which they did. After they were\nmissing for a time from the settlement at Johnson's landing, they were\nhunted by their people and finally found at this place. A few years after\nthis the Oneidas and Tuscaroras ceded the tract of land that was\napportioned to the Tuscaroras; then families after families came and\nlocated with those two families mentioned above. This is the beginning of\nthe settlement of the present Tuscarora Reservation.\n\nThe Tuscaroras, ever since the revolutionary war, have had their\nresidence within the territory of the Seneca nation, they being\nconsidered the father of the Tuscarora by being adopted as such, at the\ntime of their initiation into the confederacy, in the year 1715.\n\nI will here give the boundary of the Seneca Nation domain, according to\nthe treaty entitled \"A Treaty between the United States of America and\nthe Tribes of Indians called the Six Nations\":\n\n\"The President of the United States having determined to hold a\nconference with the Six Nations of Indians, for the purpose of removing\nfrom their minds all causes of complaint, and establishing a firm and\npermanent friendship with them, and Timothy Pickering being appointed\nsole agent for that purpose, and the agent having met and conferred with\nthe sachems, chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations, in a general\ncouncil, now, in order to accomplish the good design of the conference,\nthe parties have agreed on the following articles, when ratified by the\nPresident, with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United\nStates, shall be binding on them and the Six Nations.\n\n\"Article 1. Peace and friendship are hereby firmly established, and shall\nbe perpetual between the United States and the Six Nations.\n\n\"Article 2. The United States acknowledge the lands reserved to the\nOneida, Onondaga, and Cayuga Nations, in their respective treaties with\nthe State of New York, and called their reservations, to be their\nproperty; and the United States will never claim the same, nor disturb\nthem or either of the Six Nations, nor their Indian friends residing\nthereon and united with them, in the free use and enjoyment thereof; but\nthe said reservations shall remain theirs until they choose to sell the\nsame to the people of the United States, who have the right to purchase.\n\n\"Article 3. The land of the Seneca Nation is bounded as follows:\nBeginning on Lake Ontario at the northwest corner of the land they sold\nto Oliver Phelps, the line runs westerly along the lake as far as O-yong-\nwong-yeh creek, at Johnson's landing place, about four miles eastward\nfrom the fort of Niagara; then southerly up that creek to its main fork;\nthen straight to the main fork of Stedman's creek, which empties into the\nNiagara river above fort Schlosser; and then onward from that fort,\ncontinuing the same straight course, to the river (this line from the\nmouth of O-yong-wong-yeh creek to the river Niagara above Fort Schlosser,\nbeing the eastern boundary of a strip of land extending from the same\nline to Niagara river, which the Seneca Nation ceded to the king of Great\nBritain at a treaty held about thirty years ago, with Sir William\nJohnson); then the line runs along the river Niagara to Lake Erie; then\nalong Lake Erie to the eastern corner of a triangle piece of land which\nthe United States ceded to the state of Pennsylvania, as by the\nPresident's patent, dated the third day of March 1792; then due south to\nthe boundary of that state; then due east to the southwest corner of the\nland sold by the Seneca Nation to Oliver Phelps; and then northerly along\nPhelps' line to the place of beginning, on Lake Ontario. Now, the United\nStates acknowledge all the land within the aforementioned boundary to be\nthe property of the Seneca Nation; and the United States will never claim\nthe same, nor disturb the Seneca Nation, nor their Indian friends\nresiding thereon and united with them, in the free use and enjoyment\nthereof; but it shall remain theirs until they choose to sell the same to\nthe people of the United States, who have the right to purchase.\n\n\"Article 4. The United States having thus described and acknowledged what\nlands belong to the Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecas, and engaged\nnever to claim the same, nor disturb them or any of the Six Nations, nor\ntheir Indian friends residing thereon and united with them, in the free\nuse and enjoyment thereof, etc. Proclaimed January 21, 1785.\"\n\nYou will observe in the treaty above that the name of the Tuscarora\nNation is not mentioned at all, and yet speaks of the Six Nations, which\nincludes the Tuscarora Nation. The reason is this: In Article 2 you will\nobserve that all the nations that have their lands on the east side of\nwhat is known as the Phelps line were named, and west of that line was\nthe land of the Seneca Nation on which the Tuscaroras resided, and were\nconsidered as being merged into the Seneca Nation, and have the benefit\nof the laws enacted for them.\n\nThere was also a contract entered into between the Seneca Nation of\nIndians of the first part, and Robert Morris. Esq., of the city of\nPhiladelphia, of the second part. At a treaty held under the authority of\nthe United States, at Genesee, in the county of Ontario, State of New\nYork, on the fifteenth day of September, 1797, and on sundry days\nimmediately prior thereto, by the Honorable Jeremiah Wadsworth. Esq., a\ncommissioner appointed by the President of the United States to hold the\nsame, when the Senecas ceded the country that included the now Tuscarora\nReservation. The Tuscaroras then and there made their complaint by their\nchiefs, for the first since they were initiated into the confederacy of\nthe Iroquois; in the presence of the commissioner and the others that are\nparties to the treaty; that the Iroquois had from time to time allotted\nthem lands and had been ceded each time by the Iroquois, without giving\nthem a farthing to remunerate them for their portion of the lands so\nceded, or for the improvements that they had made, and asked if they were\nto be driven in this manner from place to place all the days of their\nexistence, and if that is the way a father should use their children or\nbrothers should use their brothers, and to keep them living in\ndisappointment; they also alluded to a treaty concluded at Fort Stanwix\nthree years before this, where the commissioners of the United States\nreserved to them land, which read as follows:\n\n\"Article 2. The Oneida and Tuscarora Nations shall be secured in the\npossession of the lands on which they are settled.\"\n\nThe commissioner then inquired into the merits of the complaint of the\nTuscaroras, which the Iroquois affirmed; the commissioner then said to\nthem, that it is not right to make a contract, or to grant anything\nwithout faith; it is only honorable when you adhere to your stipulation.\n\nWhen Robert Morris knew that the Tuscaroras were destitute of land, he\nreserved and donated to them two square miles being 1280 acres; the\nSenecas also granted to them one square mile being 640 acres, which grant\nwas made at the convention dated above. On the 13th day of March, 1808,\nthe sachems, chiefs and head men of the Seneca Nation of Indians executed\na written indenture of the grant or deed to the Tuscarora Nation, of the\none square mile of land above mentioned, and was duly signed by the\nsachems, chiefs and head men of the aforesaid Indians. On the 22d day of\nSeptember, 1810, it was entered and put on file in the Niagara County\nClerk's office, on page 56; and was again put on file in the Niagara\nCounty Clerk's Office, Lockport, in book of deeds 151, page 168, March\n13, 1879.\n\nAbout the year 1800, Solomon Longbard and his brother held private\ncouncil between themselves, consulting how they might obtain more land to\nmake a permanent home for the Tuscaroras and their generation after them,\nthey concluded to repair to North Carolina and see if they could procure\nany means from that source, whereby they might obtain more land. In\npursuance, the Tuscarora Chiefs in council appointed as delegates Solomon\nLongboard and Sacarrissa, being sachems of the nation in the year 1801,\nand in 1802 they effected a lease by the aid of the Legislature of North\nCarolina, from which accrued $13,722; and in the year 1804, General\nDearborn, then Secretary of War, was authorized by Congress to buy land\nfor the Tuscaroras with the said money, by which he bought 4,329 acres of\nthe Holland Land Company, which is now on the south and east side of the\nthree square miles mentioned above, which now constitutes the Tuscarora\nReservation.\n\nThe Tuscarora Nation was once more at peace and in possession of lands\nwhich they could call their own.\n\n\n\n\nTuscaroras at North Carolina.\n\nIn tracing the history of the Tuscaroras that migrated to the north and\njoined themselves with the Iroquois, we would not forget those few who\nremained with King James Blunt, a Tuscarora Chief, in North Carolina, who\nhad a tract of land allotted to them on Pamplico river. The smallness of\ntheir number disabling them from resisting the attacks of the southern\nIndians, Governor Charles Eden, of North Carolina, and the council, on\nthe 5th day of June, 1718, entered into a treaty, by which the land on\nPamplico river was abandoned by the Tuscaroras and another tract granted\nto them, on Roanoke river, in the present county of Birtie, in\nconsideration of which they relinquished all claims of any other land in\nthe province, butted and bounded as follows, viz.: Beginning at the mouth\nof Quitsnoy swamp, running up the said swamp four hundred and 35 poles,\nto a scrubby oak near the head of the swamp, by a great spring; then\nnorth ten degrees east, eight hundred and fifty poles, to a persimmon\ntree on Raquis swamp; then along the swamp and Pacosin main course north\nfifty-seven degrees west, two thousand six hundred and forty poles, to a\nhickory tree on the east side of the Falling Run, or Deep creek, and down\nthe various courses of the said run to Morattock; then down the river to\nthe first station.\n\nIn the administration of the Governor, Gabriel Johnson, Esq., at a\nGeneral Assembly held at New Bern on the 15th day of October, 1748, by\nvirtue of an act, this same limit of land above was confirmed and assured\nto James Blunt, Chief of the Tuscarora Nation, and the people under his\ncharge, their heirs and successors forever, any law, usage, custom or\ngrant to the contrary notwithstanding.\n\nAt the time the Tuscaroras migrated to the north, King James Blunt was\nthe Sachem of those that remained, and his successor in office, as we see\nin an act of the General Assembly of North Carolina, in the year 1778,\nwas Whitmell Tuffdick. The last Sachem, or Chief, of that part of the\nTuscaroras--Samuel Smith--expired in the year 1802, at which time\nSacarrissa and Solomon Longboard, both being Sachems of the northern\nTuscaroras, migrated the residue of the Tuscaroras from North Carolina to\ntheir Reservation in Niagara county, State of New York, where they were\nagain blended together in one nation.\n\nConcerning the land allotted to the Tuscaroras in Birtie--they have\nleased it several times; and I have selected a few of the laws of North\nCarolina that are now in force, concerning the Tuscaroras in that state,\nnamely:\n\n\"A. D. 1748. Vol. I. Chapter 43, page 174; by Potter, Taylor and Yancy,\nEsqs. Anno Regni Georgii II, Vicessinio second.\n\n\"Gabriel Johnson, Esq., Governor.\n\n\"At a general assembly held at New Bern, the fifteenth day of October, in\nthe year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and forty-eight.\"\n\nCHAPTER 43.\n\n\"An Act for ascertaining the bounds of a certain tract of land formerly\nlaid out by treaty to the use of the Tuscarora Indians, so long as they,\nor any of them, shall occupy and live upon the same, and to prevent any\nperson or persons taking up lands, or settling within the said bounds, by\npretense of any purchase or purchases made, or that shall be made, from\nthe said Indians.\n\n\"1. Whereas, complaints are made by the Tuscarora Indians, of divers\nencroachments made by the English on their lands, and it being but just\nthat the ancient inhabitants of this Province shall have and enjoy a\nquiet and convenient dwelling place in this their native country,\nwherefore,\n\n\"_Bounds of the Indians' lands confirmed_.--2. We pray that it may\nbe enacted, and be it enacted by His Excellency Gabriel Johnson, Esquire,\nGovernor, by and with the advice and consent of his majesty's council,\nand general assembly of this province, and it is hereby enacted by the\nauthority of the same that the lands formerly allotted the Tuscarora\nIndians by solemn treaty, lying on Morattock river, in Birtie county,\nbeing the same whereon they now dwell. Butted and bounded as follows,\nviz: Beginning at the mouth of Quitsnoy Swamp, running up the said swamp\nfour hundred and thirty-five poles, to a scrubby oak, near the head of\nthe swamp, by a great spring; thence north ten degrees east, eight\nhundred and fifty poles, to a persimmon tree, on Raquis swamp; thence\nalong the swamp, and Pacosin main course, north fifty-seven degrees west,\ntwo thousand six hundred and forty poles to a hickory on the east side of\nthe falling run or deep creek, and down the various courses of the said\nrun to Morattock river, then down the river to the first station; shall\nbe confirmed and assured; and by virtue of this act, is confirmed and\nassured, to James Blunt, chief of the Tuscarora Nation, and the people\nunder his charge, their heirs and successors, forever, any law, usage,\ncustom, or grant, to the contrary, notwithstanding.\n\n\"_Persons having grants to enter on desertion of the Indians_.--3.\nProvided, always, That it shall and may be lawful for any person or\npersons that have formerly obtained any grant or grants, under the Lord's\nproprietors, for any tract or parcels of lands within the aforesaid\nboundaries, upon the said Indians deserting or leaving the said lands, to\nenter, occupy and enjoy the same according to the tenor of their several\ngrants.\n\n\"_Indians not to pay quitrents_.--4. And be it further enacted by\nthe authority aforesaid, That it shall not nor may be lawful for the Lord\nGranville's receiver to ask, have or demand any quitrents for any of the\nsaid tracts or parcels of land taken up within the said Indian\nboundaries, as aforesaid, until such time when the Indians have deserted\nthe same and the patentee be in possession thereof, and only for such\nrents as shall from thence arise and become due, any law, usage or custom\nto the contrary notwithstanding.\n\n\"_Penalty on persons purchasing lands of the Indians_.--5. And be it\nfurther enacted by the authority aforesaid, That no person, for any\nconsideration whatsoever, shall purchase or buy any tract or parcel of\nland claimed or in possession of any Indian or Indians, but all such\nbargains and sales shall be, and are hereby declared to be null and void,\nand of no effect; and the person so purchasing or buying any land of any\nIndian or Indians shall further forfeit the sum of ten pounds,\nproclamation money, for every hundred acres by him purchased and bought,\none-half to the use of the public, the other half to him or them that\nshall sue for the same, to be recovered by action of debt, bill, plaint\nor information, in any court of record within this Government, wherein no\npossession, protection, injunction or wager of law shall be allowed or\nadmitted of.\n\n\"_Persons settled on the Indian lands to remove, and no others to\nsettle there under a penalty_.--6. And be it further enacted by the\nauthority aforesaid, That all and every person and persons, other than\nthe said Indians who are now dwelling on any of the lands within the\nbounds above mentioned to have been allotted, laid out and prescribed to\nthe said Tuscarora Indians, shall, on or before the twenty-fifth day of\nMarch next ensuing the ratification of this act, remove him or herself\nand family off the said lands, under the penalty of twenty pounds,\nproclamation money; and if any shall neglect or refuse to move him or\nherself and family off the said lands, on or before the said twenty-fifth\nday of March next, and if any person or persons, other than the said\nIndians, shall hereafter presume to settle, inhabit or occupy any of the\nsaid lands hereby allotted and assigned for the said Tuscarora Indians,\nsuch person or persons shall forfeit the further penalty of twenty\nshillings, proclamation money, for each and every day he, she or they\nshall inhabit or occupy any lands within the said Indian bounds after the\nsaid twenty-fifth day of March next, the said penalties to be recovered\nand applied in the same manner as the penalty in this act above\nmentioned.\n\n\"_Surveyor's fee for laying out the Indians' lands_.--7. And\nwhereas, The said lands belonging to the said Tuscarora Indians have been\nlately laid out and newly marked by George Goulde, Esq., Surveyor\nGeneral, at the request of the said Indians; therefore, be it enacted,\nthat the said George Goulde, Esq., have and receive for the trouble and\nexpense he hath been at in laying out and marking the Indians' lands\naforesaid, the sum of twenty-five pounds, proclamation money, to be paid\nby the public, out of moneys in the public treasury.\n\n\"_Penalty of persons ranging stock on the Indians' lands_.--8. And\nwhereas, the Indians complain of injuries received from people driving\nstock, horses, cattle and hogs, to range on their lands, for remedy\nthereof, Be it enacted, That persons driving stock to range, or stock\nactually ranging on the Indians' lands, shall, and are hereby declared,\nto be liable and subject to the like penalties and forfeitures, and may\nbe proceeded against in the same manner, and subject to the same\nrecoveries, as by the law of this province stock driven or ranging upon\nany white people's land are liable and subject to; and the said Indians\nshall and may enjoy the benefit of the laws in that case made and\nprovided, in the same manner as the white people do or can, any law,\nusage, or custom, to the contrary notwithstanding.\"\n\nLAWS OF NORTH CAROLINA. A. D. 1878, CHAPTER 136, PAGE 359, VOL. I. BY\nPOTTER, TAYLOR & YANCEY.\n\n\"An Act for quieting and securing the Tuscarora Indians, and others\nclaiming under the Tuscaroras, in the possession of their lands.\n\n\"_Indian lands secured to the Indians_.--1. Be it enacted, &c., That\nWhitmell Tuffdeck, Chief or head man of the Tuscarora nation, and the\nTuscarora Indians now living in the county of Birtie, shall have, hold,\noccupy, possess and enjoy, all the lands lying in the county of Birtie\naforesaid, whereof they are now seized and possessed, being part of the\nlands heretofore alotted to the Indians aforesaid by solemn treaty, and\nconfirmed to them and their successors by act of assembly, in the year\none thousand seven hundred and forty-eight, without let, molestation or\nhindrance, clear of all quit-rents, or any public demands by way of tax\nwhatever, to them the said Tuscarora Indians, and their heirs and\nsuccessors: and that they, the said Tuscaroras, and their heirs and\nsuccessors, shall forever be clear and exempt from every kind of poll\ntax.\n\n\"_No purchases to be made of the Indians, nor their lands\ncultivated_.--2. And whereas, the said Tuscarora Indians, by nature\nignorant, and strongly addicted to drinking, may be easily imposed on by\ndesigning persons, and unwarily deprived of their said lands: Be it\nenacted. That no person, for any consideration whatever, shall hereafter\npurchase, buy or lease, any tract or parcel of land now claimed by, or in\npossession of the said Tuscarora Indians, or any of theirs; nor shall any\nperson settle on or cultivate the said lands, or any part thereof, in his\nown right, or under pretence as acting as overseer for the Indians: and\nif any person shall hereafter purchase, buy or lease lands of the said\nIndians, or settle on or cultivate any part thereof in his own right or\nas overseer for the Indians, all such purchases, sales, leases or\nagreements shall be and they are hereby declared null and void; and the\nperson so purchasing buying or leasing, settling on or cultivating such\nlands, or any part thereof, shall forfeit and pay the sum of three\nhundred pounds current money for every hundred acres by him so purchased,\nbought or leased, settled on or cultivated as aforesaid, one-half to the\nuse of the Tuscarora Indians, the other to the use of him or her who\nshall sue for the same: to be recovered by action of debt, bill, plaint\nor information in any court having cognizance thereof. Provided that the\nsaid Tuscarora Indians may sell or dispose of their lands or any part\nthereof, with the consent of the general assembly first had and obtained.\n\n\"_Former purchases from the Indians under the sanction of the Assembly,\nsecured_.--3. And whereas, the chieftains and head men of the\nTuscarora Indians living in the county, did, on the twelfth day of July,\nin the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-six, for the\nconsideration of fifteen hundred pounds to them paid by Robert Jones,\nJun., William Williams and Thomas Pugh, by indenture under their hands\nand seals, demise, grant and to farm let, unto the said Robert Jones,\nWilliam Williams and Thomas Pugh, a certain tract of land lying in the\ncounty aforesaid, containing about eight thousand acres, more or less,\nbounded as follows, to wit: Beginning at the mouth of Deep creek,\notherwise called Falling Run; thence running up the said creek to the\nIndian head line: thence by the said line south seventeen degrees east,\ntwelve hundred and eighty poles: thence on a course parallel with the\ngeneral current of the said creek to the Roanoke river and then up the\nriver to the beginning, together with the appurtenances thereto\nbelonging, to be held and enjoyed by the said Robert Jones, William\nWilliams and Thomas Pugh their executors, administrators and assigns in\nserveralty for and during the term of one hundred and fifty years as may\nmore fully appear by the said indenture, registered in the count of\nBirtie aforesaid and ratified by act of Assembly, passed at Newbern, in\nthe year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-six: Be it enacted, That\neach and every of the persons entitled to claims under the demise\naforementioned, or by grants from the persons claiming under the same, or\neither of them, and their heirs and assigns, shall and may have, hold,\noccupy, possess and enjoy the several shares, dividends or parcels of the\nsaid land to them belonging, in as full, free and absolute manner, and\nwith the same legal privileges and advantages in every respect, and\nsubject to the same taxes as if the said land had been originally granted\nto the said Robert Jones, William Williams and Thomas Pugh by Lord\nGranville or by this State.\n\n\"_Regulations in regard to former demises_.--4. And whereas, the\nsaid Tuscarora Indians, for good and sufficient reasons, and for valuable\nconsideration, have, since the twelfth day of July, one thousand seven\nhundred and sixty-six, and previous to the first day of December last,\ndemised, granted and to farm let sundry tracts or parcels of land lying\nin said county of Birtie to sundry persons, as by indentures duly\nexecuted may more fully appear: Be it enacted. That all the land\ncontained in the last mentioned demises, if the said demises were fairly,\n_bona fide_ and without fraud, made by and obtained from the said\nTuscarora Indians since the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-\nsix, and previous to the first day of December last past, shall not be\ndeemed vacant lands, or be liable to be entered as such in the Land\nOffice, unless the General Assembly shall hereafter so direct, but\nnevertheless shall be subject to the same taxes as other lands in this\nState are liable to.\n\n\"_Method of trial for demises alleged to have been unfairly\nobtained_.--5. And whereas, it is suggested by the Tuscarora Indians,\nthat unfair dealings have been used in obtaining one or more of the\ndemises aforementioned, and that they, the said Indians have at present\nno mode of obtaining redress in such cases. Be it therefore enacted, that\nthe commissioners herein mentioned or a majority of them, shall and may,\nupon complaint of the said Tuscarora Indians, in court or meeting\nassembled, that a person or persons has or have unfairly or fraudulently\nobtained any grant or demise for lands to them belonging since the year\none thousand seven hundred and sixty-six, and previous to the first day\nof December last, summon the person or persons so complained against, or\ncause him or them to be summoned to appear before them on a certain day\non the land in dispute (giving at best ten days' notice previous to the\nday in such summons appointed), then and there to answer the complaint of\nthe Indians for having fraudulently or unfairly obtained a grant or\ndemise of the land in question; and shall also summon, or cause to be\nsummoned, a jury of twelve men, being freeholders in the county of Birtie\nand not resident on or owners of any lands purchased of the said\nTuscarora Indians; and the said commissioners, or a majority of them,\nshall attend at the time and place appointed, with the jury aforesaid,\nand having first sworn the jury to try and determine fairly between the\nsaid Indians and the person or persons complained against, shall and may\ncause witnesses to be examined on both sides, receive the verdict of the\njury and return the same, with the panel, to the next County Court of the\nsaid county of Birtie, to be entered upon the record; and such verdict\nshall be as good and effectual as if obtained in any court of record; and\nif the same be general the said commissioners, or a majority of them,\nshall and may appoint one or more persons to carry the same into\nexecution; but if special, then the court shall decide thereon, and cause\nthe Sheriff of the county to carry such decision into execution.\n\n\"_Commissioners for Indian affairs_.--6. And whereas the said\nIndians are often injured by horses, cattle and hogs, driven on their\nlands by white people, the said horses, cattle and hogs breaking into the\nenclosure and distroying their corn and other effects, and are also\nfrequently deprived of their property, and abuses by ill disposed\npersons; for remedy whereof, and also for recovery of suits or demands\nnow due, or which may hereafter become due and owing to the said\nTuscarora Indians; Be it enacted, that William Williams, Thomas Pugh,\nWillie Jones, Simon Turner and Zedekiah Stone, be, and they are hereby\nappointed commissioners for the said Indians, and they, or any three of\nthem, shall and may inquire into the complaints made by the said Indians,\nsummon the persons complained against, before them, and award such\nrestitution and redress as to them shall seem just and necessary; and may\nappoint an Officer or Officers to serve subpoena as, and to execute such\nawards and determinations as they shall or may make in regard of the\npremises; and the court of said county of Birtie, is hereby authorized\nand required to fill up, from time to time, by new appointments any\nvacancies which may happen among the commissioners by death or\nresignations; and upon complaint of the chiefs or head men of the nation,\nand the rest of the Indians, in court or meeting properly assembled,\nagainst any of the commissioners for misbehavior, may inquire into the\nconduct of the person or persons complained against, remove him or them\nif necessary, and appoint another or others in his or their stead.\n\n\"_Reversion of Indian lands_.--7. And be it further enacted, that\nthe lands leased by the said Tuscarora Indians to Robert Jones, Jr.,\nWilliam Williams and Thomas Pugh, and to other persons, shall revert and\nbecome the property of the State, at the expiration of the terms of the\nseveral leases mentioned, if the said nation be extinct; and the lands\nnow belonging to, and possessed by the said Tuscaroras, shall revert to\nand become the property of the State, whenever the said nation shall\nbecome extinct, or shall entirely abandon or remove themselves off the\nsaid lands, and every part thereof. Provided, that no person shall have\nany preference of entry to any of the said lands by virtue of any lease\nor occupancy whatever, since December, one thousand seven hundred and\nseventy-six, whenever the general assembly shall declare the said lands\nto be vacant.\"\n\nRead three times and ratified in general assembly, the 2d day of May, A.\nD. 1778.\n\nSigned by\nWHITMILL HILL, S. S.\nTHOMAS BENBURY, S. C.\n\nLAWS OF NORTH CAROLINA, A. D. 1780, CHAPTER 167. PAGE 406, VOL. I, BY\nPOTTER, TAYLOR & YANCEY.\n\n\"An Act to amend an act, entitled an act for quieting and securing the\nTuscarora Indians, and others claiming under the Tuscaroras, in the\npossession of their lands.\n\n\"1. Whereas, By the said act there is no penalty imposed on the jurors or\nwitnesses duly summoned, and failing to attend.\n\n\"_Attendance of Jurors_.--2. Be it enacted, &c., That the\ncommissioners by the said act appointed, or any three of them, assembled\nfor the purpose of holding a court, shall, and may inflict fines on\njurors or witnesses so failing to attend, not exceeding one hundred\npounds, at their discretion; and unless sufficient excuse be to them\nafterwards shown, cause the same to be levied and applied towards\ndefraying the county expenses of Birtie; and witnesses and jurors who\nshall attend on the trial of any dispute between the said Tuscaroras and\nothers, shall have and receive ten dollars per day for their attendance,\nto be paid by the party cost with all other cost: and such trials may\nhereafter be had on the part of the lands belonging to said Tuscaroras,\nBirtie County, which commissioners shall direct.\"\n\nRead three times and ratified in general assembly, the 10th day of May,\nA. D. 1780.\n\nSigned by\nALEX. MARTIN, S. S.\nTHOMAS BENBURY. S. C.\n\n       *       *       *       *      *\n\nLAWS OF NORTH CAROLINA, A. D. 1801, CHAPTER 608, PAGE 965, VOL. 2, BY\nPOTTER, TAYLOR & YANCEY.\n\n\"James Turner, Esq., Governor.\n\n\"At the general assembly begun and held at Raleigh, on the fifteenth day\nof\nNovember, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and two, and\nin the thirty-seventh year of the independence of said State.\n\n\"An Act for the relief of the Tuscarora Nation of Indians.\n\n\"Whereas, the Indians composing the Tuscarora nation, have, by their\nchief Sacarrissa, and others, regularly deputed and authorized, requested\nthe concurrence of the general assembly of this State, to enable them to\nlease or demise, for a number of years, the residue of their lands\nsituated in the county of Birtie, in such a manner that the whole of the\nsaid leases shall terminate at the same period.\n\n\"_Chiefs authorized to lease their lands_.--1. Be it enacted, &c.,\nThat the said chiefs Sacarrissa, Longboard and Samuel Smith, or a\nmajority of them, be and they are hereby authorized to lease and to farm\nlet the undemised residue of the lands allotted to the Tuscarora Nation\nin Birtie County, for a term of years that shall expire and end when the\nlease made by the Tuscarora Nation to Robert Jones and others, in the\nyear of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and sixty-six, shall end and\nexpire; and also extend the term or terms of the leases already made or\ngranted for a shorter term, to a term or terms which shall expire at the\nsame time with the said lease made in the year one thousand seven hundred\nand sixty-six, in such parcels and on such rents and conditions as may be\napproved by the commissioners appointed in pursuance of this act and\nwhich may best promote the interest and convenience of the said Indian\nnation.\n\n\"And, whereas, some difficulties have arisen respecting the receipt and\npayment on the rents of some of the present leases.\n\n\"_To make alterations with respect to rents_.--2. Be it further\nenacted, That the said chiefs, or a majority of them, be, and they arc\nhereby authorised to make such alterations, by covenant and agreement,\nrespecting the payment and receipt of any rents due, or that may become\ndue on any of the existing leases, as the commissioners appointed in\npursuance of this act, or a majority of them shall approve.\n\n\"Whereas, the said Indian chiefs are ignorant of the usual forms of\nbusiness, and may want advice and assistance in transacting the business\nrespecting their lands, for remedy whereof and to prevent their being\ninjured.\n\n\"_Governor to appoint three commissioners to carry this act into\neffect_.--3. Be it further enacted, That the Governor shall appoint\nthree commissioners for the purpose of carrying the provisions of this\nact into effect; and no lease, grant, demise, covenant or agreement made\nby the said Indian chiefs as aforesaid, respecting said lands, or the\nrents thereof, shall be good or valid in law, unless the same shall be\napproved by the said commissioners, or a majority of them, and such\napprobation shall be expressed in writing and annexed or endorsed on such\nlease, covenant or agreement, and registered in the Register's Office in\nthe county of Birtie, together with said lease or agreement; and the said\ncommissioners shall receive the sum of twenty shillings per day for their\ncompensation and expenses, to be paid out of the monies received by the\nsaid chiefs on leasing said lands.\n\n\"_Possessions of the tenants to be deemed the possessions of the\nTuscarora Indians_.--4. And be it further enacted. That the occupancy\nand possession of the tenants under the said lease, heretofore confirmed\nby act or acts of the general assembly, and such leases as may be made\nunder this act, shall be held and deemed in all cases whatsoever, the\noccupancy and possession of the said Tuscarora Nation, to all intents and\npurposes, as if said nation, or the Indians thereof, or any of them,\nactually resided on said lands.\n\n\"Whereas, The said chiefs, Sacarrissa, Longboard, and Samuel Smith, being\nduly and freely authorized and empowered by the said Tuscarora Nation,\nhave consented that the Indians' claim to the use, possession, and\noccupancy of said lands shall cease and be extinguished, when the said\nlease made in the year one thousand seven hundred seventy-six, to Robert\nJones and others, shall expire.\n\n\"_The land to revert to the state_.--5. Be it enacted, That from and\nafter the twelfth day of July, which shall be in the year One Thousand\nnine and sixteen, the whole of the lands alloted to the said Tuscarora\nIndians, by act of General Assembly passed at Newbern, on the fifteenth\nday of October, in the year of our Lord One Thousand seven hundred and\nforty eight, shall revert to, and become the property of the state, and\nthe claim thereto, from that time, be held, and deemed forever\nextinguished.\n\n\"_If any of the lands be vacant it is not to be entered but by an\nexpress act_.--6. And be further enacted, After the said lands shall\nrevert to the State, if the same or any part thereto, shall be vacant,\nthe same shall not be liable to the entry or entries of any person or\npersons, without an express act of the legislation to that effect;\nProvided always, That it shall not be lawful for any person or persons to\nmake any entry or entries on the said lands, after the passing of this\nact. Provided always, That nothing in this act contained shall be\nconstrued so as to effect the title of any individual; Provided\nnevertheless, That no lot or parcel of lands laid off under the direction\nof said commissioners, shall exceed two hundred acres; And Provided\nfurther, That no lease shall be made but by public auction, of which due\nnotice shall be given in the Halifax and Edenton newspapers.\"\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nACTS OF ASSEMBLY FROM 1821 TO 1825, PAGE 13, CHAPTER 13, STATE LIBRARY.\n\n\"An act concerning the lands held under leases from the Tuscarora tribe\nof Indians.\n\n\"Whereas it is represented to this General Assembly, in behalf of persons\nholding lands under leases, for a long term of years from the Tuscarora\ntribe of Indians, that they are subject to great inconveniences from\ntheir estates being mere cattle interest: For remedy whereof,\n\n\"Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of North Carolina,\nand it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same.\n\n\"That the estates in lands now held by certain individuals, under leases\nfor a term of years from the Tuscarora tribe of Indians, made in\npursuance of certain acts of the General Assembly of this State, shall be\nhereafter considered real estate; shall decend to, and be devided among\nthe heirs of any intestate, subject to dower and tenancy by courtesy, and\nother incidents to real estate, and its liabilitiy to execution, and its\nconveyance and devise, shall be governed by the same rules as are now\nprescribed in the case of real estate held in fee simple; Provided that\nnothing herein contained, shall be so construed as to give to the\nindividuals holding the said term of years, a right to enjoy the same for\na longer period than is designated in the leases executed by the\nTuscarora Indians, in pursurance of acts of the General Assembly of this\nstate, nor as to give to said individuals any right which by the\nconstitution of this state, is exclusively confirmed to the freeholders.\"\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nLAWS OF NORTH CAROLINA FROM 1827 TO 1831, PAGE II, VOL. I, CHAPTER XIX,\nIN STATE LIBRARY. ACT OF NOV. 17TH, 1828.\n\n\"An act concerning the lands formerly occupied by the Tuscarora tribe of\nIndians lying in Bertie County, on the north side of Roanoke river.\n\n\"Whereas the Tuscarora Indians have for more than a century been the firm\nand undividing friends of the white people of this country, insomuch that\nthe people of North Carolina not only render to them full and complete\nJustice, but also to exercise towards them that spirit of generosity\nwhich their conduct has merrited: Therefore,\n\n\"I. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of North Carolina,\nand is hereby enacted by the authority of the same, that William R. Smith\nof Halifax, Simon J. Barker, of Martin and William Brittin of Bertie, be,\nand they are hereby appointed commissioners for the purpose of\nadvertising and selling in manner hereinafter directed, the above named\ntract of land bounded as follows, to wit: beginning at the mouth of\nQuitsnoy swamp; running up the swamp 430 poles to a scrubby oak, near the\nhead of said swamp by a great spring; thence north 10 degrees east 850\npoles, to a persimmon tree, on Raquis Swamp; thence along the swamp and\nPocasin main course north 57 degrees west 2,640 poles, to a hickory on\nthe east side of Falling Run on Deep Creek, and down the various courses\nof said Run to Roanoke River; then down the river to the first station.\n\n\"II. And be it further enacted, That the title so to be sold by said\ncommissioners shall be understood to extend only to the reversion of the\nState in said lands after the expiration of the lease from the Indians,\nunder which they are now held, and after the ratification of this act,\nand notice thereof to the commissioners, it shall be their duty to\nproceed forthwith to advertise in the newspapers most convenient to the\npremises, and also in five of the most public places in the counties of\nBertie, Halifax and Martin, including the court houses in said counties,\nthat a sale of said lands, according to the provisions of this act, will\ntake place on Tuesday of the ensuing March term of the Superior Court of\nBirtie county, that is, on the 17th day of March next; and it shall be\nthe duty of the said commissioners to attend to the aforesaid time and\nplace, and offer in the court house yard, at public sale to the highest\nbidder, the said lands, according to advertisement, subject however to\nthe lease aforesaid, and the commissioners shall have power to continue\nor postpone the sale from day to day until the end of the week, and\nshould they, by unavoidable accident or otherwise be prevented from\nselling all or any part of the lands during the same week, it shall be\ntheir duty to advertise in like manner, for two months next preceding the\nfollowing September term of the Bertie court, and to sell at said term,\nas is heretofore directed, at the March term, and said commissioners\nshall be empowered to put up said lands in such parcels as they may deem\nmost advantageous for selling, and that they shall give the purchasers a\ncredit of twelve months on one-half the purchase money, and a credit of\ntwelve months on the other half; Provided always, that the purchaser\nshall deliver to the commissioners bonds with good and sufficient\nsecurity for the same, payable to the Governor of the State.\n\n\"III. And be it further enacted, That should the commissioners upon\noffering said lands as aforesaid perceive that they were likely to be\nsacrificed, or to sell for an amount greatly below their value, it shall\nbe their duty forthwith to discontinue the sale, and it shall be the duty\nof the commissioners after making sale, or if no sale be made,\nimmediately after September next to make report to the public Treasurer\nof the State of all such proceedings that they may have had under this\nact and also to hand over to him all such bonds as they may have taken\nfrom purchasers; and it shall be the duty of the Secretary of State, upon\na certificate from the Treasurer of payment of the purchase money and a\ncertificate from the commissioners of the boundaries of the land so\npurchased, to grant a title of release from the State of North Carolina\nto such persons as may be reported purchasers by said commissioners under\nthe act of Assembly.\n\n\"IV. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the public\nTreasurer to collect the money on said lands when they shall become due\nand hold the same subject to the order of the Tuscarora tribe of Indians;\nand whenever such order shall be presented, properly and duly\nauthenticated, by said tribe or nation of Indians, it shall be his duty\nto pay the same over accordingly; Provided always that upon paying such\nmonies, the Public Treasurer shall take from said Indians or agents, a\nfull and complete release of all such claim, pretence of title, as they\nnow make or ever may have to the aforesaid tract of lands.\n\n\"V. And be it further enacted, That the commissioners shall be allowed\neach the sum of three dollars for every day that they shall necessarily\nbe employed in examining said lands, or in attending the sale of same, to\nbe paid out of the funds arising from the sale.\n\n\"VI. Be it further enacted, That if it should appear at any time\nthereafter that the said Indians have parted with their claims, or\ncontracted for the same, so that in fact the benefit of the sale shall,\nagreeable to the provisions of this act, revert to the State.\"\n\nGovernor John Owen, Esq., appointed as commissioners, William R. Smith,\nof Halifax; Simon J. Baker, of Martin; and William Brittain, of Birtie;\nto sell the Tuscarora lands in pursuance to the lease effected by the\nhelp of the General Assembly, Nov. 17, 1823, of which they reported to\nWilliam Roberts, Public Treasurer--in bonds the sum of $2977.87, payable\nin installments of one and two years from the 17th day of March, 1829,\nwhich are on file in the Public Treasurer's Office. And on Nov. 21, 1831,\nWilliam S. Mahon, the Public Treasarer, re-reported cash in bonds for\nsale of Tuscarora lands--\n\nPrinciple............................... $1400.27.\nInterest................................    30.74.\nTotal................................... $1431.01.\n\nAnother report of the same man January, 1832, that all has been\ncollected, and remains in the treasury, subject to the order of the\nIndians. $3,220.71-1/4.\n\nPaid on May 3ist, 1831, and found on file.\n\n\"For this amount paid Bates Cooke, being their agent to receive the same\nunder the Act of Assembly of 1828, $3,220.71-1/4.\"\n\nIn about the year 1818, the New York Indians, (which includes the\nTuscaroras), were engaged in a stipulation, to buy a tract of land from\nthe Menomonees and Winnebagoes, which was questioned in Congress about\nthe validity of a contract on purchases of lands between Indian nations.\nBut Congress did concur in the stipulation made between the New York\nIndians of the first part, and the Menomonees and Winnebagoes of the\nsecond part, for lands lying in Green Bay, Wisconsin, bought and paid for\nby the former according to the stipulation concluded in the year 1822.\n\nFor the payment of the said land above, I can only speak for the\nTuscaroras. The precise amount paid I am unable to state. But a tax was\nmade on the nation; children paid twenty-five cents each, adults paid\nmore according to their ability; the amount obtained in this way I am\nunable to state. They also gave their annuities of two years, which they\ndrew from the government, and also two hundred dollars in money which\nthey loaned from the Oneida Indians (which they afterwards refunded).\n\nAll those goods and moneys were paid to the Menomonees and Winnebagoes,\nas their part of the Green Bay lands. These facts I obtained of the widow\nof Jonathan Printup, an honorable chief of the Tuscarara nation, by whom\nwas entrusted with the goods and money for the payment of said lands,\nwhich he faithfully performed, and was accompanied as delegates by Dr.\nJohn Patterson and James Cusick, who were appointed to the honorable\noffice of purchasing a tract of land for a future home of their people. I\nam indebted to the widow of Dr. John Patterson, and also his brother\nHarry, for information which corroborates with that of the widow above\nmentioned, and also of other old people.\n\nIn a short time afterwards, the Menomonees denied the contract in various\nways, they denied the efficiency of the Chiefs who signed the treaty, and\nalso denied of having received any payment, and also denied the boundary\nof the land ceded. This naturally created difficulty and discord between\nthem, and kept growing worse from year to year. But the Winebagoes never\ndenied any of the denials of the Menomonees.\n\nIn a treaty of the United States and the Menomonees and Winebagoes, of\nFeb. 6th, 1826, in Article 8th, it was acknowledged that there existed\nsome uncertainty in consequence of the cession made by the tribes upon\nFox River and Green Bay, to the New York Indians. Finally the Menomonees\nmade their complaint before the President, concerning the New York\nIndians, which has reference to the case, in the treaty by the United\nStates, with the several tribes of Green Bay on Feb. 23rd, 1829, in\nArticle 2nd, which read as follows, viz:\n\n\"Much difficulty having arising from the negotiations between the\nMenomonees and Winebago tribes and the various tribes and portions of\ntribes of Indian of the State of New York, and the claims of the\nrespective parties being much contested, as well with relation to the\ntenure and boundaries of the two tracts claimed by the New York Indians,\nwest of Lake Michigan, as to the authority of the persons who signed the\nagreement on the part of the Monomonees, and the whole subject having\nbeen fully examined at the council this day concluded, and the\nallegations, proofs, and statements of the respective parties having been\nentered upon the Journal of the commissioners, so that the same can be\ndecided by the President of the United States, it is agreed by the\nMonomonees and Winebagoes, that so far as respects their interests in the\npremises, the whole matter shall be referred to the President of the\nUnited States, whose decision shall be final. And the President is\nauthorized, on the parts, to establish such boundaries between them and\nthe New York Indians as he may consider equitable and just.\"\n\nAnd also in the treaty of Feb. 8th, 1838, we find, in enumerating the\nseveral reasons for effecting a treaty at the above date, the following,\ncommencing at line 20,928, in the Revision of Indian Treaties, viz: \"as\nwell as for the purpose of settling the long existing dispute between\nthemselves, and the several tribes of the New York Indians, who claim to\nhave purchased a portion of their lands, the undersigned, Chiefs and head\nmen of the Menomenees tribe, stipulate and agree with the United States\nas follows:\n\n\"First. The Menomonee tribe of Indians declare themselves the friend and\nallies of the United States, under whos parental care and protection they\ndesire to continue; and although always protesting that they are under no\nobligation to recognize any claim of the New York Indians to any portions\nof their country; that they neither sold nor received any value for the\nland claimed by these tribes, yet at the solicitation of their Great\nFather, the President of the United States, and as an evidence of their\ngreat love and veneration for him, they agree that such a part of the\nland described, being within the following boundaries, as he may direct,\nmay be set apart as homes for the several tribes of the New York Indians,\nwho may remove to and settle upon the same within three years from the\ndate of this agreement, &c.\" Commencing at line 20,970, the President of\nthe United States is hereby empowered to apportion the lands among the\nactual occupants at that time, so as not to assign to any tribe a greater\nnumber of acres than may be equal to one hundred for each soul actually\nsettled upon the lands, and if, at any time of such apportionment any\nlands shall remain unoccupied by any tribes of the New York Indians, such\nportion as would have belonged to said Indians, had it been occupied,\nshall revert to the United States. That portion, if any, so reverting to\nbe laid off by the President of the United States. It is destinctly\nunderstood that the lands hereby ceded to the United States for the New\nYork Indians are to be held by those tribes, under such tenure as the\nMenomonee Indians now hold their lands, subject to such regulations and\nalternation of tenure as Congress and the President of the United States\nshall from time to time think proper to adopt.\n\n\"Second. For the above cession the United States for the benefit of the\nNew York Indians, the United States consent to pay the Menomonee Indians\ntwenty Thousand Dollars, &c.\n\n\"Also commencing at line 21,118, Article 6th, the Menomonee Chiefs request\nthat such part of it as relates to the New York Indians be immediately\nsubmmitted to the representatives of their tribes, and if they refuse to\naccept the provision made for their benefit and to remove upon the lands\nset apart for them, on the west side of Fox River, that they will direct\ntheir immediate removal from the Menomonee county, but if they agree to\naccept the liberal offer made to them by parties of this compact, then\nthe Menomonee tribe, as dutiful children of the Great Father, the\nPresident, will take them by the hand as brothers, and settle down with\nthem in peace and friendship.\"\n\nSUPPLEMENTARY ARTICLES.\n\nFirst. It is agreed between the undersigned, commissioners on behalf of\nthe United States and the chiefs and warriors representing the Menomonee\ntribe of Indians, that for the reasons above expressed, such part of the\nfirst Article of the agreement entered into between the parties hereto,\non the 8th instant, as limits the removal and settlement of the New York\nIndians upon the lands therein provided for their future homes, three\nyears, shall be altered and amended so as to read as follows: That the\nPresident of the United States shall prescribe the time for the removal\nand settlement of the New York Indians upon the lands thus provided for\nthem; and at the expiration of such reasonable time, he shall apportion\nthe lands among the actual settlers in such manner as he shall deem\nequitable and just. And if, within such reasonable time as the President\nof the United States shall prescribe for that purpose, the New York\nIndians shall refuse to accept the provisions made for their benefit, or,\nhaving agreed, shall neglect or refuse to remove from New York, and\nsettle on the said lands, within the time prescribed for that purpose,\nthat then, and in either of these events, the lands aforesaid shall be\nand remain in the property of the United States, according to the said\nfirst article, excepting so much thereof as the President shall deem\njustly due to such of the New York Indians as shall actually have removed\nto and settled on the said lands.\n\n\"Second, It is further agreed that the part of the Sixth Article of the\nagreement aforesaid, which requires the removal of those of the New York\nIndians who may not be settled on the lands at the end of three years,\nshall be so amended as to leave such removal discretionary with the\nPresident of the United States; the Menomonee Indians having full\nconfidence that in making his decision he will take into consideration\nthe welfare and prosperity of their nation: Provided, That for the\npurpose of establishing the rights of the New York Indians upon a\npermanent and just footing, the said treaty shall be ratified with the\nexpress understanding that two townships of land,\" &c. which goes on and\nlocates the different portion of lands to the several tribes or bands of\nthe New York Indians which was proclaimed, July 9, 1832.\n\n\"Whereas articles of agreement between the United States of America, and\nthe Menononee Indians, were made and concluded at the city of Washington,\non the 8th day of February A. D. 1831, by John H. Eaton, and Samuel C.\nStambaugh, commissioners on the part of the United States, and certain\nChiefs and headmen of the Menomonee nation, on the part of the said\nnation; to which articles an addition or supplemental article was\nafterwards made, on the 17th day of February, in the same year, by which\nthe said Menomonee nation agree to cede to the United States certain\nparts of their lands: and that a tract of country therein defined, shall\nbe set apart for the New York Indians; all which, with the many other\nstipulations therein contained, will more fully appear by reference to\nthe same. When said agreement thus forming a treaty, were laid before the\nSenate of the United States, during their then session, but were not at\nsaid session acted on by that body. Whereupon a further agreement was on\nthe fifteenth day of March, in the same year, entered into for the\npurpose of preserving the provisions of the treaty made as aforesaid; by\nwhich it is stipulated that the said articles of agreement concluded as\naforesaid, should be laid before the next Senate of the United States at\ntheir ensuing session, and if sanctioned and confirmed by them, that each\nand every article threof should be as binding and obligatory upon the\nparties respectively as if they had been sanctioned at the previous\nsession; and whereas, The Senate of the United States, by their\nresolution of the twenty fifth day of June, 1832, did advise and consent\nto accept, ratify, and confirm the same, and every clause and article\nthereof, upon the conditions expressed in the proviso contained in their\nsaid resolution, which proviso is as follows: Provided, That for the\npurpose of establishing the right of the New York Indians on a permanent\nand just footing, the said treaty shall be ratified, with the express\nunderstanding that two townships of land, &c.,\" as in article second\nabove.\n\n\"Whereas, Before the treaty aforesaid, conditionally ratified, according\nto the proviso to the said resolution of the Senate, above recited, could\nbe obligatory upon the said Menomomee nation, their assent to the same\nmust be had and obtained.\" Which was done after some modifications\nrespecting the location of the portion of land for the New York Indians.\nAnd as the modifications so made and desired, was acceded to also by the\nNew York Indians, which was as follows:\n\n\"To all to whom these presents shall come, the undersigned chiefs and\nhead men of the sundry tribes of the New York Indians (as set forth in\nthe specifications annexed to their signatures), send greeting:\n\n\"Whereas, a tedious, perplexing and harassing dispute and controversy\nhave long existed between the Menomonee Nation of Indians and the New\nYork Indians, more particularly those known as the Stockbridge, Munsee\nand Brothertown tribes, the Six Nations and the St. Regis tribe. The\ntreaty made between the said Menomonee Nation and the United States, and\nthe conditional ratification thereof by the Senate of the United States\nbeing stated and set forth in the within agreement, entered into between\nthe chiefs and head men of the said Menomonee, and George B. Porter,\nGovernor of Michigan, commissioners specially appointed, with\ninstructions referred to in the said agreement.\n\n\"And whereas, the undersigned are satisfied and believe that the best\nefforts of the said commissioners were directed and used to procure, if\npracticable, the unconditional assent of the said Menomonees to the\nchange proposed by the Senate of the United States in the ratification of\nthe said treaty, but without success.\n\n\"And whereas, the undersigned, further believe that the terms stated in\nthe within agreement are the best practicable terms short of those\nproposed by the Senate of the United States, which could be obtained from\nthe said Menomonees; and being asked to signify our acceptance of the\nmodifications proposed, as aforesaid, by the Menomonees, we are compelled\nby a sense of duty and propriety to say that we do hereby accept of the\nsame. So far as the tribes to which we belong are concerned, we are\nperfectly satisfied that the treaty should be ratified on the terms\nproposed by the Menomonees. We further believe that the tract of land\nwhich the Menomonees in the within agreement are willing to cede, in\nexchange for an equal quantity on the northeast side of the tract of five\nhundred thousand acres, contains a sufficient quantity of good land,\nfavorably and advantageously situated, to answer all the wants of the New\nYork Indians and St. Regis tribe. For the purpose, then, of putting an\nend to strife, and that we may sit down in peace and harmony, we thus\nsignify by our acceptance of the modifications proposed by the\nMenomonees; and we most respectfully request that the treaty as now\nmodified by the agreement this day entered into with the Menomonees, may\nbe ratified and approved by the President and Senate of the United\nStates.\n\n\"Proclaimed March 13th, 1835.\"\n\n\n\n\nTREATIES OF NEW YORK INDIANS.\n\nTreaty with the New York Indians as amended by the Senate, and assented\nto\nby the several Tribes 1838.\n\nArticles of a treaty made and concluded at Buffalo Creek, in the State of\nNew York, the fifteenth day of January, in the year of our Lord one\nthousand eight hundred and thirty-eight, by Ransom H. Gillett, a\ncommissioner on the part of the United States, and the chiefs, head men\nand warriors of the several tribes of the New York Indians, assembled in\ncouncil; witnesseth;\n\n\"Whereas, The Six Nations of New York Indians, not long after the close\nof the war of the Revolution, became convinced, from the rapid increase\nof the white settlers around, that the time was not far distant when\ntheir true interest must lead them to seek a new home among their\nbrethren in the West: and,\n\n\"Whereas, This subject was agitated in a general council of the Six\nNations as early as 1810, and resulted in sending a memorial to the\nPresident of the United States, inquiring whether the Government would\nconsent to their tearing their habitations, and removing into the\nneighborhood of their western brethren, and if they could procure a home\nthere, by gift or purchase, whether the Government would acknowledge\ntheir title to the lands so obtained in the same manner it had\nacknowledged it in those from whom they might receive it; and further,\nwhether the existing treaties would in such a case remain in full force,\nand their annuities be paid as heretofore: and,\n\n\"Whereas, With the approbation of the President of the United States,\npurchases were made by the New York Indians from the Menomonees and\nWinnebago Indians of certain lands at Green Bay, in the Territory of\nWisconsin, which, after much difficulty and contention with those Indians\nconcerning the extent of the purchase, the whole subject was finally\nsettled by a treaty between the United States and the Menomonee Indians,\nconcluded in February, 1831, to which the New York Indians gave their\nassent on the seventeenth day of October, 1832: and\n\n\"Whereas, By a provision of that treaty, five hundred thousand acres of\nland are secured to the New York Indians of the Six Nations and the St.\nRegis tribe, as a future home, on the condition that they all remove to\nthe same within three years, or such reasonable time as the President\nshall prescribe, and\n\n\"Whereas, The President is satisfied that various considerations have\nprevented those still residing in New York from removing to Green Bay,\nand among other reasons, that many who were in favor of emigration\npreferred to remove at once to the Indian Territory; which they were\nfully persuaded was the only permanent and peaceable home for all the\nIndians. And they therefore applied to take their Green Bay lands and\nprovide them a new home among their brethren in the Indian Territory: and\n\n\"Whereas, The President, being anxious to promote the peace, prosperity\nand happiness of his red children, and determined to carry out the humane\npolicy of the Government in removing the Indians from the east to the\nwest of the Mississippi, within the Indian Territory, by bringing them to\nsee and feel, by his justice and liberality, that it is their true policy\nand for their interest to do so without delay,\n\n\"Therefore. Taking into consideration the foregoing premises, the\nfollowing articles of a treaty are entered into, between the United\nStates of America and the several tribes of the New York Indians, the\nnames of whose chiefs, head men and warriors are hereto subscribed, and\nthose who may hereafter give their assent to this treaty in writing\nwithin such time as the President shall appoint.\"\n\nGENERAL PROVISIONS:\n\n\"Article 1. The several tribes of the New York Indians, the names of\nwhose chiefs, head men, warriors and representatives are hereunto\nannexed, in consideration of the premises above recited, and the\ncovenants hereinafter contained, to be performed on the part of the\nUnited States, hereby cede and relinquish to the United States all their\nright, title and interest, in the lands secured to them at Green Bay by\nthe Menomonee treaty of 1831, except the following tract on which a part\nof the New York Indians now reside: Beginning at the southwesterly corner\nof the French grants at Green Bay, and running thence southwardly to a\npoint and line to be run from the little Cocalin, parallel to a line of\nthe French grants, and six miles from Fox river; from thence, on said\nparallel line, northwardly six miles; from thence eastwardly to a point\non the northeast line of the Indian lands, and being a right angle to the\nsame.\n\n\"Article 2. In consideration of the above cession and relinquishment on\nthe part of the tribes of the New York Indians, and in order to manifest\nthe deep interest of the United States in the future peace and prosperity\nof the New York Indians, the United States agree to set apart the\nfollowing tract of country, situated directly west of the State of\nMissouri, as a permanent home for the New York Indians now residing in\nthe State of New York, or in Wisconsin, or elsewhere in the United\nStates, who have no permanent homes; which said country is described as\nfollows: Beginning on the west line of the State of Missouri, at the\nnortheast corner of the Cherokee tract, and running thence north along\nthe west line of the State of Missouri twenty-seven miles to the\nsoutherly line of the Missouri lands: thence west so far as shall be\nnecessary, by running a line at right angles and parallel to the west\nline aforesaid, to Osage lands; and thence easterly along the Osage and\nCherokee lands to the place of beginning; to include one million eight\nhundred and twenty-four thousand acres of land, being three hundred and\ntwenty acres for each soul of said Indians, as their numbers are at\npresent computed. To have and hold the same, in fee simple, to the said\ntribes or nations of Indians, by patent from the President of the United\nStates, issued in conformity with the third section of the act entitled,\n'An act to provide for an exchange of lands with the Indians residing in\nany of the States or Territories, and for their removal west of the\nMississippi,' approved on the 28th day of May, 1830, with full power and\nauthority in the said Indians to divide said lands among the different\ntribes, nations or bands in severalty, with the right to sell and convey\nto and from each other, under such laws and regulations as may be adopted\nby the respective tribes, acting by themselves or by a general council of\nthe said New York Indians, acting for all the tribes collectively. It is\nunderstood and agreed that the above described country is intended as a\nfuture home for the following tribes, to-wit: The Senecas, Onondagas,\nCayugas, Tuscaroras, Oneidas, St. Regis, Stockbridges, Munsees and\nBrothertowns, residing in the State of New York, and the same is to be\ndivided equally among them according to their respective numbers, as\nmentioned in a schedule hereunto annexed.\n\n\"Article 3. It is further agreed that such of the tribes of the New York\nIndians as do not accept and agree to remove to the country set apart for\ntheir new homes, within five years, or such other time as the President\nmay from time to time appoint, shall forfeit all interest in the lands so\nset apart, to the United States.\n\n\"Article 4. Perpetual peace and friendship shall exist between the United\nStates and the New York Indians; and the United States hereby guarantee\nto protect and defend them in the peaceable possession and enjoyment of\ntheir new home, and hereby secure to them, in said country, the right to\nestablish their own form of government, appoint their own officers, and\nadminister their own laws; subject, however, to the legislation of the\nUnited States, regulating trade and intercourse with the Indians. The\nlands secured to them by patent under this treaty shall never be included\nin any state or territory of this Union. The said Indians shall also be\nentitled in all respects to the same political and civil rights and\nprivileges that are granted and secured by the United States to any of\nthe several tribes of emigrant Indians settled in the Indian Territory.\n\n\"Article 5. The Oneidas are to have their lands in the Indian Territory,\nin the tract set apart for the New York Indians, adjoining the Osage\ntract, and that hereinafter set apart for the Senecas; and the same shall\nbe so laid off as to secure them a sufficient quantity of timber for\ntheir use.\n\n\"Those tribes whose lands are not specially designated in this treaty are\nto have such as shall be set apart by the President.\n\n\"Article 6. It is further agreed that the United States will pay to those\nwho remove west, at their new homes, all such annuities as shall properly\nbelong to them. The schedule hereunto annexed shall be deemed and taken\nas a part of this treaty.\n\n\"Article 7. It is expressly understood and agreed that the treaty must be\napproved by the President and ratified and confirmed by the Senate of the\nUnited States, before it shall be binding upon the parties to it.\n\n\"It is further expressly understood and agreed that the rejection, by the\nPresident and Senate, of the provisions thereof, applicable to one tribe\nor distant branch of a tribe shall not be construed to invalidate as to\nothers; but as to them, it shall be binding and remain in full force and\neffect.\n\n\"Article 8. It is stipulated and agreed that the accounts of the\ncommissioner and expenses incurred by him in holding a council with the\nNew York Indians, and concluding treaties at Green Bay and Duck Creek in\nWisconsin, and in the State of New York in 1836, and those for the\nexploring party of the present treaty, shall be allowed and settled\naccording to former precedents.\"\n\nSPECIAL PROVISIONS FOR THE ST. REGIS.\n\n\"Article 9. It is agreed with the American party of the St. Regis\nIndians, that the United States will pay to the said tribe, on their\nremoval west, or at such time as the President shall appoint, the sum of\nfive thousand dollars, as a remuneration for moneys laid out by the said\ntribe and services rendered by their chiefs and agents in securing the\ntitle to the Green Bay lands, and in removal to the same, to be\napportioned out to the several claimants by the chiefs of the said party,\nand a United States commissioner, as may be deemed by them equitable and\njust. If is further agreed that the following reservation of land shall\nbe made to the Rev. Eleazar Williams of said tribe, which he claims in\nhis own right and that of his wife, which he is to hold in fee simple by\npatent from the President, with full power and authority to sell and\ndispose of the same, to-wit. Beginning at a point in the west bank of the\nFox River, thirteen chains above the old mill-dam at the rapids of the\nlittle Kockalin, thence north fifty-two degrees and thirty minutes west,\ntwo hundred and forty chains, thence north thirty-seven degrees and\nthirty minutes east, two hundred chains, thence south fifty-two degrees\nand thirty minutes east, two hundred and forty chains to the bank of the\nFox river, thence up along the bank of the Fox river to the place of\nbeginning.\"\n\nSPECIAL PROVISION FOR THE SENECAS.\n\n\"Article 10. It is agreed with the Senecas that they shall have for\nthemselves and their friends the Cayugas and Onondagas residing among\nthem, the easterly part of the tract set apart for the New York Indians,\nand to extend so far west as to include one-half section (three hundred\nand twenty acres) of land for each soul of the Senecas, Cayugas and\nOnondagas residing among them; and if on removing west they find there is\nnot sufficient timber on this tract for their use, then the President\nshall add thereto timber land sufficient for their accommodation and they\nagree to remove from the State of New York to their new homes within five\nyears, and to continue to reside there. And Whereas, At the making of\nthis treaty, Thomas L. Ogden and Joseph Fellows, the assignees of the\nState of Massachusetts have purchased of the Seneca Nation of Indians, in\nthe presence and with the approbation of the United States Commissioner,\nappointed by the United States to hold said treaty or convention, all the\nrights, title, interest and claim of the said Seneca Nation to certain\nlands by a deed of conveyance, a duplicate of which is hereunto annexed,\nand whereas, the consideration money mentioned in said deed, amounting to\ntwo hundred and two thousand dollars, belonging to the Seneca Nation, and\nthe said nation agrees to receive the same, to be disposed of as follows,\nThe sum of one hundred thousand dollars to be invested by the President\nof the United States in safe stock, for their use, the income of which is\nto be paid to them at their new homes annually, and the balance, being\none hundred and two thousand dollars, is to be paid to the owners of the\nimprovements on lands so deeded according to an appraisement of said\nimprovements, and a distribution and award of said sum of money among the\nowners of said improvement, to be made by appraisers hereafter to be\nappointed by the Seneca nation, in the presence of the United States'\nCommissioner hereafter to be appointed, to be paid by the United States\nto the individuals who are entitled to the same, according to said\nappraisal and award, and their severally relinquishing their respective\npossessions to the said Ogden and Fellows.\"\n\nSPECIAL PROVISIONS FOR THE CAYUGAS.\n\n\"Article 11 The United States will not set apart for Cayugas, on their\nremoving to their new homes at the west, two thousand dollars, and will\ninvest the same in some safe stocks, the income of which shall be paid\nthem annually at their new homes. The United States further agree to the\nsaid nation on their removal west, two thousand five hundred dollars, to\nbe disposed of as the chiefs shall deem just and equitable.\"\n\nSPECIAL PROVISION FOR THE ONONDAGAS ON THE SENECA RESERVATIONS.\n\n\"Article 12. The United States agreed to set apart for the Onondagas\nresiding on the Seneca Reservation, two thousand five hundred dollars, on\ntheir removing west, and to invest the same in safe stock, the income of\nwhich shall be paid to them annually, at their new homes. And the United\nStates further agree to pay to the said Onondagas, on their removal to\ntheir new homes in the west, two thousand dollars, to be disposed of as\nthe chiefs shall deem equitable and just.\"\n\nSPECIAL PROVISIONS FOR THE ONEIDAS RESIDING IN THE STATE OF NEW YORK.\n\n\"Article 13. The United States will pay the sum of four thousand dollars,\nto be paid to Babtist Powlis, and the chiefs of the first Christian party\nresiding at Oneida, and the sum of two thousand dollars shall be paid to\nWilliam Day, and the chiefs of the Orchard party residing there, for\nexpenses incurred and services rendered in securing the Green Bay\ncountry, and the settlement of a portion thereof; and they hereby agree\nto remove to their new homes in the Indian Territory as soon as they can\nmake satisfactory arrangements with the Governor of the State of New York\nfor the purchase of their lands at Oneida.\"\n\nSPECIAL PROVISION FOR THE TUSCARORAS.\n\n\"Article 14 The Tuscarora Nation agree to accept the country set apart\nfor them in the Indian Territory, and to remove there within five years,\nand continue to reside there. It is further agreed that the Tuscaroras\nshall have their lands in the Indian country, at the forks or the Neasha\nRiver, which shall be so laid off as to secure a sufficient quantity of\ntimber for the accommodation of the nation. But if on examination, they\nare not satisfied with this location, they are to have their lands at\nsuch a place as the President of the United States shall designate. The\nUnited States will pay to the Tuscarora Nation, on their settling at the\nwest, three thousand dollars, to be disposed of as the chiefs shall deem\nmost equitable and just.\n\n\"Whereas, The said nation owns, in fee simple, five thousand acres of\nland lying in Niagara county, in the State of New York, which was\nconveyed to the said nation by Henry Dearborn, and they wish to sell and\nconvey the same before they remove west.\n\n\"Now, therefore, in order to have the same done in a legal and proper\nway, they hereby convey the same to the United States, and to be held in\ntrust for them; and they authorize the President to sell and convey the\nsame, and the money which shall be received for the said lands, exclusive\nof the improvement, the President shall invest in safe stock for their\nbenefit, the income from which shall be paid to the nation at their new\nhomes annually; and the money which shall be received for improvements on\nsaidlands shall be paid to the owners of the improvements, when the lands\nare sold. The President shall cause the lands to be surveyed, and the\nimprovements shall be appraised by such persons as the nation shall\nappoint; and said lands shall also be appraised, and shall not be sold at\na less price than the appraisal, without the consent of James Cusick,\nWilliam Mount Pleasant and William Chew, or the survivor or survivors of\nthem. And the expenses incurred by the United States in relation to this\ntrust are to be deducted from the moneys received before investment. And\nwhereas, at the making of this treaty, Thomas L. Ogden and Joseph\nFellows, the assignees of the State of Massachusetts, have purchased of\nthe Tuscarora Nation of Indians, in the presence and with the approbation\nof the commissioner appointed on the part of the United States, to hold a\ntreaty or convention, all the right, title, interest, and claim of the\nTuscarora Nation to certain lands, by a deed of conveyance, a duplicate\nof which is hereunto annexed; and whereas, the consideration money for\nsaid lands has been secured to the said nation to their satisfaction, by\nThomas L. Ogden and Joseph Fellows. Therefore the United States hereby\nassent to the said sale and conveyance, and sanction the same.\n\n\"Article 15. The United States hereby agree that they will appropriate\nthe sum of four hundred thousand dollars, to be applied from time to\ntime, under the direction of the President of the United States, in such\nproportions as may be best for the interests of the said Indians, parties\nto the treaty, for the following purposes to wit: To aid them in removing\nto their new homes, and supporting themselves the first year after their\nremoval; to encourage and assist them in education, and in being taught\nto cultivate their lands, in erecting mills and other necessary houses;\nin purchasing domestic animals and farming utensils, and acquiring a\nknowledge of the mechanical arts.\"\n\nSCHEDULE A.\n\nCENSUS OF THE NEW YORK INDIANS AS TAKEN IN 1837.\n\nNumber residing on the Seneca Reservations:\nSenecas................................... 2,309\nOnondagas................................... 194\nCayugas..................................... 130\n                                           -----\n                                           2,633\n                                           =====\n\nOnondagas at Onondaga..................... 300\nStockbridge............................... 217\nMunsees................................... 132\nBrothertowns.............................. 360\nOneidas in New York....................... 620\nOneidas at Green Bay...................... 600\nSt. Regis in New York..................... 350\nTuscaroras................................ 273\n\nThe above was made before the execution of the treaty.\n\nR. H. GILLET, Commissioner.\n\nSCHEDULE B.\n\nThe following is the disposition agreed to be made of the sum of three\nthousand dollars provided in the treaty for the Tuscaroras by the chiefs,\nand assented to by the Commissioner, and is to form a part of the treaty:\n\nTo Jonathan Printess, ninety-three dollars.\n\nTo William Chew, one hundred and fifteen dollars.\n\nTo John Patterson, forty-six dollars.\n\nTo Wm. Mt. Pleasant, one hundred and seventy-one dollars.\n\nTo James Cusick, one hundred and twenty-five dollars.\n\nTo David Peter, fifty dollars.\n\nThe rest and residue thereof is to be paid to the Nation.\n\nThe above was agreed to before the execution of the treaty.\n\nR. H. GILLET, Commissioner.\n\nSCHEDULE C.\n\nSCHEDULE APPLICABLE TO THE ONONDAGAS AND CAYUGAS RESIDING ON THE SENECA\nRESERVATIONS.\n\nIt is agreed that the following disposition shall be made of the amount\nset apart to be divided by the chiefs of those nations in the preceding\npart of this treaty, anything to the contrary notwithstanding:\n\nTo William King, one thousand five hundred dollars.\n\nTo Joseph Isaac, seven hundred dollars.\n\nTo Jack Wheelbarrow, three hundred dollars.\n\nTo William Jacket, five hundred dollars.\n\nTo Buton George, five hundred dollars.\n\nThe above was agreed to before the treaty was fully executed.\n\nR. H. GILLET, Commissioner.\n\nAt a treaty held under the authority of the United States of America at\nBuffalo Creek, in the county of Erie and the State of New York, between\nthe chiefs and head men of the Seneca Nation of Indians, duly assembled\nin council, and representing and acting for the said Nation, on the one\npart, and Thomas Ludlow Ogden, of the city of New York, and Joseph\nFellows, of Geneva, in the county of Ontario, on the other part,\nconcerning the purchase of the right and claims of the said Indians in\nand to the lands within the State of New York, remaining in their\noccupation. Ransom H. Gillet, Esq., a commissioner appointed by the\nPresident of the United States to attend and hold the said treaty, and\nalso Josiah Trowbridge, Esq., the superintendent on behalf of the\nCommonwealth of Massachusetts, being severally present at the said\ntreaty, the said chiefs and head men, on behalf of the Seneca Nation, did\nagree to sell and release to the said Thomas Ludlow Ogden and Joseph\nFellows, and they, the said Thomas Ludlow Ogden and Joseph Fellows, did\nagree to purchase all the right, title and claim of the said Seneca\nNation of, in and to the several tracts, pieces or parcels of land\nmentioned and described in the instrument of writing next hereinafter set\nforth, and at the price or sum therein specified, as the consideration or\npurchase money for such sale and release; which instrument, being read\nand explained to the said parties and mutually agreed to, was signed and\nsealed by the said contracting parties, and is in the words following:\n\nThis indenture, made this fifteenth day of January, in the year of our\nLord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight, between the chiefs and\nhead men of the Seneca Nation of Indians, duly assembled in council, and\nacting for and on behalf of the said Seneca Nation, of the first part,\nand Thomas Ludlow Ogden, of the city of New York, and Joseph Fellows, of\nGeneva, in the county of Ontario, of the second part, witnesseth:\n\nThat the said chiefs and head men of the Seneca Nation of Indians, in\nconsideration of the sum of two hundred and two thousand dollars to them\nin hand paid by the said Thomas Ludlow Ogden and Joseph Fellows, the\nreceipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, have granted, bargained, sold,\nreleased and confirmed, and by these presents do grant, bargain, sell,\nrelease and confirm unto the said Thomas Ludlow Ogden and Joseph Fellows,\nand to their heirs and assigns, all that certain tract or parcel of land\nsituate, lying and being in the county of Erie and State of New York,\ncommonly called and known by the name of Buffalo Creek Reservation,\ncontaining by estimation forty-nine thousand nine hundred and twenty\nacres, be the contents thereof more or less. Also all that certain other\ntract or parcel of land, situate, lying and being in the counties of\nErie, Chautauqua and Cattaraugus, in said State, commonly called and\nknown by the name of Cattaraugus Reservation, containing by estimation\ntwenty-one thousand six hundred and eighty acres, be the contents thereof\nmore or less. Also all that certain other tract or parcel of land,\nsituate, lying and being in the said county of Cattaraugus, in said\nState, commonly called and known by the name of the Alleghany\nReservation, containing by estimation thirty thousand four hundred and\nsixty-nine acres, be the contents more or less. And also all that certain\nother tract or parcel of land, situate, lying and being partly in said\ncounty of Erie and partly in the county of Genesee in said State,\ncommonly called and known by the name of the Tonawanda Reservation, and\ncontaining by estimation twelve thousand eight hundred acres, be the same\nmore or less: As the said several tracts of land have been heretofore\nreserved and are held and occupied by the Seneca Nation of Indians, or by\nindividuals thereof, together with all and singular the rights,\nprivileges, hereditaments and appurtenances to each and every of the said\ntracts or parcels of land belonging or appertaining; and all the estate,\nright, title, interest, claim and demand of the said party of the first\npart, and of the said Seneca Nation of Indians, of, in and to the same,\nand to each and every parcel thereof; to have and to hold all and\nsingular the above described and released premises unto the said Thomas\nLudlow Ogden and Joseph Fellows, their heirs and assigns, to their proper\nuse and behalf forever, as joint tenants, and not as tenants in common.\n\nAt the before-mentioned treaty, held in my presence, as superintendent on\nthe part of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, and this day concluded,\nthe foregoing instrument of writing was agreed to by the contracting\nparties therein named, and was in my presence executed by them, and being\napproved by me, I do hereby certify and declare such my approbation\nthereof.\n\nWitness my hand and seal, at Buffalo Creek, this 15th day of, January, in\nthe year 1838.\n\nJOSIAH TROWBRIDGE.\n\nI have attended a treaty of the Seneca Nation of Indians, held at Buffalo\nCreek, in the county of Erie, in the State of New York, on the fifteenth\nday of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and\nthirty-eight, when the within instrument was duly executed in my\npresence, by the chiefs of the Seneca Nation, being fairly and properly\nunderstood by them. I do therefore certify and approve the same.\n\nR. H. GILLET, Commissioner.\n\nAt a treaty held under and by authority of the United States of America,\nat Buffalo Creek, in the county of Erie, and State of New York, between\nthe sachems, chiefs and warriors of the Tuscarora Nation of Indians, duly\nassembled in council, and representing and voting for the said Nation, on\nthe one part, and Thomas Ludlow Ogden, of the city of New York, and\nJoseph Fellows, of Geneva, in the county of Ontario, on the other part,\nconcerning the purchase of the rights and claim of the said Indians in\nand to the lands within the State of New York remaining in their\noccupation. Ransom H. Gillett, Esq., a commissioner appointed by the\nPresident of the United States to attend and hold the said treaty, and\nalso Josiah Trowbridge, Esq., the superintendent on behalf of the\nCommonwealth of Massachusetts, being severally present at the said\ntreaty, the said sachems, chiefs and warriors, on behalf of the said\nTuscarora Nation, did agree to sell and release to the said Thomas Ludlow\nOgden and Joseph Fellows, and they, the said Thomas Ludlow Ogden and\nJoseph Fellows, did agree to purchase all the right, title and claim of\nthe Tuscarora Nation of, in and to the tract, piece or parcel of land\nmentioned and described in the instrument of writing next hereafter set\nforth, and at the price or sum therein specified as the consideration or\npurchase money for such sale and release; which instrument being read and\nexplained to the said parties, and mutually agreed to, was signed and\nsealed by the contracting parties, and is in the words following:\n\nThis indenture, made this fifteenth day of January, in the year of our\nLord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight, between the sachems,\nchiefs and warriors of the Tuscarora Nation of Indians, duly assembled in\ncouncil, and acting for and on behalf of the said Tuscarora Nation, of\nthe first part, and Thomas Ludlow Ogden, of the city of New York, and\nJoseph Fellows, of Geneva, in the county of Ontario, of the second part,\nwitnesseth:\n\nThat the said sachems, chiefs and warriors of the Tuscarora Nation, in\nconsideration of the sum of nine thousand six hundred dollars to them in\nhand paid by the said Thomas Ludlow Ogden and Joseph Fellows, the receipt\nwhereof is hereby acknowledged, have granted, bargained, sold, released\nand confirmed, and by these presents do grant, bargain, sell, release and\nconfirm to the said Thomas Ludlow Ogden and Joseph Fellows, and to their\nheirs and assigns, all that tract or parcel of land situated, lying and\nbeing in the county of Niagara, and State of New York, commonly called\nand known by the name of the Tuscarora Reservation, or Seneca grant,\ncontaining nineteen hundred and twenty acres, be the same more or less,\nbeing thelands in their occupancy, and not included in the land conveyed\nto them by Henry Dearborn, together with all and singular the rights,\nprivileges, hereditaments and appurtenances to the said tract or parcel\nof land belonging or appertaining, and all the estate, right, title,\ninterest, claim and demand of the said party of the first part, and of\nthe said Tuscarora Nation of Indians of, in and to the same, and to every\npart and parcel thereof; to have and to hold all and singular the above\ndescribed and released premises unto the said Thomas Ludlow Ogden and\nJoseph Fellows, and their heirs and assigns, to their proper use and\nbehalf forever, as joint tenants and not as tenants in common.\n\nAt the above-mentioned treaty, held in my presence as superintendent on\nthe part of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and this day concluded, the\nforegoing instrument was agreed to by the contracting parties therein\nnamed, and was in my presence executed by them; and being approved by me,\nI do hereby certify and declare such my approbation thereof.\n\nWitness my hand and seal at Buffalo Creek, this 15th day of January, in\nthe year 1838,\n\nJ. TROWBRIDGE, Superintendent.\n\nI have attended a treaty of the Tuscarora Nation of Indians, held at\nBuffalo Creek, in the county of Erie, in the State of New York, on the\nfifteenth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight\nhundred and thirty-eight, when the within instrument was duly executed in\nmy presence by the sachems, chiefs and warriors of the said nation, being\nfairly and properly understood and transacted by all the parties of\nIndians concerned, and declared to be done to their full satisfaction. I\ndo therefore certify and approve the same.\n\nR. H. GILLET, Commissioner.\n\nSUPPLEMENTAL ARTICLE TO THE TREATY CONCLUDED AT BUFFALO CREEK, IN THE\nSTATE OF NEW YORK, ON THE 15TH DAY OF JANUARY, 1838, CONCLUDED BETWEEN\nRANSOM H. GILLET, COMMISSIONER, ON THE PART OF THE UNITED STATES, AND\nCHIEFS AND HEAD MEN OF THE ST. REGIS INDIANS, CONCLUDED ON THE 13TH OF\nFEBRUARY, 1838.\n\nThe undersigned, chiefs and head men of the St. Regis Indians, residing\nin the State of New York, having heard a copy of said treaty read by\nRansom H. Gillet, the commissioner who concluded that treaty on the part\nof the United States, and be having fully and publicly explained the\nsame, and believing the conditions of the said treaty to be very liberal\non the part of the United States, and calculated to be highly beneficial\nto the New York Indians, including the St. Regis, who are embraced in its\nprovision, do hereby assent to every part of the said treaty, and approve\nthe same. And it is further agreed that any of the St. Regis Indians who\nwish to do so shall be at liberty to remove to the said country at any\ntime hereafter within the time specified in this treaty, but under it the\nGovernment shall not compel them to remove.\n\nThe United States will, within one year after the ratification of this\ntreaty, pay over to the American party of said Indians one thousand\ndollars, part of the sum of five thousand dollars mentioned in the\nspecial provisions for the St. Regis Indians, anything in the article\ncontained to the contrary, notwithstanding.\n\nProclaimed April 4, 1840.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nIn the year 1846, on the 16th day of May, about forty of the Tuscaroras\nemigrated from the reservation to their new homes in the Indian\nTerritory, and in one year about one-third of them died on account of the\nsufferings they endured. They were destitute of everything, and the\nGovernment was to have sustained them for one year, and to build houses\nfor them, and provide all the necessaries of life, but they failed in\nfulfilling their promises on account of the misconduct of Dr. A.\nHogeboom, the moving agent of the emigration party.\n\nBy reference to official documents in the Indian department it appears\nthat a petition from a small party of discontented emigrationists at the\nTuscarora village, dated March 4th, 1845, was sent to the President of\nthe United States, expressing a desire to remove to the West. It also\nfurther appears that a letter had been received by the department from a\ncertain D. G. Garnsey, dated May 8th, 1845, stating that a portion of the\nSenecas, and others of the Six Nations in western New York, were now\nready to remove. The Government, justly fearing that there might be\npersons so anxious to possess themselves of the moneys appropriated by\nlaw for the removal and support of emigrating Indians, as to resort to\nfraudulent means for the purpose, by letters warned the Indian agent at\nBuffalo to be on his guard against such imposition. Afterwards, several\npetitioners from small fragments of the Senecas and other tribes, were\nprevailed on to sign memorials to the President, asking to be removed,\nand begging appropriations for that purpose. To those well acquainted\nwith these movements, there was sufficient evidence that persons\ninterested in their removal were at the bottom of all this business.\n\nOf the Six Nations, once the owners and lords of the soil within the\nboundaries of the great Commonwealth of New York, there were many small\nremnants scattered over the western part of this State in a condition of\nwretched vagrancy; reduced by idleness and intemperance to poverty, and\nready, for a trifling compensation, to have their names attached to any\nmemorial, without regard to its objects, for a small sum of money they\nwould lend themselves to the service of any artful intriguer whose\ndesigns were to defraud the Government.\n\nBy an act of Congress passed on the 3rd day of April, 1843, the sum of\ntwenty thousand four hundred and seventy-seven dollars and fifty cents\nwas appropriated for the removal of two hundred and fifty Indians to the\ncountries west and south of the Missouri river.\n\nThis appropriation was granted in consequence of repeated assurances made\nto the Indian department that this number were anxious to emigrate. The\nglittering prize thus hung up in the face of the noon-day sun was so\nbright and alluring that a goodly number of hungry candidates were soon\nseen entering the lists and struggling for the prize. But, alas! for the\nconditions; unless two hundred and fifty Indians could be procured to\nenrol themselves on the emigration engagement, and actually embark for\nthe West, the stakes could not be legally won. Here was the great\ndifficulty. And yet one would suppose that out of four thousand eight\nhundred and eighty-five Indians, belonging to the following tribes, to\nwit: the Senecas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Tuscaroras, Oneidas, St. Regises,\nStockbridges, Munsees and Brothertowns, by taking up all the poor,\ndegraded individuals, and gathering together all the sincere\nemigrationists, such a small proportion of the whole might easily be\nprocured; especially if these candidates for an agency had told the truth\nwhen they asserted that _large bodies of the Indians were anxious to\nremove_. By these movements the Government had been induced to believe\nthat there really was an emigration party sufficiently large to meet the\nobjects of the late appropriation, and to warrant the appointment of an\nemigration agent. Under this impression, the Secretary of War, by a\nletter dated Sept. 12, 1845, addressed to Dr. Abraham Hogeboom, appointed\nhim to that office, instructing him, however, that no movement was to be\nmade unless the full complement of emigrants should desire, in good\nfaith, to remove to the West, and Hogeboom was also explicitly informed\nthat \"the Government would not undertake the emigration of these Indians\nunless _two hundred and fifty_ of them, then residing in the State\nof New York, exclusive of the Canada Indians, should muster themselves\nand actually go with the agent.\"\n\nAs if to leave no door open for misunderstanding, the Commissioner of\nIndian Affairs at Washington addressed a letter to Hogeboom, dated Oct.\n2nd, 1845, in which it was expressly declared that \"two hundred and fifty\nIndians is the smallest number that will be emigrated.\"\n\nOn the 27th of that month, Hogeboom wrote to the department giving it\ninformation that two hundred and nine Indians had enrolled themselves,\nand some of their chiefs had assured him that at Buffalo, Cattaraugus and\nAlleghany there would be twenty more. Thus the utmost number that the\nDoctor could dare to hope for was two hundred and twenty-nine. If that\nletter was written in order to feel after the temper of the departmcnt,\nand to ascertain how far it was disposed to relax its determination to\nsend no less away than two hundred and fifty, he was not long in\nsuspense, for by a letter dated Nov. 4th the Secretary of War again\nreminded him that he, was \"selected to act as emigrating agent only in\nthe event that two hundred and fifty would go.\" But on the 7th of that\nmonth Hogeboom again writes to him, dating his letter from Buffalo,\nsaying he had ascertained that two hundred and sixty, Indians had\nenrolled themselves, and had fixed on the 20th of that month as the time\nfor starting. This sudden and unexpected movement was not agreeable to\nthe Secretary on account of the advanced state of the season; but, hoping\nthey might get out before the lakes and rivers should be impassable on\naccount of the ice, he immediately ordered provisions for their\nsustenance at their intended homes, to be procured and be in readiness at\nthe time of their arrival.\n\nNotwithstanding all these assurances on the part of Hogeboom, when the\ntime for telling the truth came the whole scheme failed; a sufficient\nnumber of Indians could not be persuaded to go. The emigration was\ntherefore indefinitely postponed.\n\nIt will be seen by the foregoing statement that on the 27th day of\nOctober Hogeboom wrote to the department that only two hundred and nine\nhad enrolled themselves, and he then admitted that only twenty more could\nbe hoped for in addition; of course there was no prospect of emigrating\nthat season. Indeed the Doctor says in that letter, speaking of the\nIndians, \"they do not think they will be able to obtain the number of two\nhundred and fifty to emigrate this fall.\" Up to this time nothing had\nbeen done to induce the war department to advance any money to the agent.\nSo, not only had the emigration scheme failed, but, so far as the Doctor\nhad been moved by pecuniary motives, he had also failed. This was no\ndoubt a trying circumstance, but the trial did not long continue, for\nonly ten days after he had written to the war department that the Indians\ndid not think they could emigrate this fall, he wrote again to the\nSecretary of War, under date of Nov. 7th, 1845, saying \"I have\nascertained that two hundred and sixty Indians have enrolled themselves\nfor emigration, and have fixed the time for starting on the 20th inst.\"\nThe following is an extract from a letter from the department to\nHogeboom, dated Nov. 14th, in answer to his of the 7th. It was no doubt a\nletter such as the Doctor much desired:\n\nSIR;--I have received your letter of the 7th inst., informing the\ndepartment of the enrollment of two hundred and sixty New York Indians\nfor emigration to their western homes, and proceed, _now that there\nappears to be no doubt of the movement taking place_, to give you some\ninstructions, &c. * * * A requisition for $10,000 has this day been\nissued in your favor, with which you will be charged and held accountable\nfor, under the head of \"removal, &c., of New York Indians,\" per act March\n3rd, 1843.\n\n(Signed)\nW. MEDILL, Commissioner.\n\nThus the Doctor was put in possession of the sum of _ten thousand\nDollars_, and we hear no more about the two hundred and sixty Indians,\nnor of any more trouble about Indian emigration during the remainder of\nthe year.\n\nThe proceedings of Dr. Hogeboom; and other persons interested in removing\nthe Senecas, necessarily produced great agitation, and a very unsettled\nstate among those who had no idea of emigrating. The chiefs on the\nreservations of Alleghany and Cattaraugus, harassed and perplexed by this\nvexatious state of things, at length determined to address the President\non the occasion. This application procured the appointment of the council\nwhich was held at Cattaraugus on June 2d, 1846.\n\nIn the spring of 1846 Dr. Hogeboom, hearing that the Government had\ncalled a council of the Senecas, for the express purpose of inquiring\nofficially whether there was an emigration party among them, and, if\nthere was one, what its number, made great exertions to push off his\nemigrants. Regardless of the positive instructions of the Government, and\nwithout its knowledge, he hastily collected as many of the Indians as he\ncould bring under his influence, and with them embarked in a steamboat at\nSilver Creck, on Lake Eric, near Cattaraugus Reservation.\n\nThe circumstances and manner of the embarkation throws much light on the\nmotives and conduct of this emigrating agent. The subject is graphically\nrelated in a speech of Israel Jemison, as made in a council of 1846, and\naddressed to the Commissioners of the United States, as follows, to wit:\n\n\"Brothers! The question relative to emigration being disposed of, I will\nexplain the manner in which this removal of the Indians to the West has\nbeen effected. I believe it was irregularly conducted. Indeed, I may say,\nof this I am convinced. The agent who came to execute it was duly\nnotified, that the Government had called the present council for the\nconsideration and investigation of this matter. As soon as it was known\nthat this had been determined on, _great efforts were made to hurry off\nthe emigrants and induce them to leave before the council would meet_.\nI am satisfied that many were decoyed away by various contrivances and\ngross misrepresentations on the part of the emigrating agent and his\nemissaries. I myself remonstrated against these proceedings, and asked if\nit could beproper to inveigle and deceive the Indians in this manner. In\nreply I was desired to be silent, to which I rejoined that many of them\nwhom they had decoyed on board were then drunk, and in a state of\nunconsciousness! These remonstrances availed nothing, and the whole were\nhurried away. If anyshowed an unwillingness to go they were told they\nmight return if theychose, should they not like the place when they got\nthere.\"\n\nThe painful, and indeed the awful result of this inhuman conduct of Dr.\nHogeboom will be seen by reference to the memorial of the Seneca chiefs\nto\nthe President of the United States, invoking the aid of the Government to\nbring back the wretched surviving remnant of the poor duped people. It is\nas follows:\n\n_To His Excellency, James K. Polk, President of the United States_:\n\nThe memorial of the undersigned chiefs and warriors of the Seneca Nation\nof Indians, residing in the State of New York, respectfully showeth,\n\nThat a party of the Seneca Nation, consisting, as your memorialists have\nbeen informed, of sixty-two persons, together with a portion of the\nCayugas, Onondagas and Oneidas, residing with us, and a party of the\nTuscaroras, residing near Lewiston, in Niagara county, left the State of\nNew York last spring to settle in the country west of Missouri. That your\nmemorialists have been credibly informed by letters received from\nindividuals among them, and by the statements of such as have returned,\nthat great distress has, from their first arrival there, existed among\nthem, and does exist without mitigation, in consequence of the\ninsalubrity of the climate; that twenty persons of the sixty-two Senecas\nwere already dead some six weeks since, and about the same proportion of\nour friends of the other tribes; that many others were sick; that three\nof the leading Seneca chiefs, one of the Onondagas, one of the Oneidas,\nand a leading man of the Tuscaroras, were dead; that the remnant of the\npeople, with very few exceptions, were very anxious to return, but were\ndestitute of the means of doing so; that many of them have sent earnest\nrequests to us for assistance to enable them to do so; but that only a\nfew families among us are able to furnish efficient relief to their\nsuffering friends. In view of all these facts, we would respectfully\nrequest the Vice President to furnish the necessary assistance to bring\nback the remnant of the party to their former homes, and to arrange for\nthe payment of the annuities belonging to them, so that in future they\nmay receive them here. Although they went out from us against our earnest\nremonstrance and entreaty, and some of them mocking our expressions of\nconcern for them as we stood around the boat when they were going on\nboard, still we shall rejoice to have them home again amongst us, for\nthey are our brethren and their sufferings grieve us to the heart.\nThirteen of the Senecas have already returned, and three others, we have\nheard, are on the way. This makes the condition of those unable to return\nthe more lonely and wretched. We hope the President will not say it was\ntheir own fault that they went there, for even if they were to be blamed\nfor doing so, they had already suffered a fearful punishment. But we\nthink that if the President were acquainted with the circumstances he\nwould pity rather than blame them for going. Notice had been repeatedly\ngiven from the War Department that unless a company of two hundred and\nfifty emigrants could be organized, none would be removed. Such a company\nhaving failed to be organized in the fall of 1845, we were told that the\nDepartment had required the removing agent to refund the money he had\nreceived for the purpose of removing them. In the spring of the present\nyear certain men were running from house to house among our people saying\nthat the agent still held the money in his hands, and would remove all\nwho wished to go, upon the opening of navigation. Directly after, notice\nwas received from the Government that commissionerswere appointed, and\nthat a Council would be held on a specified day to ascertain if the\nrequisite number wished to emigrate. When this became known it was\nimmediately reported that the removing agent (Dr. Hogeboom) had already\ncontracted for their passage--that the steamboat would take them in at\nCattarangus Creek on a certain day, and it was not necessary for them to\nwait for the action of the Government. The agent soon after appeared,\naccompanied by two individuals from Buffalo, who, as we were afterward\ncredibly informed, instigated him to practice this fraud upon the\nGovernment, and endeavored, by representing the country west as a\nparadise, to induce a large company to go on board their boat. Some of\nour friends, who had not disposed of their effects, were told not to mind\ntheir stuff, for the country to which they were going was so rich, and\nthey would prosper there so rapidly that they would never feel the loss\nof it, and one family were hurried away from their table, leaving\neverything upon it just as it was when they arose from their dinner. We\nhave reason to believe that the whole company, except a few leaders, most\nof whom are now dead, were deluded by these flattering but fate\nrepresentations of those white men, and inasmuch as the removing Agent\nappeared on the ground, with the money in his hand, these simple people\nwere made to discredit the orders received from the department, relative\nto the council of the 2d of June. Justice would indeed seem to require\nthat these white men should repair the injury they have done to us, and\nnot to us alone, but also to the government.\n\nBut we have no power to compel them. Our only resource is to appeal to\nthe government in behalf of our afflicted and desponding brethren, who\nare perishing under the accumulated pressure of disappointed expectations\n--grief for the dead and the heavy hand of disease upon their own persons.\nWe trust our appeal will not be disregarded. We think it is the dictate\nof humanity, and we confidently believe that the voice of the whole\ncountry would approve the course of the President if he would grant the\nneeded relief. We would beg leave further to request the President to\nmake known to us through our friend Philip E. Thomas, of Baltimore, who\nwill present our memorial, the decision he may make in regard to it.\n\nAnd your memorialists, as in duty bound, will ever pray, &c.\n\nCattaraugus Reservation, Dec. 16, 1846.\n\n(Signed)\n\nJames X Shongo, Moses Stephenson, N. T. Strong, William X Jones, Robert X\nGordon, Zachariah X L. Jimison, Daniel Two Guns, Samuel X Wilson, William\nX Johnson, John X Bolden, Benjamin Williams, George Lindsay, John\nKennedy, Jr., George Greenblanket, David X Snow, John Huson, Solomon W.\nLane, Jim X Junius, Henry Two Guns, Little X John, John Talor, John X\nLuke, Governor X Blacksnake, Israel X Jimison, William X Patterson, John\nX Greenblanket, S. M. Patterson, Moses X Pierce, James X Stephenson,\nAbraham X John, Jabez X Stephenson, Peter X White, Charles Graybeard.\n\nIn reply to this memorial, the following answer was received from the\nIndian Bureau at Washington:\n\nWAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, Feb. 23rd, 1847.\n\nSIR:--The application for the removal of the Seneca Indians back to New\nYork who emigrated West from there last summer has been duly considered.\nWith every disposition to gratify the wishes of the Society of Friends,\nand of the New York Indians, so far as it could properly be done, I have\nto inform you that the Executive Department of the Government has neither\nthe authority nor the means to justify a compliance with their desire. In\nthis particular Congress only could authorize the measure and provide the\nrequisite means for the expense it would invalue.\n\nRespectfully your ob't servant, W. MEDILL.\n\nTo PHILIP E. THOMAS, Esq., Baltimore, Md.\n\nWhen the chiefs were made acquainted with the result of this application,\nthey addressed the following communication to the joint committee of\nFriends:\n\nCATTARAUGUS RESERVATION, March 22nd, 1847.\n\nRESPECTED FRIEND, PHILIP E. THOMAS:--Permit us to address you a few\nlines, and, through you, the committee of the four-yearly meetings of the\nSociety of Friends, in reference to the condition of our suffering\nfriends and brethren still remaining in the country west of the\nMississippi. We suppose the committee are already thoroughly acquainted\nwith the means used to decoy those Indians off, in contravention of the\ninstructions of the Government to the removing agent. They were flattered\nwith prospects of almost unbounded prosperity. The country was described\nas a paradise; and they were told that there friends here, who might now\nrefuse to accompany them, would soon be compelled to follow, and that it\nwould be better to go now and get well started in their improvements,\n&c., as soon as possible. But, when they reached that country, instead of\nbeing a paradise, they found it rather a land of desolation, disease and\ndeath, and a large proportion of them are now lying beneath the turf. The\nsurvivors are discouraged and broken-hearted, in addition to the\nsufferings from the disease which has swept off their companions, and\nthey are anxious to return. Application has been made to the Government\nin their behalf, without obtaining relief, and, from a recent letter from\nDr. Wilson, we learn that a similar application to the Legislature of\nthis State is likely to fail. We cannot make any appropriation from our\nnational funds until the meeting of our national council, as a law has\nbeen passed which would forbid it, but if we delay till that meeting it\nwill expose our friends to the horrors of the sickly season once more,\nand doubtless many more of them will perish in consequence. Under these\ncircumstances we see no other resource but to look again to those kind-\nhearted friends who have done somuch already to relieve us in our\ndistresses. Our obligations are already very great, and we cherish deep\nfeelings of gratitude for past favors. We would not willingly burden your\nkindness now were it not for the peculiarly difficult and perplexing\ncondition of things just at the present time. But we feel that humanity\ntowards our own people demands of us to make this application in their\nbehalf, as well as of ourselves, for we will always cherish a lively\nremembrance of your kindness.\n\nWishing you the reward of the benevolent in the great day, we subscribe\nourselves your obliged and sincere friends,\n\nIn presence of Asher Wright,\n\nHENRY TWO GUNS,\n\nWILLIAM KROUSE,\n\nGEORGE X BUTTON,\n\nJOHN X GREENBLANKET,\n\nABRAHAM X JOHN,\n\nJAMES SPRING,\n\nDANIEL TWO GUNS.\n\nNotwithstanding the fact that these Indians were carried away without the\nknowledge or sanction of the Government, and consequently without the\nrequisite preparation for their comfort and subsistence in the western\ncountry, yet the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, as soon as he was\napprised of the movements of Dr. Hogeboom, anxious to afford them all the\nrelief in his power, promptly ordered arrangements for their reception at\nthe place of their destination, as will be seen by the following\ndocuments in the War Department, to wit:\n\nWAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, June 10th, 1846.\n\nSIR:--Information has been receently received at this office that A.\nHogeboom had started for St. Louis with a party of New York Indians, in\nnumber about two hundred. This act of starting with a less number than\ntwo hundred and fifty, in connection with the recent action of this\noffice, looking to a suspension of the emigration for a time, was wholly\nunauthorized, and of course unexpected, but as the party are without the\nreach of the Department, measures must be taken to subsist them. I have\ntherefore to request that you will give directions to the Osage sub-agent\nto invite proposals as contemplated in my instructions to you of the 14th\nNovember, 1845, to which you are referred.\n\nRespectfully, &c.,\n\nW. MEDILL.\n\nTo T. W. HARVEY, Esq., Supt. Indian Affairs, St. Louis, Mo.\n\nNotwithstanding this humane effort on the part of the Commissioner to\nmake provision for the reception and accommodation of these emigrants, it\nappears that from the hardships and exposures to which they were\nsubjected, and from the unwholesome nature of the climate one-third of\nthem perished within six months after their arrival at their intended\nresidence. When their distressed situation was made known to the\nDepartment, the Commissioner immediately addressed a letter to the Indian\nAgent at St. Louis, calling his attention to their case, from which the\nfollowing is extracted:\n\nWAR DEPARTMENT, OFFICE INDIAN AFFAIRS. October, 29, 1846.\n\nSIR:--I transmit herewith a copy of a letter just received from James\nCusick, one of the party of the New York Indians removed west last summer\nby Dr. Hogeboom, from which it appears that there has been much sickness\nand mortality among those Indians, and that they are in a distressed\nsituation. Mr. Cusick's letter, supported by Capt. Burbanks, is\ncalculated to excite much anxiety on account of these Indians. They were\nremoved contrary to the instructions and expectations of the Department\nat the time, and their having gone west was not known until they were\nsome distance on the route. There was, consequently, no opportunity for\nmaking the requisite preliminary arrangement for their comfort and\nwelfare on their arrival west. After giving you the instructions of June\n10th for their subsistance, such had to be left to the judgment and views\nof duty, under these circumstances, of yourself and the Osage Sub. Agent,\nunder whose immediate supervision they came, in regard to what further\nrequired to be done for them. In my letter of the 30th ultimo your\nattention was especially called to their situation, and no doubt is\nentertained, that your answers to that communication will show you have\ndone, or caused to be done, all that could be done, under the\ncircumstances, for their relief. Should the amount now remitted not be\nsufficient to cover the expenses of what you have already done, or what\nit may be, in your judgment, further requisite to do for them in addition\nto their subsistance, for which there is a special appropriation, you\nwill please report promptly accordingly, and the necessary funds will be\nfurnished. Funds will also be remitted on account of their subsistance\nwhen this office is informed that they are needed.\n\nRespectfully,\n\nW. MEDILL.\n\nTHOMAS H. HARVEY, Esq., St. Louis, Mo.\n\n\n\n\nMISSIONARY WORK.\n\nA RECORD OF THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH IN THE TUSCARORA RESERVATION\nOBTAINED BY INQUIRY.\n\nThe church in the Tuscarora Reservation was organized in the year 1805,\nembracing six members only, under the care of the New York Missionary\nSociety.\n\nRev. Elkanah Holmes, first missionary, from 1805 to 1808.\n\nMembers of the Church--Sacarissa, a Sachem, and his wife; Nicholas\nCusick, an interpreter, and his wife; Apollas Jacobs and Mary Pempleton.\n\nRev. Mr. Gray, second missionary, from 1808 to 1813. At first the Indians\nconverted their Council House into one for public worship, and also for\nschool operations, and in time they built a convenient chapel, which was\npainted red, and was destined to share the same fate as their dwelling\nhouses at the hands of the British Indians in the war of 1812.\n\nIt was on December 20th, 1813, when they were burned to the ground, in\nconsequence of which the operations of the mission were suspended from\n1813 to 1817, when Rev. James C. Crane took charge of the mission until\nthe end of the year 1826.\n\nIn the year 1821 this mission was transferred from the New York\nMissionary Society to the United Foreign Mission Society.\n\nRev. Joseph B. Lane, the fourth missionary, took charge of the mission\nfrom January 3, 1827, to June 8, 1827.\n\nRev. John Elliot, the fifth missionary, also labored among these Indians\nfrom June 22, 1827, to May 7, 1833, when he left the mission by his own\nrequest, being dismissed from the service of the American Board of\nCommissioners for Foreign Missions, to which this mission was transferred\nfrom the United Foreign Mission Society in the year 1826. Rev. Joel Wood\nalso labored in this mission from October 15, 1833, to October, 1834.\n\nRev. William Williams also labored among them from October 26, 1834, to\nAugust 29, 1837.\n\nMr. Gilbert Rockwood, arrived and took charge of the station as teacher\nand overseer of the affairs of the church, and was afterwards ordained to\nthe ministry.\n\nBefore he was ordained he would summon to his aid in the discipline and\nordinances of the Church, at different times, Brother Asher Wright, and\nMr. Bliss, of Cattaraugus Reservation, and Rev. J. Elliott, of Youngstown.\n\nOrdained at Tuscarora Mission, July 3rd, 1839, Rev. Gilbert Rockwood as a\nmissionary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions,\nto labor among the Tuscarora Indians. Invocation and reading of the\nScriptures were performed by Rev. Lemuel Clark, of Lewiston; first prayer\nby Rev. John Elliott, of Youngstown, and former missionary at Tuscarora;\nsermon by Rev. E. Parmely, of Jamestown, consecrating prayer by the Rev.\nAsher Wright, of the Seneca mission; charge by Rev. Asher Bliss, of\nCattaraugus mission; right hand of fellowship by Rev. A. Wright; address\nto the Church and people by Rev. John Elliott; concluding prayer by Rev.\nElisha B. Sherrod, of Wilson; benediction by Rev. Gilbert Rockwood.\n\nThe exercises were listened to by an attentive audience of Indians, who\nprobably never witnessed anything of the kind before. The ceremonies were\nsolemn and interesting to the people to the very close, although\nconsiderably protracted by passing through an interpreter.\n\nWhat added to the Interest of the occasion was the ordination of three\n_native_ members as Deacons of the Church, at the close of the\nordination. The Church has received a refreshing from on high during the\nlast winter, which has added a number of members, and is still in a\npeaceful and prosperous condition.\n\nRev. G. Rockwood was a faithful missionary; he went in and out among the\nIndians, visited in their homes, and talked with them in their inroads,\nand was a great advocate in the cause of Temperance. He was a powerful\npreacher, and at times had great revivals: for instance, in the year\n1852, when I was first awakened to concern for my soul's welfare. It was\nthen my soul was first filled with rejoicing in my newly found Saviour;\nit was then I first poured out my soul in fervent prayer.\n\nOn the 7th day of March, 1852, was held a communion season, and on that\nmemorable day forty converts were admitted to the full communion of the\nChurch. Old men of seventy winters and youths of fourteen bowed down\ntogether to receive the ordinance of baptism, of whom I was one of the\nnumber, at the age of fifteen. It was a scene that angels might rejoice\nto behold. The whole number admitted to the Church that winter were fifty\nconverts.\n\nRev. G. Rockwood finished his work among the Tuscarora Indians on the\nfirst day of January, 1861. Thus it is claimed that Rev. G. Rockwood\nspent the longest term of ministerial service at one installation in\nNiagara county but one, which was Rev. W. C. Wisner of the First\nPresbyterian church, Lockport, N.Y.\n\nThe American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, when they\nwithdrew Rev. Rockwood from this mission, also withdrew their supplies,\nwhen the Tuscaroras were thrown upon their own resources. In October\nfollowing the church appointed as delegates Mr. John Mt. Pleasant, a\nSachem; Dea. Samuel Jacobs and Elias Johnson, interpreter, to attend a\nmeeting of the Niagara Presbytery at Yates, to make an application that\nthis mission might come under the care of that body, which was granted\nthem on October 29, 1861. The Presbytery appointed as Committee on\nSupplies, Rev. Joshua Cook, of Lewiston, and H. E. Niles. In January,\n1862, Rev. Charles A. Keeler was sent to take charge of the mission, who\nlabored among them until 1863, after which the preaching was supplied by\nsome of the members of the church, and more particularly by Dea. S.\nJacobs.\n\nRev. George Ford supplied the Church with preaching every fourth Sabbath,\nand was succeeded by Rev. Wm. Hall, and he by Rev. W. P. Barker, who\nbegan his labors among us in Oct., 1877, and was formerly a missionary in\nIndia.\n\nA letter by James Cusick, concerning the Baptist mission at Tuscarora, to\nwit:\n\n\"In 1836, a portion of the Tuscarora Nation thought it expedient to\nbecome Baptists, according to the dictates of their own conscience and\nfree enjoyment of their religion in this Republican government.\nConsequently a Baptist church was built and organized among the\nTuscaroras, and they were called in council with several Baptist churches\nin this county. In 1838 they were admitted into the Niagara Baptist\nAssociation at Shalby.\n\n\"In a ministerial council June 14th, 1838, Mr. James Cusick was examined\ntouching his Christian experience, and called to preach the Gospel by\nProvidence and the council. They decided on that question, and gave him\nordination as a native preacher, deciding that he was well qualified by a\nknowledge of theology; and now he has labored among several tribes of the\nSix Nations.\"\n\nThe first Baptist Church at Tuscarora was broken up in the spring of\n1846, on account of an emigration to the Indian Territory, under the\ninfluence of Rev. James Cusick, the party being composed mostly of the\nmembers of that Church, which caused its overthrow. The next year, after\nabout one-third of the emigration party had died in the Indian Territory,\nthe remainder came home among the Tuscaroras, but Rev. Mr. Cusick removed\ninto Canada and labored among the Six Nations at Grand river.\n\nIn the year 1860 Rev. James Cusick began his labors again among the\nTuscaroras, in the town of Lewiston, having been invited here by James\nJohnson, with the view of reorganizing the former Baptist Church.\n\nOn the fifteenth day of February, 1860, there was held a deliberative\nmeeting at the house of James Johnson, Rev. James Cusick acting as\nmoderator. There were present, William Green, of Grand River; James\nJohnson, Isaac N. Jack, Isaac Patterson, Joseph Williams, Adam Williams,\nSr.\n\nThe church was organized on March 21, 1860, at the house of James\nJohnson, Rev. James Cusick, Moderator, and Isaac N. Jack, Clerk.\n\nA council of delegates from Wilson and Ransomville was invited by the\nreorganized Baptist church to meet on the 26th day of April, 1860, for\nrecognition, which duly met, Rev. William Sawyer, Chairman: James\nBullock, Clerk. Introductory prayer by Rev. L. C. Pattengill: hand of\nfellowship by Rev. Wm. Sawyer; address by Rev. L. C. Pattengill,\nincluding prayer and benediction by Rev. Wm. Sawyer. The following\ndelegates were present, to-wit:\n\nFrom Wilson--Rev. L. C. Pattengill, Dea. R. Robinson, Dea. A. Chapin.\n\nFrom Ransomville--Rev. Wm. Sawyer, Dea. G. Hopkins, Dea. J. Bullock.\n\nThey were received into fellowship of the Niagara Baptist Association\nJune 14, 1860, held at Akron, Erie county, N. Y. James Johnson, the first\ndeacon, was chosen April 13, 1860.\n\nThey finished an edifice of 30 x 40 feet, a convenient chapel, which was\ndedicated February 5, 1862. A sermon by Rev. L. C. Pattengill, prayer of\ndedication by Rev. Wm. Sawyer, report of building by J. C. Hopkins.\n\nRev. James Cusick was to have been their first installed pastor, but in\nthe year 1861 death took him to his long rest. He was a powerful\npreacher, and we had great revivals under his ministrations.\n\nRev. Thomas Green, a native, was baptized Jan. 9th, 1861, and on the\nthird day of Oct., 1863, was licensed to preach the Gospel of Christ, a\nhelper for Rev. Nicholas Smith, and on Sept. 25th, 1867, was ordained to\nthe ministry, and succeeded Rev. N. Smith as pastor of that Church, which\noffice he faithfully filled, went in and out among them, with meek and\nhumble spirit, ever faithful to his trust. He had the gift of natural\noratory, and we had some powerful revivals under his preaching. It would\nseem to us that he was called away too soon, but the Omniscient Being\nknows best. God called him from his labors and trials in this vale of\ntears to weal in the pleasures of his presence and of his only Son,\nJesus, of whom he had preached, and fought, as did Paul, the good fight\nof faith, and finished his course on Jan. 12, 1877, and has seen the\ncrown of life which was lad up for him in Heaven.\n\nRev. Franklin P Mt. Pleasant, a native, began to preach the Gospel in the\nspring of 1877, by the invitation of Rev. T. Green, and was licensed on\nthe 23d day of October, 1879, and has been their constant preacher.\n\n\n\n\nSCHOOL OPERATIONS.\n\nFor the earlier part of the history of school operations among the\nTuscarora Indians, I can do no better than to give the report of Rev.\nJohn Elliot to the Secretary of War, in the year 1832, viz.:\n\n\"_To the Secretary of War_:\n\n\"This will show the operations of the schools from their organization in\n1805, to September 30, 1832.\n\n\"The first school among the Tuscaroras was taught by Rev. Mr. Homes, the\nfirst missionary. This, according to the best information, was in 1805.\nWhat amount has been expended, either from the fund of the society or by\nthe Government, to sustain its operation, I am wholly unable to state.\nThe Indians converted their Council House into one for public worship,\nand also one for school operations, until 1828, when, with a little\nassistance from abroad, they completed a convenient chapel, 28 x 38 feet,\nfor publicworship. In 1831 they raised and finished a frame school house\n24 x 20 feet, at an expense probably of $200. This sum, with the exception\nof $8, the Indians obtained by contributions among themselves.\n\n\"We have but one teacher, whose whole time is engrossed in the concerns\nof the school (Mrs. Elliot and myself are occasionally employed). Her\nname is Elizabeth Stone, and the compensation she receives is only the\nmeans of support, the same that we receive. Ninety scholars have, to our\ncertain knowledge, entered the school since its commencement. One of the\nnumber is the principal Chief and stated interpreter, who can communicate\nin three languages. Eighty of this number have attended the school within\nthe last six years. Sixty have left with the prospect, in most cases, of\nexerting a happy influence. This influence is the result of a belief in,\nand adherence to, the doctrines of the Gospel. Since they have embraced\nthe principals of Christianity in full their progress in industry and\ntemperance has been strikingly visible and rapid. But few of the number\nnow sip ardent spirits--not more than one in twenty.\n\n\"The young men are enterprising; some have large, convenient barns and\ncomfortable dwellings, fine fields of wheat, corn, oats, &c.; others are\nbeginning to plant orchards; they now depend on the cultivation of their\nlands for a livelihood.\"\n\nThe second teacher who taught the school among the Tuscaroras was the son\nof Rev. Mr. Gray, the second missionary, in the years from 1808 to 1813,\nand was then followed by a young man by the name of Mr. Youngs. These\nwere the first three teachers who broke in and shed the light of\neducation upon the dark minds of our forefathers. The schools were\nsupported by the missionary societies in the same order as in the\ndifferent transfers that were made concerning the support of the\nmissionaries. In the year 1858 was the last transfer made from the\nAmerican Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mission to the State of New\nYork, by whom they are now sustained. There were many changes made in the\nteachers, all of whose names, with dates, in the order in which they\ncame, I am not able to record; but I will record such names as I have\nbeen able to obtain which came under the appointment of missionary\nteachers, to wit:\n\nMiss Elizabeth Stone, from 1831 to 1837.\n\nMiss Lucia G. Smith, 1836.\n\nMiss Hannah T. Whitcomb, from Oct. 5, 1839, to Aug. 25, 1849.\n\nMiss Mary J. T. Thayer, from 1849 to 1854.\n\nMiss Cinderella Britto, from 1853 to 1854.\n\nMiss Abigail Peck, from 1853 to 1858.\n\nAssistant teachers not having regular appointment.\n\nMiss Emily Parker, 1831.\n\nMiss Burt, 1837.\n\nMiss Nancy Wood, 1856.\n\nMiss Maria Colton, 1857.\n\nMiss Eleanor B. Lyon, 1857.\n\nUnder the New York State supervision:\n\nMiss Abigail Peck, from 1853 to 1858.\n\nMiss Mary A. Smith, native.\n\nMiss Robinson.\n\nMiss Emily Chew, native.\n\nMiss Pomeroy.\n\nMiss Margaret Eddy.\n\nMiss Helen Gansvort, native.\n\nMr. William Sage, seven winters.\n\nMr. Philip T. Johnson, native.\n\nIn the year of 1850 there was another school house built by the natives\nunder the proposition of Miss Mary J. F. Thayer. I have here a brief\nhistory of her labors among the Tuscaroras, from her own writings, which\nis very interesting, to wit:\n\nMISS M. J. F. THAYER'S LABORS AS A MISSIONARY TEACHER.\n\nAt the invitation of Rev. G. Rockwood (then the ordained missionary at\nTuscarora) Miss M. J. F. Thayer commenced her labors among the Tuscaroras\nas teacher on April 30, 1849, in the old school-house opposite Mr.\nRockwood's house, receiving from the American Board one dollar and fifty\ncents per week, besides her board. There were but few scholars, and these\nwere very irregular in their attendance. Miss T. visited the parents and\ntried to get them interested. She finally came to the conclusion that\ntime and money were thrown away on that little _day_ school, and\ndrew up a paper, which was read to the Tuscaroras at their New Year's\nfeast, January 1, 1850, in which she detailed her plans and wishes,\nasking their aid in executing them. Their response was cordial and\nhearty. They resolved to build a new school-house; the site was selected\non a corner near Isaac Miller's, and the people, as one man, went to work\nwith great alacrity, under the leadership of one of their chiefs, Wm. Mt.\nPleasant, and had, before the next New Year's, a snug house, 18 x 24\nfeet, well finished, furnished with two stoves, and a large pile of wood\nprepared. Miss Thayer commenced teaching at the new station (which she\nwas pleased to call Mt. Hope) Jan. 14, 1851, having forty scholars the\nfirst day. On Saturday, Jan. 12, before school began, a church meeting\nwas held at the new station. There were thirty persons present, and they\nvoted to hold prayer meetings there every Wednesday evening.\n\nFeb. 20 Miss T. wrote--\"Fifty is the average attendance at school.\nScholars happy and bright and very eager to learn Nearly every one has\nbought a new spelling book. The prayer meetings are well attended;\nSabbath evenings there are fifty present, Wednesdays, thirty. They\nconduct these meetings without their pastor, usually. Christians are\nbeing revived; there is an increasing spirit of prayer: the women have\nbegun to pray; we had a precious meeting last Sabbath evening.\"\n\nIn March there was a great deal of sickness (typhoid fever), of which\nseveral died. The school was interrupted for a few days.\n\nMay 2, she wrote--\"My school flourishes. It is difficult to say which\nseem the happier, the children or their teacher. I have five little girls\nboarding with me. As the 'boarding school fund' is exhausted, I am\nobliged to meet all the expenses from my own allowance\" It might be\nstated that Miss Thayer never received a \"formal appointment\" from the\nAmerican Board, because her health was so poor, but she was\n_employed_ and _paid_ by them. After she went to the new\nschoolhouse they paid her one hundred and fifty dollars a year, and she\nfound everything. By \"boarding school fund\" is meant money received by\nMiss Thayer from friends of hers who were interested in her work and sent\nher, from time to time, small sums of money and sometimes articles of\nfood and clothing for the children, _deficiencies_ she met from her\nown allowance.\n\nThus the work went on. Several children were anxious to become inmates of\nthe teacher's family. Celia Green, Elizabeth Cusick, Ann and Mary Henry,\nSusan Patterson and Sarah Mt. Pleasant were the favored ones.\n\nSept. 10, 1851, Miss T. wrote--\"My school is small now, owing to the\nprevalence of the measles. The little girls living with me being\nattacked, their mothers have taken them home.\" Under the same date adds--\n\"Two weeks ago I passed a sleepless night, contemplating the deplorable\ncondition of the young people here, agonizing and with tears wrestling in\nprayer for them. Last week I learned that three young women had decided\nto forsake there evil ways, repenting of their sins, and looking to Jesus\nfor salvation. Two of them came forward at the church meeting last\nSaturday, and offered themselves as candidates for admission to the\nchurch. One of the young women stayed with me last Sabbath night (this\nwas Louisa Henry). She gave evidence of a change of heart. May many more\nbe led to a saving knowledge of the truth.\"\n\nWriting again to her father, (these extracts are all from letters to her\nfather), Dec. 8, 1851--\"It would do your heart good to look in upon my\nlittle family--my little ones so confiding affectionate and happy. My\nheart has again been made glad by the conversion of one of my older\npupils, an interesting youth of seventeen. He and the two young women\nmentioned in a former letter united with the Church at our last\ncommunion. I wept for joy at these tokens of the presence of a prayer-\nanswering God.\"\n\nJan. 1, 1852--\"Attended the New Years' feast to-day. Told the people of\nmy plans for building an addition to the schoolhouse, so that I might\ntake more children into my family. They adjourned to the Council-house,\nand will talk over my propositions there this evening.\"\n\nJan. 3--\"The church meeting to-day was very interesting. Five young women\noffered themselves to the church, were examined and accepted. Most of\nthem state that they found the Saviour last summer. As near as I can\nlearn from their statements it was at the very time when I was so\nexercised in their behalf. For some time I agonized in prayer; then I\nbecame calm, and felt assured that my prayer was heard and would be\ngranted.\"\n\nJan. 4, Sabbath--\"An interesting day. Never saw so many of the Tuscaroras\npresent at a religious meeting. Some one who counted them stated that\nthere were nearly one hundred and forty, and all seemed serious and\nattentive. Bro. B.'s discourse in the forenoon was full of instruction to\nthe young converts. In the afternoon the young women examined yesterday\nwere received into the Church. Eight children were baptized, and the\nsacrament administered. In the evening I repaired to the council house,\nwhere the sacrament was again administered, on account of an aged sister,\nnearly one hundred years old, too infirm to go to the meeting-house.\"\n\nJan. 5--\"Commenced school to-day with twenty-five scholars; have seven\ngirls boarding with me; my little house is too small, but I hope soon to\nenlarge it, as the Tuscaroras give encouragement that they will take hold\nand help about building. They hold another council to-day to make\nnecessary arrangements.\"\n\nJan. 6--\"A committee of chiefs called on me this morning, and advised me\nto accept the thirty dollars offered by Mr. E. S. Ely, of Checktowga; it\nwould be needed to purchase the fine lumber, which they can buy cheaper\nin Canada than in the States. To-morrow they will turn out with their\nteams and draw logs to mill for the coarse lumber, and next week they\nwill go to Canada for the fine lumber, which Mr. Mt. Pleasant will\nprepare. When all things are ready they will frame the building, enclose\nand shingle it.\"\n\nJan. 12, 1852--\"Louisa Henry, who seems to be in the last stages of\nconsumption, has been with me since New Year's; is failing fast; told me\nwhen she came that she expected to die soon, and wished to spend her last\ndays with me; does not fear death; takes great delight in prayer and\nreading the Bible; the 23d Psalm is her favorite portion.\"\n\nJan. 14--\"At an inquiry meeting this evening, as Bro. R was absent, I\nconversed with those who came; explained the parable of 'The Prodigal\nSon' making personal application; three young persons requested prayers;\none was only 'almost persuaded;' the other two expressed their\ndetermination to begin a new life at once; invited Elias Johnson and his\nbrother James to stop after school for a season of prayer: they were both\nrejoicing in their newly-found Savior, and poured out their souls in\nfervent prayer; my soul is filled with joy.\"\n\nJan. 19--\"Feel quite worn out; thought Louisa dying; watched with her all\nnight; sent for her aunt, who will watch with her to-night.\"\n\nJan. 21--\"Bro. R. called; decided to send the little ones home; close\nschool for a few days, and take Louisa to the mission house.\"\n\nJan. 25--\"Louisa's aunt took her home at the instance of the Chiefs, who\ndid not like to have the school interrupted.\"\n\nJan. 26--\"Louisa died to-day; her sufferings are over; her happy spirit\nis doubtless with the ransomed above.\"\n\nJan. 27--\"Attended L's funeral.\"\n\nJan. 28--\"Returned to the school-house, where we had an inquiry meeting\nin the evening; about fifty present, of whom one-half seem seriously\ninquiring the way to be saved; I conversed with the females; found five\nindulging a hope; others greatly distressed on account of their sins.\nWithin a few months there have been twenty hopeful conversions.\"\n\nJan. 31--\"Met the sisters according to appointment; there was some\nearnest wrestling with God; had conversation with one who, for many\nyears, has been a backslider, but thinks she has now returned to God.\"\n\nFeb. 4--\"At the inquiry meeting many were present; several indulging a\nhope; deep feeling, but no excitement.\"\n\nFeb. 7--\"At the church meeting thirty-two candidates were examined for\nadmission to the church.\"\n\nFeb. 8--\"Sabbath; ninety Tuscaroras in attendance upon divine services; a\nmost solemn assembly.\"\n\nFeb. 12--\"An interesting young converts' prayer-meeting.\"\n\nFeb. 13--\"My children all have the whooping cough.\"\n\nFeb. 14--\"Detained from church meeting by the sick children.\"\n\nFeb. 15--\"Sabbath; detained from church; though I am much confined by\nhome duties, the work of the Lord prospers; Bro. R. is very faithful, and\nthe Lord crowns his labors with great success. He now numbers fifty new\nconverts; has united several couple in lawful marriage; many drunkards\nseem to be reclaimed; twelve of my Bible-class have found the Savior; so\nhave three of the little girls that have boarded with me and ten of my\nday scholars.\"\n\nFeb. 17--\"I was afraid that I should have to stop teaching and devote\nmyself to the care of my sick children, but their friends took them home\nlast Saturday; it seemed lonesome without them, but little Elizabeth, who\nseems to love me with all her little heart, cried so much to come back\nthat they could not keep her at home; she is with me now and seems quite\nhappy. Have written to Secretary Treat, urging that Bro. Rockwaod be\npermitted to remain here; none could be more active and efficient than he\nnow is.\"\n\nFeb. 24--\"So many children have the whooping-cough that but few attend\nschool. I, also, have a most troublesome cough, and find it difficult to\nteach; should have to give up if my school was very large, as I have fits\nof coughing just like the whooping-cough.\"\n\nMarch 4--\"My brother in Buffalo sent the sash and doors for my boarding-\nhouse; the building is going forward. Miss Howe writes that she will come\nto my assistance if I need her.\"\n\nMarch 7--\"Communion season--forty additions to the church. The old man of\nseventy and the youth of fourteen bowed together to receive the ordinance\nof baptism. A scene that angels might rejoice to behold.\"\n\nMarch 8--\"Have written to Miss Howe to come on, my health being very\npoor. Have obtained leave of absence for a few weeks, or months, if I\nshould find it expedient to go on to New York to Dr. Nichols' Medical\nInstitute.\"\n\nMarch 11--\"Several calls from my Tuscarora friends. They are very loth to\nhave me leave, even for a short time, and it is a sore trial for me.\"\n\nMarch 13--\"Arrived at my father's in Lancaster, N. Y.\"\n\nMarch 18--\"Wrote in my journal, 'still at my father's,' but thinking\ncontinually of my dear Tuscarora children. May I soon be restored to\nthem, invigorated both in body and mind.\"\n\nMarch 23--\"Quite unwell; cannot tell how long I shall have to stay away\nfrom my school.\"\n\nApril 26--\"Left Lancaster for Tuscarora.\"\n\nMt. Hope, Tuscarora, April 28, 1852--\"Once more in my own sweet home,\ngreeted by the sparkling eyes and smiling faces of my dear children.\nFound Miss Howe nearly worn out and glad to be relieved.\n\n\"There have been several deaths during my absence--some among my scholars.\nSeveral calls this evening from my adopted people, who seem so glad to\nsee me.\"\n\nApril 29--\"Resumed my duties in the school-room.\"\n\nMay 1--Sabbath--\"Rising early went on foot with my little girls, though\nthe road was muddy, reached the meeting house before 9 A. M., in time for\nSunday-school, sacrament in the afternoon. Five received into the church\n--three of them my scholars. So thankful to be once more with my beloved\nTuscaroras.\"\n\nMay 18--\"Have had to relinquish my school again to Miss Howe, I am too\nfeeble for school duties.\"\n\nJune 22--\"A week ago yesterday almost the whole nation turned out to help\nat the \"raising.\" The excitement of the day was so great that I could\nsleep but little that night; so happy! The Lord be praised. How mountains\nof difficulties have vanished. The Tuscaroras are doing nobly; but,\nbesides their work, to finish and furnish all will require about four\nhundred dollars; this will take all my funds, but when I need more, I\nknow that the Lord will provide. Have already expended nearly one hundred\ndollars, yet, I trust there will be no lack. Donations are coming in from\nvarious quarters.\"\n\nJuly 23--\"How different my labors this summer from those of last winter.\nUnable to teach, have given my school to another; nor, am I able to visit\nmuch among the people. Occupy my time chiefly in taking care of my little\ngirls, teaching them to sew, and preparing bedding for my contemplated\nboarding school; thankful that I may do a little, though I long to do\nmore.\"\n\nSept. 3--\"Being unable to teach, and thinking that I might do more good\nhere, if ever, to study medicine, having consulted my friends and Mr.\nTreat, I shall go to Philadelphia to attend medical lectures. Have bade\nadieu to my humble home, not to return before next February.\"\n\nMiss Thayer returned from Philadelphia in February, 1853. Miss Mary\nWalker had taught the school during her absence. Shortly after her return\nto Mt. Hope, Miss Abigail Peck and Miss Cinderella Britto arrived, the\nformer to teach school, the latter to assist in housework, Miss Thayer to\nhave general supervision as matron of the boarding school. The American\nBoard doubled their appropriation, so that each one of the ladies were to\nreceive one hundred dollars a year, and find their own board. Miss Thayer\ntaking it upon herself to meet the other expenses of the school. Timely\ndonations in money were received from Philadelphia, Brooklyn and New\nYork, and various small sums; also boxes of clothing and some provision\nfrom friends in neighboring towns.\n\nMarch 23--Miss Thayer writes: \"Have received one hundred dollars from the\nSunday school in Mr. Barnes' church, for my building; have hired two\ncarpenters to do the inside work, it having been framed, shingled,\nenclosed, and most of the lathing done, by the Tuscaroras. My health is\nfailing again and my mind much racked with planning, as my associates\neach want a separate room for their own private use, I have been obliged\nto vary from my original plan so as to secure pleasant rooms for them\nwith chimneys for stoves.\"\n\nMay 7--\"The building goes forward rather slowly, and my associates are\nbecoming somewhat impatient on account of the delay; yet we shall have a\nbetter finished and more commodious house than I had at first planned.\nThough very much worn both in body and mind, I do not regret having\nundertaken the work. Am more and more convinced that the only hope for\nthe moral and physical well-being of the Tuscaroras is to train up the\nchildren in the way they should go. The work is begun, and the Lord is\nable to carry it forward, either with or without me.\"\n\nMiss Thayer's health continued poor and she took a vacation of four\nweeks, in the summer, leaving her associates in charge. Then wrote to Mr.\nTreat that she should be obliged to give up the management of financial\naffairs, and asking them to assume the responsibility.\n\nTo confer with him on the subject, Mr. Treat requested Mr. Rockwood, Miss\nThayer and her associates to meet him in Buffalo, where he would stop on\nhis way to the meeting of the American Board at Cincinnati. The result of\nthe conference: The boarding school was transferred to the immediate care\nof the Board, with Mr. Rockwood as Superintendent; the ladies to retain\ntheir respective positions--teacher, house-keeper and matron. From this\ntime Miss Thayer felt greatly fettered, and the impression grew upon her\nthat her presence was not desired at Mt. Hope; that her usefulness there\nwas at an end. Long and prayerfully did she weigh the matter, and at\nlast, though it nearly broke her heart, she asked to be dismissed from\nthe field. Her request was granted, and Miss Thayer closed her labors at\nMt. Hope, December 31, 1853, _and longed to die_. It was the saddest\nday of her life, the bitterest trial she ever experienced, this giving up\nall her hopes of usefulness among her beloved Tuscaroras. She knew not\nwhither to go; could not tell the people what she had done.\n\nSamuel Jacobs was going to Cattaraugus, and Miss Thayer went with him,\nhoping the Lord would give her work to do there. Engaged temporarily in\nteaching, was there until the latter part of July, 1854; in August\napplied to the Presbyterian Board for an appointment as missionary\nteacher for one of their schools among the Southwestern Indians, which\nwas granted, and she was sent to the Chickasaws, in the Indian Territory;\narrived there in November, 1854; labored among the Chickasaws, Creeks and\nChoctaws until September, 1865, when again broken down in health, she\nreluctantly gave up the work of a missionary teacher, and returned to her\nfather's house in Bristol, Wis., accompanied by her husband, (Theodore\nJones), and her three young children (two sons and a daughter). She has\nsince resided in Bristol, Wis., on the farm given to her by her father\nand brothers, a quiet, pleasant home. Her children are growing up in the\nfear of the Lord, having all of them, five years ago, (in April, 1873),\nunited with the Congregational church in Bristol. Although she has not\nthe means to give them a liberal education, she hopes that they will be\nuseful workers in the Lord's vineyard.\n\nMrs. Jones often thinks of her beloved Tuscaroras, and would gladly visit\nthem if it were not for the expense of such a journey.\n\nMrs. Jones has culled the material for the foregoing pages from numerous\nletters written to her father, from Tuscarora, and also made extracts\nfrom her private journal, kept whilst at Tuscarora, and she gives Elias\nJohnson leave to embody such portions of it in his history of the\nTuscaroras as shall best suit his purpose. She sends herewith Mr. Treat's\nreply to her request to be released from the work at Mt. Hope; also a\nletter written by the Tuscarora chiefs, representing her departure from\ntheir people.\"\n\n\"MRS. MARY J. E, JONES,\n\n\"February 22, 1878.\n\n\"Bristol, Wis.\"\n\nTo ELIAS JOHNSON, Tuscarora.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nTEMPERANCE SOCIETY.\n\nAbout the year 1800, a new religion was introduced among the Six Nations,\nwho alleged to have received a revelation from the Great Spirit, with a\ncommission to preach to them the new doctrine in which he was instructed.\n\nThis revelation was received in circumstances so remarkable and the\nprecepts which he sought to inculcate, contained in themselves such\nevidences of wisdom and beneficence, that he was universally received\namong them, not only as a wise and good man, but as one commissioned by\nthe Great Spirit to become their religious teacher, by the name of _Ga-\nne-o-di-yo_, or \"Handsomelake.\" This new religion, as it has ever since\nbeen called, with all the ancient and new doctrines, was also taught,\nstrenuously, the doctrine of Temperance, which seemed to be the main and\nultimate object of his mission, and upon which he chiefly used his\ninfluence and eloquence through the remainder of his life. He went from\nvillage to village, among the several nations of the Iroquois, and\ncontinuing his visits from year to year, preaching the new doctrine with\nremarkable effect; many abandoned their dissolute habits and became sober\nand moral men.\n\nThe wholesome doctrine of sobriety was not preached in vain, even among\nthe Tuscaroras; nevertheless, they did not embrace the ancient and the\nnew faith, nor its ceremonies, but the preaching of this singular person.\nThe influence of his eloquence, with which he enforced the doctrine of\ntemperance, had the effect of forming a temperance society, which was\nkept up a number of years, by holding meetings and by lectures given by\nthe leading men of the nation, until the year 1830, when a regular\ntemperance society was organized, which was based on a written\nconstitution; and in the year 1832 there was a general temperance society\nformed at the Cattaraugus Reservation, embracing all the, then, different\nSeneca Reservations; and in the year 1833 the Tuscaroras reorganized so\nas to be connected with the Seneca temperance society, organized at\nCattaraugus. I found the following articles in the records of the\nTuscarora temperance society, to-wit:\n\n\"Temperance Society, formed among the Tuscaroras, February 19th, 1830,\nre-organized January 27th, 1833.\n\n\"PREAMBLE.\n\n\"Whereas, Present and past occurrences clearly prove that intemperance is\na great and destructive evil; therefore,_Resolved_, That we, the\nchiefs and warriors of the Tuscarora Nation, will do all in our power to\narrest its progress, both in this village and elsewhere.\"\n\nExperience has taught us that efforts to advance this good cause are not\nin vain, encouraged by what we have already effected, we have conceded to\nre-organize our society, which shall be named and governed as follows:--\n\n\"CONSTITUTION.\n\n\"Article 1. This society shall be denominated the Temperance Society\nauxiliary to the general Temperance Society formed at Cattaraugus, March\n1st, 1832, by our red brothers from five different Reservations.\n\n\"Article 2. It shall embrace individuals of both sexes of men, women and\nchildren.\n\n\"Article 3. We who sign our names to this constitution, solemnly pledge\nourselves to abstain entirely from the use of intoxicating liquors, and\npersuade others in an affectionate, faithful manner to do the same, not\nsuffering it to be used in our families, nor purchasing it for those in\nour employ.\n\n\"Article 4. It shall be the duty of those who were appointed a committee\nby the general Temperance Society to visit the members of this Society\nindividually, and enquire whether they adhere to or strictly obey the\narticles of the constitution, and converse with others on the subject of\ntemperance, so far as practicable, and make a report of their doings to\nthe Society.\n\n\"Article 5. The officers of this Society shall be a President, Vice-\nPresident, Secretary and Treasurer. The duty of the President shall be as\nfollows, viz: To open the meetings by calling the assembly to orders to\nappoint the time for meeting; to settle questions in any discussions made\nin the Society; to appoint the speakers. The duty of the Secretary shall\nbe to minute the proceedings of every meeting, and read the report at the\nclose of every meeting, and to keep in record the names of the members of\nthe Society. The Treasurer shall keep in charge the revenues of the\ncontributions, and attend to the lights.\"\n\nNames of the first officers of this Society:\n\nPresident--Nicholas Cusick.\n\nVice-President--William Mt. Pleasant.\n\nSecretary and Treasurer--James N. Cusick.\n\nNames of Chiefs at that time:\n\nWilliam Chew, William Printup,\n\nJonathan Printup, Mathew Jack,\n\nJohn Mt. Pleasant, John Johnson,\n\nJohn Fox, George Printup,\n\nIsaa Miller.\n\nThis united Temperance Society held a yearly convention on the different\nReservations, alternately, for a number of years, but the interest in the\nconvention gradually declined, until the convention was entirely given\nup. Afterwards they somewhat remodeled the constitution to suit their\ncircumstances, and added the following article, viz:\n\n\"In the temperance assemblies the following subjects are to be lectured\non: Temperance, Industry, Education and Moral Reform.\"\n\nWe have also a cornet band, which is connected with the temperance\nsociety, which enliven and cheer the meetings by the sweet strains of\ntheir music, and adds very much to the interest of each meeting. This\nband goes by the name of the \"Tuscarora Temperance Cornet Band.\" It was\norganized in the year 1842, and has existed continually to the present\ntime, in 1880.\n\nOn the 11th day of November, 1844, there was a delegation sent here by\nthe Tuscaroras, from Grand River, then Canada West, now Ontario, to\nconnect themselves with our temperance society, which was granted them,\nand the following delegates were admitted, viz: William Green, a Sachem;\nDavid Hill, Jacob Hill, Rev. Nicholas Smith and Thomas Thomas.\n\nThis society was afterwards invited to hold a temperance meeting on the\nTuscarora Reservation at Grand River, Ontario, with the view of\norganizing a temperance society in conjunction to ours. The meeting was\nheld according to the time designated. The meetings were opened and\nconducted with much interest, but dissolved without the formation of a\nsociety. There was a disagreement concerning the constitution of the\nsociety, respecting the subjects of discussion in the meetings of the\nsociety. The Canada Indians wished to have the three other subjects, from\nthat of temperance, to bestricken out, but the Tuscaroras of the States\nadhered to the forms of the constitution of their society, which includes\nIndustry, Education and Moral Reform, as the subject of lecture of each\nmeeting, which was adopted at anearly period.\n\nIn the autumn of 1862, the cornet band and a number of the members of the\nsociety made a visit to Grand River, Ontario, among their Indian\nbrethren, and when they arrived there the Sons of Temperance had a social\nparty, to which we were very cordially invited to participate of the\nsumptous feast, which was already prepared, and were two days devoted to\ntemperance meetings. The time was taken up by lectures on temperance and\nmusic by the two cornet bands, which played their music alternately, and\nadded very much to the interest of the meetings. The speeches were\ninterspersed with the rehearsals of the different traditions of the\ncauses of the declension of the Indian nations, and regretting the\nslowness of the progress of their civilization, and attribute to\ntemperance, to be the great cause of the retard of their advancement in\nindustry and civilization.\n\nThey were invited several limits by these, our Canada red brothers, to\ntheir Sons of Temperance conventions at Grand River, of which they\nfaithfully attended, and they were also invited at one of their\nconventions held at Monseetown, near London, Ontario, on the reservation\nof the Oneidas: our cornet band and quite a number of the members of our\nsociety complied to the invitation. The meetings were very interesting.\nThere were many speeches made on the subject of temperance, and on\nvarious topics for the advancement of the respective Indian nations. A\nspeech was also made by the author of this book, which began as follows,\nto-wit:\n\n\"My dear friends and relatives. I have been interested in the great and\ngood cause of temperance for a number of years, and have attended many\nmeetings and assemblies in the temperance cause, but this, our present\ngathering, is to me, unusually interesting; it brings my mind back for\nmore than a century, when the Tuscaroras were broken down, as a nation,\nby the pale faces, and expelled from their long-cherished homes, and\ndriven from the graves of our noble ancestors, into the wild and cold-\nhearted world: and when they were without a friend and without a home,\nand no one to pity them, in this, their time of trouble. You, the\nOneidas, gave us the hand of friendship and brotherly love, and gave us\npeaceful homes within your wide extended domain, and whispered in our\nears the words of consolation; when, and how shall we ever forget or\nrepay you for the unbounded kindness that your fathers exercised towards\nours? We have ever given you a place nearest our hearts, with all its\naffections, here we give you our hands and our hearts in the great and\ngood cause of temperance, and we wish you prosperity in every sense of\nthe word both temporally and morally.\"\n\nThis convention was denominated the Six Nations Sons of Temperance\nConvention, although we, from the States were not members of that order.\nIt seems that they deemed it not derogatory to their dignity that we\nshould be present at their conventions, although ours is a common, open\nand free, temperance society.\n\nWe, also, invited them to hold their convention on our reservation, which\nwas acceded to and held in the fall of 1865, and there were delegates of\nseveral Oneidas, from Monseetown, Ontario, and of the Tuscaroras, from\nGrand River, Ontario, and also a cornet band of the Onondagas, from\nOnondaga Castle, N. Y., which favored us with the sweet strains of their\nmusic, alternately, with our cornet band.\n\nEvery morning the assembly would meet at the school-house, Mt. Hope, at\n10 o'clock, A. M., and there form in procession and march to the council-\nhouse, about one mile, to the place of meeting: the two cornet bands\nplayed their music while the procession was moving, and our temperance\nbanners were floating in the air, as if to say, rally round the\ntemperance banner.\n\nOur temperance banner was made in the year 1844, by our people, assisted\nby, then, our Missionery, Rev. G. Rockwood. It is illustrated by several\nanimals illustrative of the several clans that are in the nation; and\nalso, six stars that are grouped in the upper corner of the banner, next\nto the pole, indicative, as in the animals, of the several clans, that\nthey, aught, also, group together and combine as in one, to work against\nthe great monster, intemperance, which is also illustrated by a seven-\nheaded serpent. As this monster is formidable, so aught we abstain from\nall intoxicating liquors. There is also, a great eagle soaring in the\nair, in the act of grasping the great seven-headed serpent. This\nillustrates that in our endeavers in the capacity of a society, to defeat\nthe great monster--intemperance--we have a helper, which is the\nLegislature of the State of New York and the United States, in enacting\nlaws to the effect of staying the great tide of intemperance among the\nIndians, in which weshould take courage.\n\nThere was another convention held here in 1873, when there was quite a\nlarge delegation of the Oneidas, from Monseetown, Ontario, and also from\nGrand River, Ontario, among them was the Tuscarora cornet band of Grand\nRiver. The meetings were occupied by lectures on temperance and on other\ntopics, which were thought to be the most needed for the advancement of\nthe social and moral conditions of our red brethren.\n\nThe Grand River cornet band, and ours, played, alternately, their angelic\nmelodies, to cheer us in the great temperance cause. It was then the\nconvention of the Sons of Temperance urged upon us to adopt their Order,\nbut our people thought it not advisable to change the order of our\nsociety, as it has existed since the year 1830; the form may be\ndifferent, but the object is the same. We said we preferred to adhere to\nthe old form of our society, open to all, and free to partake of the\nbenefits of it, we prayed them God's speed in their turning the great\nwheel of temperance, and we should lay hold on the same wheel and turn\nthe same way. That same night the convention closed. There was a great\nbonfire made in the street; and then there was a general farewell, hand-\nshaking, and it closed with music from the bands in the dead of the\nnight.\n\nThe next convention was held at Grand River, Ontario, in October, 1874,\nin the Six Nation council-house. There was quite a large representation\nof the Six Nations. Speeches were made on the subject of temperance by\nall the different nations, to-wit:\n\nMr. Josiah Hill, Sachem, of Grand River, Tuscarora.\n\nMr. David Hill, Sachem, of Grand River, Seneca.\n\nMr. Levi Jonathan, Sachem, of Grand River, Onondaga.\n\nMr. Clinch, Sachem, of Grand River, Mohawk.\n\nMr. James Jemison, of Grand River, Cayuga.\n\nMr. Eligah, of Monseetown, Oneida.\n\nMr. William Patterson, Sachem, of Lewiston, Tuscarora.\n\nDea. Samuel Jacobs, of Lewiston, Tuscarora.\n\nMr. William Chew, of Lewiston, Tuscarora.\n\nMr. Elias Johnson, of Lewiston, Tuscarora.\n\nThe winter after the meetings above, a communication was received by the\nSecretary of our society, Dea. Samuel Jacobs, from the Tuscaroras of\nGrand River, Ontario, wishing him to forward to them a copy of the\nconstitution of our temperance society, and stating that they wish to\nform a society based upon the same, which was deferred by Dea. Jacobs\nuntil the June following, when Dea. Jacobs, Wm. Patterson, Rev. Thomas\nGreen and Wm. Chew went to Grand River with the constitution. After it\nwas read in their meeting, the Canadian brothers adopted it and formed a\nsociety based on the same. It was then proposed and adopted that a\nconvention should be held in the Six Nations council-house, at Grand\nRiver, Ontario, in October, 1875. Accordingly the convention duly met and\ncontinued three days. Our cornet band was present, with quite a number of\nthe members of our society. The meetings were very pleasant and\ninteresting. The officers were as follows, to-wit:\n\nPresident--Wm. Chew, of Lewiston\n\nVice-President--John Hill, of Grand River\n\nSecretary--Josiah Hill, of Grand River\n\nBefore the convention closed it was decided that the next convention\nshould be at the Tuscorora Reservation, Lewiston, N. Y., on the 17th day\nof October, 1876, and the officers appointed were as follows, to-wit:\n\nPresident--Josiah Hill, of Grand River.\n\nVice-President--Dea. Samuel Jacobs, of Lewiston, N. Y.\n\nSecretary--Elias Johnson, of Lewiston, N. Y.\n\nJust before the appointed time for the convention to meet, there was a\ncommunication received by Mr. John Mt. Pleasant, our head chief, from A.\nSim Logan, of Cattaraugas Reservation, N. Y., being leader of the Seneca\nnational cornet band, asking the privilege of attending the contemplated\nconvention with his band. The letter was read at one of the temperance\nmeetings and was not only acceded to, but they were cordially invited to\nattend, and on the 17th day of October, 1876, the day appointed for the\nconvention, they were on hand. A. Sims Logan, with his national cornet\nband, of Cattaraugus, and Levi Jonathan, with his Tuscasora cornet band,\nof Grand River, and Solomon Cusick, with his temperance cornet band, of\nLewiston, N. Y, were present, which comprise the three leading bands of\nmusic of any nations of Indians.\n\nThe programme was substantially as follows:\n\nThe meeting was called to order by the president, Josiah Hill, of Grand\nRiver.\n\nA hymn was sung by the assembly, in the Indian language, words, \"Oh, for\na thousand tongues to sing my Redeemer's praise;\" tune, Dundee.\n\nPrayer by Dea. Samuel Jacobs, of Lewiston, N. Y.\n\nThe following were chosen as committees of arrangements to-wit:\n\nMr. Wm. Chew, of Lewiston, N. Y.\n\nMr. Win. Printup, of Lewiston, N.Y.\n\nMr. Joseph Henry, of Grand River, Ont.\n\nMr. George Beaver, of Grand River, Ont.\n\nMr. Wm. Nephew, of Cattaraugus, N. Y.\n\nMr. Wm. Printup made the congratulatory speech of the meeting through an\nintrepreter, Joseph Henry.\n\nThe speakers of the first session were as follows, to-wit:\n\nMr. Levi Jonathan, of Grand River, Ont., on Temperance.\n\nDea. Samuel Jacobs, of Lewiston, N.Y., on Moral Reform.\n\nMr. Joseph Henry, of Grand River, Ont., on Industry.\n\nMr. A. Sim Logan, of Cattaraugus, N. Y., on Education\n\nThe Tuscarora cornet band favored this session with music between the\nspeeches.\n\nAdjourned at 2 o'clock P. M. and convened again at 5 o'clock P.M.\n\nThe assembly was called to order by the president.\n\nThe following were the speakers, to-wit.\n\nMr. Simon Carrier, of Grand River, Ont.\n\nMr. Josiah Hill, of Grand River, Ont.\n\nMr. William Anderson, of Grand River, Ont.\n\nMr. Wm. Chew, of Lewiston, N. Y.\n\nMr. John Mt. Pleasant, of Lewiston, N. Y.\n\nMr. Elias Johnson, of Lewiston, N. Y.\n\nMr. Wm. Nephew, of Cattaraugus, N. Y.\n\nMusic was favored the second session by the Seneca national band, of\nCattaraugus. N. Y.\n\nAdjourned at 8:30 o'clock P. M. to 10 o'clock A. M. to-morrow, after\nsinging the tune Greenville, words, \"Savior, Visit Thy Plantation.\"\n\nBenediction by Rev Thomas Green.\n\nOct. 18.--The assembly was called to order by the Vice-President. Dea.\nSamuel Jacobs, of Lewiston, at 10 o'clock A.M. Opened by singing an\nIndian hymn Prayer by Rev. Thomas Green, of Lewiston, N. Y.\n\nThe following were the speakers, to-wit:\n\nMr. Thomas Williams, of Grand River.\n\nMr. George Beaver, of Grand River.\n\nMr. John C. Lay, of Cattaraugus.\n\nAdjourned at 1:30 o'clock P. M. to 4 P. M.\n\nThe assembly was called to order at 4 o'clock P. M. by the President.\n\nThe following were the speakers, to-wit:\n\nMr. John John, of Grand River.\n\nMr. Levi Jonathan, of Grand River.\n\nDr. Bombry, of Grand River.\n\nPresident Josiah Hill, of Grand River.\n\nMr. Albert Cusick, of Onondaga Castle.\n\nMr. Abram Hill, of Onondaga Castle.\n\nRev. Thomas Green, of Lewiston, N. Y.\n\nMr. John Mt. Pleasant, of Lewiston, N. Y.\n\nMr. William Patterson, of Lewiston, N. Y.\n\nMr. Marvin Crows, of Cattaraugus, N. Y.\n\nThis forenoon we were favored with music by our temperance cornet band\nbetween the speeches.\n\nIn the afternoon session we were favored with music by C. C. Lay's\norchestra band, of Cattaraugus, N. Y.\n\nPresident Hill in the chair, business was resumed.\n\nMr. John C. Lay moved that the next convention be held on the Cattaraugus\nReservation, N. Y. This was followed by a motion of Levi Jonathan, that\nthe next convention be held at Grand River, Ontario, who claimed that\nthey had adopted the constitution, while the Senecas had not. After some\ndiscussion, A. Sim Logan said, \"If you will give us a copy of your\nconstitution, we will accept of it and form a society based on the same.\"\n\nIt was then put to vote and carried that the next convention should be\nheld at Cattaraugus, N. Y., on the 25th day of September, 1877.\n\nThe following officers were appointed, viz:\n\nMr. Elias Johnson. Tuscarora, of Lewiston, N. Y., President.\n\nMr. Josiah Hill, Tuscarora, of Grand River, Vice-President.\n\nDr. Bombry, Cayuga, of Grand River, Secretary.\n\nOn the evening of October 25th, as aforesaid, the convention duly met,\nand was called to order by the President, E. Johnson; opened by singing\nand prayer. Business was then resumed. The Secretary not being present,\nProf. Chancy C. Jemison, of Cattaraugus, was appointed to fill the\nvacancy.\n\nThe committee of arrangements was as follows, viz:\n\nMr. John Canada, Seneca, of Cattaraugus.\n\nMr. A. Sim Logan, Seneca, of Cattaraugus.\n\nMr. Job King, Seneca, of Cattaraugus.\n\nMr. Levi Jonathan, Onondaga, of Grand River.\n\nMr. James Jemison, Cayuga, of Grand River.\n\nMr. Josiah Hill, Tuscarora, of Grand River.\n\nMr. John Mt. Pleasant, Tuscarora, of Lewiston.\n\nMr. Wm. Chew, Tuscarora, of Lewiston.\n\nMr. Daniel La Fort, Onondaga, of Syracuse, N. Y.\n\nMr. Abram Hill, Oneida, of Syracuse, N. Y.\n\nThe convention continued three days. Many speeches were made by the\nleading men of the several nations that were represented. The meetings\nwere unusually interesting. Every speaker seemed to be moved to the\nutmost of their enthusiasm. The congregations were large, and every face\nseemed to glow with the interest that was awakened in the great cause of\ntemperance. The order and decorum that prevailed throughout all the\nmeetings was becoming to any Community.\n\nThere were also four cornet bands which favored the assemblies with\nmusic, in their proper times, which added very much to the interest of\nthe convocation. The bands were as follows, to-wit:\n\nMr. A. Sim Logan's national cornet band, of Cattaraugus, N. Y.\n\nMr. Chester C. Lay's silver cornet band, of the same place.\n\nMr. Levi Jonathan's Tuscarora cornet band, of Grand River, Ontario.\n\nMr. Enos Johnson's temperance cornet band, of Tuscarora, N. Y.\n\nOn the morning of the last day of the convention before the services\nbegan, the four cornet bands consolidated in one, which made over fifty\nmembers, and played several tunes together outside of the Presbyterian\nchurch, in which the convention was held, and made a rousing band of music.\n\nThe first article of the constitution, which reads thus: \"This society\nshall be denominated the Temperance Society,\" was amended so as to read\nthus: \"This society shall be denominated the Six Nations Temperance\nSociety of the United States and Canada.\"\n\nThe assembly was then called to sign the temperance pledge of this\nsociety. There were upwards of two hundred that signed, most of whom\nresided on the reservation in which the convention was held; but there\nwere some from the Tonawanda, Alleghany and Onondaga reservations, and\nalso one Oneida, from Green Bay, Wis.\n\nThe Onondagas and Tonawandas made application for a copy of the\nconstitution to be sent to them, that they might form temperance\nsocieties on their respective reservations, which was granted them, and\nMr. Josiah Hill was appointed to write the copy and send the same to\nthem.\n\nThe convention adjourned on the evening of the third day to meet again\nthe next year at Grand River, Ontario.\n\nOFFICERS\n\nMr. John Canada, Seneca, of Cattarauguh, President.\n\nMr. Wm. Patterson, Tuscarora, of Lewiston, N. Y., Vice-President.\n\nMr. Josiah Hill, Tuscarora, of Grand River, Secretary.\n\nMr. John Mt. Pleasant, Tuscarora, of Lewiston, N. Y., Treasurer.\n\nIt will be seen by the above that the Tuscaroras have not been altogether\nidle on the subject of temperance. The temptations of intemperance\nsurrounding our reservation are great. We hope that the legislature will\naid us in enacting more rigid laws, for the temptation is working even in\ncider, which seems to be more intoxicating now than in former times.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nFriendship of the Tuscaroras to the United States.\n\nThe Tuscarora Indians have for more than a century been a firm friend to\nthe United States. In the Revolutionary war they took an active part for\nthe declaration of independence; many took part, but few were enrolled,\nconsequently, but few that drew pension from the United States. For\ninstance, Nicholas Cusick, a Tuscarora Indian; where shall you look for\nanother instance of friendship, greater than his, towards the\ndistinguished Marquis de Lafayette, or for christian principle more firm\nand true than he evinced concerning his pension.\n\nIn the war of the Revolution he was under command of Lafayette. Many\nyears after peace was concluded, as he was passing through Washington, he\naccidentally heard the name of his old commander spoken of in the office\nin which he stopped on business. The moment his ear caught the sound, his\neyes brightened, and full of earnestness he asked, \"Is he yet alive?\"\n\"Yes,\" was the reply, \"he is alive and looking well and hearty.\" With\ndecided emphasis, he said, \"I am glad to hear it.\" \"Then you knew\nLafayette, Mr. Cusick?\" \"Oh, yes;\" he answered. \"I knew him well, and\nmany a time in battle threw myself between him and the bullets, _for I\nloved him_.\"\n\nOn asking him if he had a commission, he said, \"Yes; General Washington\ngave me one, and he was Lieutenant.\" This suggested to his friends that\nhe was entitled to a pension, and on looking over the records, the truth\nof what he said was confirmed, and he received one for several years.\n\nAfterwards, congress passed a law making it necessary that each recipient\nshould swear that he could not live without the pension. When the old\nwarrior was called upon to do this, he said, \"Now, here is my little log\ncabin, and it is my own; here is my patch of ground, where I raise my\ncorn and beans, and there is lake Oneida, where I can catch fish; with\nthese I can make out to live without the pension, and to say that I could\nnot, would be to lie to the Great Spirit.\"\n\nThis is the honor of the Tuscarora hero. How many among those of the\nwhite people who receive a pension would have done likewise, for\nconscience sake. Cusick could speak the English language very well, but\nwhen he made an audible prayer, or said grace at the table, he used his\nnative Tuscarora language, \"because,\" said he, \"when I speak in English,\nI am often at a loss for a word; when, therefore, I speak to the Great\nSpirit, I do not like to be perplexed, or have my mind distracted to look\nafter a word, when I use my own language, it is like my breath, I am\ncomposed.\" In this is exemplified that he fully understood the reverence\nwhich was due to the great Architect of the universe.\n\nSolomon Longboard, also a Tuscarora Sachem, took an active part in the\nRevolutionary war, with many others of his nation. In one of their\nscouting parties, he, with others, was taken captive by the British\nIndians and brought to fort Niagara, where they were kept for some time,\nand urged to take up arms and fight against the revolutionists. Finally,\nthis celebrated sachem, Longboard, held a secret council among the\ncaptives, and instructed them all to take arms and advance with the\nBritish Indians, and use their influence to lead them to a place where\nthey might be captured, and they with the rest, which they successfully\neffected, and were re-captured by the Americans. Instead of gaining honor\nand laurels to his crown, he was to be sentenced to be shot as a traitor,\nbut through the entreaties of the Tuscarora chiefs, and the influence of\nthe feasibility of their story that was made on the executives, he was\nreleased, but never drew pension as did Mr. Cusick.\n\nThe Tuscaroras again evinced their friendship for the United States in\nthe war of 1812, when they were asked to guard the Niagara river at\nLewiston and down the river, against the British crossing it.\n\nHere again we hear of the Tuscarora sachem, Solomon Longboard, with about\nthirty-five Tuscarora volunteers, stationed at Lewiston on guard. I have\nrecorded some of the names of these volunteers, which I was able to\nobtain from some of the old people that were yet living in the year 1878,\nwhich are as follows, to-wit: The two sons of Solomon Longboard, Jacob\nTaylor, Joseph Cusick, John Cusick, David Cusick, John Black Nose and his\nbrother, Samuel Thompson, John Obediah, Aaron Pempleton, James Pempleton,\nJohn Mt. Pleasant, Harry Patterson, John Green, Isaac Allen, Capt.\nWilliams, Gau-ya-re-na-twa, Wm. Printup, better known as little Billy,\nBlack Chief, John Printup, Isaac Green, Surgin Green, George Printup.\nThere were but few of these that drew pension, as it was alleged that\nthey were not enrolled upon the army roll.\n\nOn the night of December 19th, 1813, the British army and British Indians\ncrossed the Niagara River near Calvin Hotchkis' place, about two miles\nbelow Lewiston. They noticed at first there were lights going across the\nriver during the night, and at the dawn of day were despatched, Jacob\nTaylor (better known as Colonel Jacobs), and another Indian to accompany\nhim--both being Tuscaroras. On their return they reported that the\nBritish Indians had crossed the river in great numbers. The news was\ncirculated in the village of Lewiston and the neighboring country, that\nthey might evacuate their places and go east, which they did, taking the\nRidge road. The Tuscarora volunteers took the rear of the train as they\nmoved eastward, commanded by their Sachem, Solomon Longboard.\n\nThe British Indians went on the pursuit. After they had gone about two\nmiles from the village of Lewiston, where the Tuscarora Indians branched\noff on a road leading to their reservation, known as the Indian hill, or\nMountain road. As they had advanced part way up the mountain they\nobserved a Canada Indian on horseback, who headed off some of the train,\nand among the rest was also Bates Cooke, of Lewiston. One of his legs\nhad, a little previous to that time, been amputated, and the main Canada\nforce were about half a mile in the rear on pursuit. The commander of the\nTuscarora force ordered that the Indian heading off the train be shot,\nwhich was done by John Obediah. The Indian tumbled off the horse and fell\nto the ground, and then got up and ran down the little hill into the\nwood, where it is said he died from the wound he received.\n\nWhen the report of the gun was heard by the Canadian force and they saw\nthe effect it had on their comrade, they halted. Their commander, Mr.\nLongboard, of the Tuscaroras which numbered at that time twenty-six, from\nthem selected three men and instructed them to get upon and to go along\nthe top of the mountain and to blow a horn occasionally, which they had\nin their possession, and to keep nearly opposite the Canada Indians. The\nobject was to serve as a scare-crow, to make them believe that there was\na force also on the mountain in the act of flanking them. But the\nremaining force of Mr. Longboard rushed down the mountain with their war\nwhoops as if legion were coming down, and pursued the Canada Indians,\nwhile the train of white people had gone on in their flight. The Canada\nIndians retreated about one mile and a half, near to where the main force\nwere. Then one of their men halted and aimed his gun at one of our men,\nJohn Obediah, and the latter also aimed to his opponent, while Samuel\nThompson got behind a large elm tree. In the meantime, John Obediah spoke\nto the stranger in all the different six languages of the Iroquois, but\ndid not get an answer. These were the only two men in pursuit at this\ntime, as the rest of them had halted some ways back. Finally the British\nIndian retreated backwards, keeping aim as he went, and all at once gave\na spring and ran off. The three men that were on the mountain kept\noccasionally blowing the horn as they went, as the road is parallel with\nthe mountain.\n\nBy this time the train of white people had gone quite a good ways in\ntheir flight: it is evident that the timely intervention of the Tuscarora\nIndians, saved great slaughter of men, women and children among the white\npeople.\n\nThe Tuscaroras then went back and kept in the rear of the white people in\ntheir flight. The British Indians perceiving that it was the Tuscarora\nIndians that killed one of their number and repulsed them, made their way\nto their reservation, (the nation had already deserted their homes), and\nbegan to burn their houses indiscriminately, and also a meeting-house\nwhich was built by them, except eight dollars, a convenient chapel where\nthe early christian Tuscaroras such as Sacaresa and Solomon Longboard,\nboth sachems, with many others, delighted to worship the Almighty in the\nsimplicity of their faith. And after they had finished their destruction\nthey went down in pursuit of the fleeing train of white people on the\nridge road: by this time the Tuscaroras had stationed themselves at a log\nhouse, eight or ten miles from Lewiston, near Nathan Peterson's, which\nwas used as an armory; when the Tuscaroras first came, there were a few\nwhite men there breaking open the powder kegs in this log house, making\nit ready to set on fire but the chief, Mr. Longboard, remonstrated in\nhaving it burned, and was interpreted to them by Colonel Jacobs, so they\nconsented not to destroy the powder.\n\nWhen the British Indians came in sight, Mr. Longboard instructed his men\nto keep moving back and forth from the log house or armory, to a thicket\nin the rear of the house, for the purpose of making the enemy believe\nthat there was a large force stationed there; the enemy halted and\nfinally went back, and thus the armory was saved. The manouvre of the\nTuscarora Indians in these two cases above, was done with but very little\nsacrifice on their part, but the beneficence was great; but then, who\ncares anything about that, it was nothing but an Indian affair anyhow;\nthis will probably be the thought of those who peruse my little pages.\n\nWhen the Tuscaroras evacuated their reservation they went to Oneida\nCastle and remained there during the war. In about the last part of June,\n1814, there was a company of volunteers composed of about thirty\nTuscaroras and a number of Oneida Indians, that started from Oneida\nCastle to Sackett's Harbor, to join themselves to an army that was\ncommanded by General Brown; on their way there, when they arrived at\nTonawanda. an officer came to them and asked where they were going; they\nanswered, \"to Sackett's Harbor, to join General Brown's army.\" The\nofficer said, \"that is right;\" he then asked them if they lacked\nanything, and they said, \"nothing more than being short of victuals, but\nwe can get along with what game we can procure on the way.\" The officer\nthen gave them one dollar each and told them to go and buy some bread.\n\nThey then went on, and on the 3rd or 4th of July they crossed the river\nfrom Sackett's Harbor, and on the 4th, they, with General Brown and his\narmy approached an intrenchment of General Riall's, which was in a strong\nposition. Brown told the Tuscaroras that he with his army would attack\nthe enemy direct, \"but,\" said he, \"you must go around and attack the\nenemy on their flank.\"\n\nIt is acceded by all American nations, that the characteristic of the\nIndians in their war battles, is to fight in scouting and to attack by\nsurprise: consequently, it seems that General Riall instructed the\nBritish Indians, which numbered several hundred, that when he was\nattacked, they the Indians, should move and attack their enemy also\non the flank; it seems that they moved in the shape of a V with the two\npoints foremost. On the 5th occurred the battle of Chippewa; the contest\nwas obstinate and bloody; the Tuscarora Indians in moving on the flank of\nBrown's army, they entered in the enemy's moving V of British Indians,\nand when they arrived at the fork, and not until then, did the Tuscaroras\nknow where they were; but, nevertheless, they all made the war-whoop,\nfired and made a desperate charge at one point and broke through the\nranks of the enemy. Strange as it may seem, there was but one wounded and\nthat slightly on the cheek, and not one killed; it was a very close\ncontest, we getting away with the loss of but a few guns and coats, for\nwhen the enemy took hold of their coats they would only pull off and run.\nIt was then that the enemy's V closed in on the rear of the Tuscaroras\nand the bloody scene began; the enemy fired against themselves, and not\nuntil they had completely destroyed themselves did they discover in what\nfrenzy they were; but at length the Americans were victorious. These same\nTuscaroras were present at the memorable battle at Bridgewater near\nNiagara Falls, where a desperate engagement, it is said, ensued,\ncommencing about sunset and lasting until midnight, where Generals Brown\nand Scott were wounded.\n\nIn every instance when the United States were in trouble, the Tuscaroras\nwere ever ready to sacrifice their blood upon the American altar, which\nthey again fully evinced in the war of the rebellion, when twenty-three\nof the Tuscarora Indian warriors enlisted as volunteers in the United\nStates army, some of whom died in the service of the country; but some\nwere spared by the good Providence, and were permitted yet to share the\nsweets of home; some inherited diseases which they will probably carry\ndown to their graves.\n\nIn the year 1862 Cornelius C. Cusick, a grandson of Nicholas Cusick,\nthe revolutionist, was commissioned to the office of Second Lieutenant.\nThere were four other Tuscaroras mustered in with him in the 3d N. Y.\nVolunteers, 132d Reg't, Co. D, to-wit: Jeremiah Peters, John Peters,\nHulett Jacobs, George Garlow, and there are others who enlisted\nafterwards at different times during the war, to wit:\n\nTwelfth N. Y. Vol's, Cav., Co. M.--Ozias Chew, John Pempleton, Charles\nPempleton, Nichodemus Thompssn.\n\nBat. K, 1st N. Y. Light Art.--Samuel Bearfoot (Ely Patterson), Wm. Joseph\n(Lewis Patterson), Alexander John (Davis Miller), Zhacariah Johnson\n(Elijah Johnson), Wm. Anderson (Samuel Jack).\n\nClinton Mt. Pleasant, 3Oth, transferred to 31st N. J. Vol's. Inv. colored\nbrigade.\n\nWilson Jacobs, 1st N. Y., Vet. Cav., Co. M.\n\nEdward Spencer (Edward Anderson), Inv. sway. Co. A. 17th Corps.\n\nAlvis D. Hewett, 151st N. Y. Vol's.\n\nThomas Cornelius, Co. K, 2d N. Y. Mounted Rifles.\n\nCharles Green, 120th N. Y. Vol's, Co. K.\n\nJohn Longboard, Samuel Mt. Pleasant.\n\nDuring the war, Cornelius C. Cusick was promoted to First Lieutenant, and\nat the close of the war he was promoted to Captain. He was some time\nafterwards commissioned into the regular army of the United States as\nFirst Lieutenant.\n\n\n\n\nAntique Rock Citadel of Kienuka;\n\n\nOR, GAU-STRAU-YEA.\n\nThere has been much said by different writers of aboriginal forts, and\nfort builders of western New York, in availing themselves of steeps,\ngulfs, defiles, and other marked localities, in establishing works for\nsecurity or defense. This trait is, however, in no case more strikingly\nexemplified than in the curious antique work of Kienuka. The term\n\"Kienuka,\" means the stronghold or fort; but the original name of this\nfort is Gau-strau-yea, which means bark laid down; this has a\nmetaphorical meaning, in the similitude of a freshly peeled slippery elm\nbark, the size of the fort and laid at the bottom as a flooring, so that\nif any person or persons go in they must be circumspect, and act\naccording to the laws of the fort, or else they will slip and fall down\nto their own destruction.\n\nThe citadel of Kienuka is situated about four miles eastward of the inlet\nof Niagara gorge at Lewiston, on a natural escarpment of the ridge on the\nTuscarora reservation, known at present by the name of the Old Saw Mill.\n\nThere is quite an interesting tradition connected with the antique fort\nGau-strau-yea. At the formation of the confederacy of the Iroquois, there\nwas a virgin selected from a nation which was called Squawkihaws (a\nremote branch of the Seneca nation), and was ordained a Queen or\nPeacemaker, who was stationed at this fort to execute her office of\npeace, her official name was Ge-keah-saw-sa.\n\nThe fort was built by the Senecas aided by the Squawkihaws, on an\neminence on the north side of a steep of perpendicular rocks, which was\nabout eight or ten feet down; and on the east, south and west sides they\ndug a trench four or five feet deep, and in this trench were placed\ntimbers which were put up perpendicularly and jointed as close as\npossible, they projected above the ground ten or twelve feet, inclosing a\nplace of about twenty by fifty rods. The house for the Queen was in the\ncenter of this inclosure or fort, and adjacent houses were built in two\nrows, with a trail or path between them directing towards the Queen's\nhouse; on each end and inside of the fort, which ran lengthwise east and\nwest, was an entrance corresponding with the trail prepared leading to\nthe house of the Queen.\n\nThen a suitable number of warriors were selected from the Squawkihaws'\nnation, the ablest bodied, the swiftest runners and the most expert in\nthe arts of war, which were stationed at this fort (and made their\ndwelling in the adjacent houses), to keep it in order and execute its\nregulations and laws; they were to be supported with subsistance and all\nother necessaries of life, and furnished with suitable implements of war\nby the Iroquois.\n\nIn order more fully to understand the laws and regulations of the fort or\nplace of peace, it must be observed that at this period there were\ncontentions, strife and wars between all the different known nations of\nthe continent; nation against nation, like fishes of the waters, the\nlarger ones eating the smaller. The warrior who can report in his\nrehearsal in the war-dance of having obtained the greatest number of\nscalps from the enemy, was the most honored and had the most laurels in\nhis crown; consequently, they were constantly forming companies for an\nexpedition to some nation in quest of honor and the applause of their\nnation. At this time the confederacy of the Iroquois was formed, and this\nplace of peace was ordained for the purpose, it may be, to alleviate the\ndistress and commotion of the nations of the forest.\n\nThe laws were that there shall be no nation or nations of the Iroquois\nmake war against any nation or nations of the same league, under any\ncircumstances; and the Iroquois must not make war with any alien nation\nwithout the consent of the Queen. This fort must ever be held sacred, as\nit is a place of peace, by never allowing the shedding of blood within\nthe inclosure. All executions decreed by the Queen should be made outside\nof the fort. And any person or persons, aside from the keepers of the\nfort, should, on entering, never go any faster than a walk. And the Queen\nmust always have meals ready at every hour of the day and night--\nallegorically speaking, it is called a kettle of hominy hanging, for all\nfugitives and pursuers from any nation on the continent to partake. All\nfugitives, irrespective of their nationalities, fleeing for life, from\ntheir enemy, when once their feet touch the threshold of the fort, their\nlife is safe; then the Queen conducts him or them into one end of her\nhouse, which is lengthwise east and west, with a door at each end and a\npartition in the center of the room by a curtain made of deer skin, and\nwhen the pursuer comes, she also conducts him or them to the other end of\nthe room. She then gives to each of these parties, which are enemies to\neach other, sustenance to eat; when, this being done, she rolls away the\ncurtain, so that each party can see the other; when they have done eating\nthey pass out and go home to their respective nations in peace. It is\ncontrary to law after a fugitive arrives at this fort and has gone out,\nfor the enemy to execute their death scheme without the consent of the\nQueen; and if this be violated, then the Iroquois demand the trespasser\nfrom the nation to which he or they belong. If this is acceded to, 'tis\nwell; then the trespassers are executed, of which the penalty is death.\nBut should the nation harbor the trespasser, then the nation must suffer\nthe devastations of war at the hands of the Iroquois.\n\nI would here say a few words in relation to the question often asked,\n\"Who were the Squawkihows, Kah-Kwahs, and the Eries?\" There has been much\ncontroversy on the question. These three named tribes were of one\nlanguage and of one nation--a remote branch of the Seneca nation--and\nspoke the same language as the Senecas, varying but very little in a few\nwords. These three tribes originally were called Squawkihows. In time\nthey became very numerous and powerful. They had their settlement from\nthe chores of Lake Ontario and along the Niagara River, and up Lake Erie\nas far as a place now called Erie, and as far east as to the Genesee\nriver. This was their domain, within these limits.\n\nA settlement of this nation in the neighborhood of, now, North Evans,\nsouth of Buffalo, a place called by them Kah-kwah-ka, and the Squawkihows\nliving in this vicinity were called Kah-kwahs; and the Squawkihows living\nfurther on along the shores of Lake Erie were called cats or Eries, a\nname that originated from the name of the lake. By this explanation you\nwill better understand my story.\n\nThere was a time when the Kah-kwahs' branch of that nation made a\nchallenge to the Seneca nation, another very powerful nation having their\nsettlement on the east side of the Genesee river, to play a game of ball,\nwhich the Senecas readily accepted and a day was appointed; accordingly,\nthe combat ensued, and was a hotly contested game; but the Senecas\nfinally came out victorious. The Kah-kwahs immediately made another\nchallenge, that of having a foot race, which the Senecas also accepted.\nEach nation chose their swiftest runners, then the flyers went which and\ntucker for a ways, but the Senecas finally came out glorious. The Kah-\nkwahs being mortified by the defeat of the two contests made the third\nchallenge, that of wrestling, with the understanding that an umpire must\nbe chosen from each nation and both to have a war club in hand, and the\none that is defeated should suffer death by having his head struck with\nthe war club while down, by the umpire opponent to the one defeated and\nshould be best two in three.\n\nEven in this the Senecas accepted the challenge, and in this remarkable\ncontest they were also victorious. With this the assemblage dispersed.\n\nThe defeats of the Kah-kwahs considerably alieniated the Squawkihows from\nthe Senecas; the report, of course, reached the ears of the Queen, which\nalso alienated her feelings from the Senecas, she being by birth a\nSquawkihow, but the office to which she was ordained was by the Iroquois.\n\nAfter this in one of the scouting tours of the Senecas across the Niagara\nriver, among the Masassauka Indians, on their return at night to the\n\"place of peace\" or Gau-strau-yea, they were pursued by a number of the\nMasassaukas; when both parties had arrived and had their repast, they all\nlodged there to rest in peace for the night, as they were wont to do. But\nin the slumber and stillness of the midnight hour, was tested the\ntreachery of the Queen, by the Masassaukas, in asking her consent to\nmassacre the Senecas in their unsuspecting slumber; her feelings having\nbeen previously somewhat alienated from the Senecas, she was induced to\ngive her consent, whereupon they were massacred; their number I have not\nbeen able to obtain. They were buried southwest from the Queen's house,\nthe mound of which was perceptible until a few years ago, when it was\ncultivated.\n\nThis breach of the law of that fort by the Queen giving consent in the\nshedding of blood in that sacred place, grated the conscience of the\nSquawkikows, and being alienated by the defeat they experienced a short\ntime previous by the matches they had with the Senecas.\n\nThis affair was kept secret for a while. At the same time the Squawkihows\nurged the consent of the Queen for them to exterminate the Seneca nation\nand to take them on surprise, for, they said when they hear of the\nmassacre, they will at once wage war against us. They finally prevailed\non her, so she condemned the Seneca nation to be exterminated.\n\nAt this time there was one warrior of the Senecas who had married into\nthe Squawkihows' nation and lived among them. When he heard that the\nQueen had given up the Seneca nation into the hands of the Squawkihows,\nto be exterminated, he resolved to go to a place called Tah-nyh-yea,\namong the Senecas--east side of Genesee river, on the Seneca river--where\ndwelled the head Sachem of the Seneca nation, by the name of Onea-gah-re-\ntah-wa, and make his report to that venerable Sachem, the decision of the\nQueen, which was final. To accomplish this, without exciting the\nsuspicion of his family and neighbors, he went under the pretense of\ngoing away to hunt on the lake shore of Ontario, and would not be\nexpected home in two or three days. Early one fine morning this warrior\nstarted on his high mission from his house, which was located near the\nfort (Gau-strau-yea). He went northerly and touched Lake Ontario, where\nhe had a canoe for the purpose of hunting and fishing, in which he\nembarked and rowed eastward to the mouth of the Oswego river, and up the\nriver as far as the Seneca river: then up that river to the settlement of\nthe Senecas. He there left his canoe and made for Tah-nyh-yea, and went\ndirectly to the Sachem, (Onea-gah-re-tah-wa's) wigwam in the dead of\nnight, and called him out doors. He there related to the Sachem the\ndecree of the Queen, concerning the Seneca nation and the massacre, and\nrequested him to keep secret the way he had received the message. The\nwarrior immediately returned home in the same way that he came.\n\nIn the morning the venerable Sachem went out early and gave the war cry,\nwhich denoted that they were massacred, that war was inevitable, and for\nthe warriors to rally and prepare for war. The nation soon gathered. He\nthen related the message he had received during the night, and said he\nhad heard that some of their warriors were massacred at the fort (Gau-\nstrau-yea), and that the Queen had decreed their extermination at the\nhand of the Squawkihows. He then appointed four warriors of the best\nrunners to go and spy the fort and the settlement if there was any\nindication of preparation for war, with instructions that with the very\nfirst indication of a preparation for war that they should at once\ndispatch one of their number home to make his report, and the others to\ngo on and to observe the progress of the preparation and make their\nreports accordingly.\n\nThe four gallant warriors now made their way to the settlement at Gau-\nstrau-yea. When they arrived, they saw only the eldest people, from about\nupwards of sixty-five years of age, and the younger children, from about\nfourteen years of age and under. While they were traveling they saw two\nboys picking up sticks for firewood. One of them asked the smaller boy\nwhere his father was. The bright little fellow spoke promptly and said,\n\"Gone to war.\" Before the older boy could divert his attention by\ntouching him, the little fellow finished his answer. This they took to be\nnews, and immediately dispatched one of their number home to make the\nreport. When this one made his report to Onea-gah-re-tah-wa, he at once\ndispatched runners to the other nations of the league to inform them of\nwhat had happened to their father, the Seneca nation, and the desecration\nof their fort. The three that were left after the one was dispatched\nhome, went onto a settlement of the same nation at Gill Creek, above\nNiagara Falls, where they found the people the same as at Gau-straw-yea.\nThe elders and the youngers only were at home. They also asked a boy\nthere where his father was. He aswered: \"At Kah-kwah-ka,\" which is south\nof Buffalo. These three spies took pains to get at Kah-kwah-ka in the\nnight. When they got there they fouud a great multitude gathered, and\nengaged in the war dance. The spies went right among the multitude\nwithout being suspected, because their language was the same as the\nSquawkihows, and took part in the dances. They saw the warriors in their\ndance have a head of a bear, tossing it about and striking it with the\nwar club, and at the same time exclaiming: \"We will have the head of\nOnea-gah-re-tah-wa, (the Seneca Sachem) and strike it thus\" at the same\ntime hitting it with their club. And the war chief said that they\nwould start in the morning and on the third day they would have the head\nof Onea-gah-re-tah-wa strung up on a pole. With that the spies dispatched\nhome the second one to make his report of what they saw and heard, and\nthis one retired from the crowd privately some little time before\ndaybreak. The two still remained with the crowd, talking and chatting\nwith them as if they were one of their nation.\n\nIn the morning the grand march took their place in the war path towards\ntheir intended destruction. The ablest warriors took the front rank; then\ncame the older ones; after them the boys upwards of fourteen years of of\nage; lastly came the able bodied females. Thus they marched until the\nnext night, when they prepared ground for a dance, and went through the\nsame performance as the night before. Now the third spy withdrew from the\ncrowd just before daybreak to make his report and keep the Senecas posted\nin the advance of the enemy. On the second day the march was renewed, and\nproceeded in the same order as on the first day. The next night was also\nspent as that of the last in flattering themselves of the wonderful\nthings that they were to accomplish. About two hours before daybreak the\nlast spy also withdrew from the crowd and made for home, to inform them\nhow far off they were from the Seneca settlement. After the last one had\nmade his report, Onea-gah-re-tah-wa arose from his seat, with that\nmajestic movement which only would become him as the head Sachem of the\nSeneca nation, and said: \"To you, first, my most beloved comrades, the\nChiefs and Sachems of our noble nation, I would bring to your minds the\npast in a few words, and it may be for the last time. How often have we\nsat together around the council fire of our nation. I congratulate you\nall in the good feeling that has always prevailed in our deliberations of\nvarious subjects in relation to the welfare and happiness of our nation,\nand more particularly our sisters and their offspring, and we have not\nbeen unmindful even of those that are not yet born, for in them have we\nhoped of the existence of our nation. Have not the nations of the\nIroquois respected and even honored your counsels around the great\ncouncil fire of the league, and now is destruction awaiting your dawn?\nBut if that is the will of the Great Spirit, by running we cannot flee\nfrom it. And to you, our sisters, have we not ever been mindful of you in\nour deliberations and ever wished you success: and have we not, as it\nwere, embraced you and your children in our arms to protect you? We now\ncommend you to the Great Spirit, who is our helper. And now to you, most\nnoble warriors, in whom the council looks for the enforcement of their\ndecrees. In bringing difficulties and contentions among yourselves, have\nwe not brought back to you peace, by meting out to you justice; and in\nyour troubles have we not whispered in your ears words of consolation?\nAnd we have ever placed you close to our hearts. In you is the power of\nthe nation, and in you we look for safety. You have understood\nit that our nation has been given into the hands of our enemy by the\nQueen and we are now in jeopardy. As I have said, we cannot, by running,\nflee from the decree of the Great Spirit, but if He is for us we shall\nprevail. He will give strength to our bow, direct our arrows, give might\nto our arms and direct our blows, and put to flight our enemy, and we\nshall conquer. He is able to give us peace in this our time of trouble,\nif we all but trust in Him. It is he that made us and He is able to\npreserve us from our enemies. Now my dear relatives in the different ties\nof blood, it is not meet that we should have our blood spilt within our\ndomain, nor to have the dead bodies of our enemies strewed within our\nsettlement. We must now march and meet our foe. We must not turn our heel\nto them; but if we are to be exterminated, let the last drop of Seneca\nblood be spilt upon the bosom of our mother earth, and let the sun in the\nheavens be the witness that we die in the defence of our wives, children\nand homes, which is pleasing in the sight of the Great Spirit.\"\n\nThey now made their march, and after they had advanced a number of miles\nthey met the enemy. It was now sometime in the afternoon. A desperate\nbattle ensued. The storm of the arrows headed with flint, and also the\ncreased poisoned arrows was kept up until evening, when a peculiar war\ncry was given, which indicated rest, at which in an instant the storm of\narrows ceased, when the Sachems of the two parties came near together and\ndeliberated on the conditions of rest during the night, that each party\nshould retreat a ways and rest without either molesting the other during\nthe night, but in the morning they should come together and resume the\nbattle.\n\nIn the morning the battle was renewed, even with more vigor than the day\nbefore, until nearly noon, when the war cry of rest was again given. The\nfight was again suspended for the purpose of taking refreshments.\n\nAt this time Onea-gah-re-tah-wa said to the Chiefs of the Squawkihows,\n\"While we are resting let us have a recreation by having a wrestling\nbetween the two parties, and each one should have a war club in his belt,\nand the one that is defeated should die at the hands of his victor with\nthe war club.\" The Squawkihows accepted the challenge. Then the wrestling\nwas continued to several contests, in which the Senecas were victorious.\nThere were several of the very ablest warriors of the Squawkihows killed\nin this simple contest of wrestling.\n\nThey again resumed the battle. At this time the Senecas reserved quite a\nnumber of their smartest warriors, with each of them a bunch of bark\nprepared for the purpose of tying prisoners. They were in the rear and\nlaid low. The battle was still more deepcrate. They finally came in hand-\nin-hand. Then they made use of their war clubs. At this time the\nSquawkihows summoned to their aid their reserved company, which they kept\nin the rear. The young women came on the flank of the Senecas' ranks, and\nbeat them with clubs, which made the Senecas falter for a while. Finally\nthey called on their reserved warriors, who made a desperate charge on\nthe enemy and made them retreat. The Senecas began taking prisoners. They\ntied their hands behind them to trees. In this way they took a great many\nprisoners, particularly the females. The warriors rallied and fought as\nthey retreated. After a while a company suddenly broke off from their\nranks and ran away. In a moment they had disappeared in the forest. Those\nthat remained rallied again and fought as they were retreating until\nevening, when all at once the whole company wheeled right around, gave a\nspring, and off they went. The Senecas made their pursuit, every now and\nthen taking a prisoner until dark, when they rested and camped for the\nnight.\n\nThe next morning they selected the best runners, the ablest bodied and\nthe most skilled in the arts of war, who were sent out to exterminate the\nnation, to begin at the settlement of fort Gau-strau-yea, and so on south\nto the other settlements of the nation.\n\nWhen the Seneca invaders came at the fort (Gau-strau-yea), they found it\nwas evacuated and all the settlement had fled. The trail they left behind\npointed southward plainly. The invaders followed to the next settlement\nat Gill Creek, above Niagara Falls, which they found vacated. They still\nfollowed on, bent on retaliation. They then came to the settlement of\nKah-kwas, which they also found evacuated. They kept on the pursuit until\nthey came to the settlement of the Eries, and also found it evacuated as\nthe others. Still they kept on their pursuit, and when they came to the\nAlleghany river they saw pieces floating, which indicated the making of\ncanoes. They immediately ascended the river. After they had gone some\nways they found where the enemies had been encamped, and saw indications\nwhere they had built several canoes. The fires indicated that they must\nhave just embarked that morning and rowed down the river. They they went\ndown the river some distance, and finally gave up the chase. The invaders\nreturned to their settlement--the Seneca nation. A glorious victory\ncrowned their severe trial and labor.\n\nA grand council was called of the Seneca nation for the just returned\nwarriors to make their report of the glory they had won, and the complete\noverthrow of the enemy. After they had finished making their report a\ngreat feast was made, and after that they were again permitted to smoke\nthe calumet of peace, and once more settle down as heretofore, as one of\nthe bright stars of heaven, among the several nations of the Iroquois. At\nnight they had a general dance, both young and old, irrespective of sex,\nto celebrate the great victory they had won.\n\nThe Squawkihows have never been heard of since, as a nation, to the\npresent time. It is supposed that they must have gone in the far west and\nchanged their name: but this is merely a supposition. Those that the\nSenecas took captives are still among the different settlements of the\nSeneca nation, more particularly among the Cattaraugus reservation.\n\nThat is the way the Senecas came in possession of so large a dominion.\nThey held their domain east of the Genesee river, and also took\npossession of the dominion of the Squawkihows, which run from Lake\nOntario and along Niagara river and Lake Erie to the Pennsylvania line.\n\nThe office of the Queen Ge-keah-sau-sa, of fort Gau-strau-yea, for\nseveral hundred years (it is said by the Senecas about six hundred years\nago she evacuated the fort), the Iroquois did not reordain, for the\nreason, as it is alleged by them, that the female is the weaker sex of\nhumanity. Physically, it must follow that they are weaker also mentally,\nas it is evinced by the treachery of the Queen in her easily being\ndecoyed in making her rash decision concerning the massacre in the fort,\nand also in the giving up of the Seneca nation in the hands of their\nenemy. They considered it not prudent to vest so much authority in the\nweaker sex. And as no one has been considered capable or worthy of the\nhigh honor that Ge-keah-sau-wa once reigned, until about twenty-five\nyears ago, from the year 1878, there was a Virgin selected from among the\nTonawanda band of the Seneca nation by the name of Caroline Parker,\nsister to Eli Parker, once in General Grant's staff, and Commissioner of\nIndian Affairs, who was ordained to the high office of Queen, or Ge-keah-\nsau-sa. She is now the wife of a noted Sachem of the Tuscarora nation,\nMr. John Mount Pleasant, of no common wealth. She is located about two\nmiles southwest of the antique fort Gah-strau-yea, or Kienuka, on the\nTuscarora reservation, where she ever held open her hospitable house, not\nonly to the Iroquois, but of every nation, including the pale faces.\nAllegorical speaking, she has ever had a kettle of hominy hanging over\nher fire-place, ready to appease the hunger of those who trod her\nthreshold.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\n\n\nTHE NEW RELIGION.\n\nAbout the year 1800 a new religion was introduced among the Six Nations,\nthe exponent of which alleged to have received a revelation from the\nGreat Spirit, with a commission to preach to them the new doctrine in\nwhich he was instructed. This revelation was received in circumstances so\nremarkable, and the precepts he sought to inculcate contained in\nthemselves such evidences of wisdom and beneficence that he was\nuniversally received among them, not only as a wise and good man, but as\none commissioned by the Great Spirit to become their religious teacher.\nThe new religion, as it has ever since been called, embodied all the\nprecepts of the ancient faith, recognized the ancient mode of worship\ngiving it a new sanction of the Great Spirit, and also comprehend such\nnew doctrines as came in aptly, to lengthen out and enlarge the original\nsystem without impairing it. Charges of imposture and deception were at\nfirst preferred against him, but disbelief of his divine mission\ngradually subsided, until at the time of his death the whole\nunchristianized portion of the Six Nations had become firm believers in\nthe new religion, which to the present day has continued to some extent\nas a prevailing faith.\n\nThis singular person who was destined to obtain such a spiritual sway\nover the descendants of the ancient Iroquois was Ga-ne-o-di-yo, or\n\"Handsomelake.\" a Seneca sachem of the highest class, he was born at the\nIndian village of Ga-no-wau-ges, near Avon, about the year 1735, and died\nat Onondaga in 1815, where he happened to be on one of his pastoral\nvisits. By birth he was a Seneca of the Turtle clan, and a half brother\nto the celebrated Corn Planter by a common father. The most part of his\nlife was spent in idleness and dissipation during which time, although a\nsachem and ruler among the Senecas for many years, and through the most\nperilous time of their history, he acquired no particular reputation.\nReforming late in life, in his future career he showed himself to be\npossessed of superior talents and to be animated by a sincere and ardent\ndesire for the welfare of his race.\n\nAt this period and for about a century preceeding, the prevailing habit\nof intemperance among the Iroquois was the fruitful source of their\ndomestic trouble, this in connection with their political disasters\nseemed to threaten the speedy extinction of their race. A temperance\nreformation, universal and radical, was the main and ultimate object of\nthe mission which he assumed, and upon which he chiefly used his\ninfluence and eloquence through the remainder of his life. To secure a\nmore speedy reception of his admonitions, he clothed them with divine\nsanction, to strengthen their moral principles, he enforced anew the\nprecepts of the ancient faith; and to insure obedience to his teachings,\nhe held over the wicked the terrors of eternal punishment. Going from\nvillage to village among the several nations of the league, with the\nexception of the christainized Oneidas and Tuscaroras, continuing his\nvisits from year to year, preaching the new doctrine with remarkable\neffect. Many abandoned their dissolute habits and became sober and moral\nmen; discord and contentions gave place to harmony and order, and\nvagrancy and sloth to ambition and industry. The origin of this project\nhas at times been ascribed to Cornplanter as a means to increase his own\ninfluence, but this is not only improbable but is expressly denied. The\nmotives by which Handsomelake claimed to be actuated were entirely of a\nreligious and benevolent character, and in pursuance of the injunctions\nof his spiritual guides.\n\nAt the time of his supernatural visitation, about the year 1800,\nHandsomelake resided at the village of Cornplanter, on the Alleghany\nriver in the State of Pennsylvania. As he explained the case to his\nbrethren, having lain ill for a long time he had given up all hope of\nrecovery and resigned himself to die. When in the hourly expectation of\ndeath, three spiritual beings in the form of men, sent by the Great\nSpirit, appeared before him, each carried in his hand a shrub bearing\ndifferent kinds of berries, which, having been given him to eat, he was\nby their miraculous virtue immediately restored to health. They afterward\nrevealed to him the will of the Great Spirit upon a variety of subjects,\nand particularly in relation to the prevailing intemperance,\ncommissioning him to promulgate these doctrines among the league, causing\nhim to see realities of the evil-minded, and to behold with his mortal\neyes the punishment inflicted upon the wicked, that he might with more\npropriety warn his people of their impending destiny. He was also\npermitted to behold the realm and felicities of the Heavenly residence of\nthe virtuous. With his mind thus prepared, and stored with divine\nprecepts, and with his zeal enkindled by the dignity of his mission,\nHandsomelake at once commenced his labors.\n\nAfter his death, Sase-ha-wa, (Johnson) of Tonawanda, was appointed his\nsuccessor. The first and only person ever \"raised up\" by the Iroquois,\nand invested with the office of a supreme religious instructor--a sincere\nbeliever in the verity of Handsomelake's mission, and an eminently pure\nand virtuous man--Sase-ha-wa (Johnson) has devoted himself with zeal and\nfidelity to the duties of his office, as a spiritual guide and teacher of\nthe Iroquois. He was a grand-son of Handsomlake, a nephew of Red Jacket,\nand was born at the Indian village of Ga-no-wan-ges, near Avon, about the\nyear 1774.\n\nAt the condolence and religious councils of the Iroquois, which are still\nheld at intervals of a few years, among the scattered descendants of the\nlong house, it has long been customary to set apart portions of two or\nthree days to listen to a discourse from Johnson upon the new religion.\nOn these occasions he explains minutely the circumstance attending the\nsupernatural visitation of Handsomelake, and delivers the instructions,\nword for word, which he had been accustomed to give during his own\nministration. Handsomelake professed to repeat the messages which were\ngiven to him from time to time by the celestial visitants, with whom he\nalleged to be in frequent communication, and whom he addressed as his\nspiritual guardian, thus enforcing his precepts as the direct command of\nthe Great Spirit.\n\nAt their councils and religious, festivals, it was customary for the\nchiefs and keepers of the faith to express their confidence in the new\nreligion, and to exhort others to strengthen their beliefs. The late\nAbraham La Fort, an educated Onondaga Sachem, thus expressed himself upon\nthis subject at a condolence council of the league, held at Tonawanda as\nlate as October, 1847.\n\n\"Let us observe the operations of nature. The year is divided into\nseasons, and every season has its fruits. The birds of the air, though\nclothed in the same dress of feathers, are divided into many classes, and\none class is never seen to associate or intermingle with any but its own\nkind. So with the beasts of the field and woods. Each and every class and\nspecie have their own separate rules by which they seem to be governed,\nand by which their actions are regulated. These distinctions, classes and\ncolors the Great Spirit has seen fit to make. But the rule does not stop\nhere. It is universal. It embraces man also. The human race was created\nand divided into different classes, which were placed separate from each\nother--having different customs, manners, laws and religions. To the\nIndians it seems that no more religion had originally been than was to be\nfound in the operations of nature, which taught him that there was a\nSupreme Being, all powerful and all wise; and on this account, as well as\non account of his great goodness, they learned to love and reverence Him.\nBut these later times, when the restless and ambitious spirit of the\nwhiteskinned race had crossed the boundary line and made inroads upon the\nmanners, customs and primitive religion of the Indian, the Great Spirit\ndetermined to and through His servant, Handsomelake, did reveal his will\nto the Indians. The substance of that will was no more than to confirm\ntheir ancient belief that they were entitled to a different religion--a\nreligion adapted to their customs, manners and ways of thinking.\"\n\nAs the discourses delivered by Johnson from time to time contains a very\nfull exposition of their ancient beliefs and mode of worship, together\nwith the recent views introduced by Handsomelake, mingled up in one\ncollection, presenting probably a better idea of their ethical and\nreligious system than could be conveyed in any other manner, it is given\nentire, and will explain itself as delivered, thus:\n\n\"The Mohawks, the Onondagas, the Senecas, and our children, the Oneidas,\nCayugas and Tuscaroras, have assembled here to-day to listen to the\nrepetition of the will of the Great Spirit, as communicated to us from\nheaven through His servant, Handsomelake.\n\n\"Chiefs, warriors, women and children, we give you a cordial welcome. The\nsun has advanced far in its path, and I am warned that my time to\ninstruct you is limited to the meridian sun. I must hasten to perform my\nduty. Turn you minds to the Great Spirit, and listen with strict\nattention. Think seriously upon what I am about to speak. Reflect upon it\nwell, that it may benefit you and your children. I thank the Great Spirit\nthat He has spared the lives of so many of you to be present on this\noccasion. I return thanks to Him that my life is yet spared. The Great\nSpirit looked down from Heaven upon the suffering and the wanderings of\nthe red children. He saw that they had greatly decreased and degenerated.\nHe saw the ravages of the firewater among them. He therefore raised up\nfor them a sacred inspiration, who, having lived and traveled among them\nfor sixteen years, was called from his labors to enjoy eternal felicity\nwith the Great Spirit In Heaven. Be patient while I speak. I cannot at\nall times arrange and prepare my thoughts with precision. But I will\nrelate what my memory bears.\n\n\"It was in the month of June when Handsomelake was yet sick. He had been\nill for years. He was accustomed to tell us that he had resigned himself\nto the will of the Great Spirit. 'I nightly returned my thanks to the\nGreat Spirit,' said he, 'as my eyes were gladdened at evening by the\nsight of the stars of heaven. I viewed the ornamental heaven at evening\nthrough the opening in the roof of my lodge, with grateful feelings to my\nCreator. I had no assurance that I should at the next evening contemplate\nHis works. For this reason my acknowledgment to Him was more fervent and\nsincere. When night was gone, and the sun again shed its light upon the\nearth, I saw and acknowledged in the return of day His continued goodness\nto me and to all mankind. At length, I began to have an inward conviction\nthat my end was near. I resolved once more to exchange friendly words\nwith my people, and I sent my daughter to summon my brothers Cornplanter\nand Blacksnake. She hastened to do his bidding, but before she returned\nhe had fallen into insensibility and apparent death. Blacksnake, upon\nreturning to the lodge, hastened to his brother's couch and discovered\nthat portions of his body were yet warm. This happened at early day\nbefore the morning dew had dried. When the sun had advanced half way to\nthe meridian his heart began to beat, and he opened his eyes. Blacksnake\nasked him if he was in his right mind, but he answered not. At meridian\nhe again opened his eyes, and the same question was repeated. He then\nanswered and said, 'A man spoke from without and some one might come\nforth. I looked and saw some men standing without. I rose, and as I\nattempted to step over the threshold of my door I stumbled, and should\nhave fallen had they not caught me. They were three holy men who looked\nalike and were dressed alike. The paint they wore seemed but a day old.\nEach held in his hand a shrub bearing different kinds of fruits. One\nof them addressing me said, 'We have come to comfort and relieve you;\ntake of these berries and eat; they will restore you to health: we have\nbeen witnesses of your lengthy illness; we have seen with what\nresignation you have given yourself up to the Great Spirit: we have heard\nyour daily return of thanks; He has heard them all; His ear has ever been\nopen to hear; you was thankful for the return of night, when you could\ncontemplate the beauties of heaven; you was accustomed to look upon the\nmoon as it coursed in its mighty paths; when there were no hopes to you\nthat you would again behold these things, you willingly resigned\nyourself, to the mind of the Great Spirit; this is right; since, the\nGreat Spirit made the earth and put man upon it, we have been His\nconstant servants to guard and protect His works; there are four of us;\nsome other time you will be permitted to see the other; the Great Spirit\nis pleased to know your patient resignation to His will; as a reward for\nyonr devotion He has cured your sickness; tell your people to assemble\nto-morrow, and at morn go in and speak to them.' After they had\nfurther revealed their intentions concerning him they departed.\n\n\"At the time appointed Handsomelake appeared at the council and thus\naddressed the people upon the revelations which had been made to him:\n\n\"'I have a message to deliver to you. The servant of the Great Spirit has\ntold me that I should yet live upon the earth to become an instructor to\nmy people. Since the creation of man the Great Spirit has often raised up\nmen to teach his children what they should do to please him; but they\nhave been unfaithful to their trust. I hope I shall profit by their\nexample. Your Creator has seen that you have transgressed greatly against\nHis laws. He made men pure and good. He did not intend that he should\nsin. You create a great sin in taking the firewater. The Great Spirit\nsays you must abandon this enticing habit. Your ancestors have brought\ngreat misery upon you. They first took the firewater of the white man,\nand entailed upon you its consequences. None of them have gone to heaven.\nThe firewater does not belong to you. It was made by the white man beyond\nthe great waters. For the white man it is a medicine; but they, too, have\nviolated the will of their Maker. The Great Spirit says drunkenness is a\ngreat crime, and He forbids you to indulge in this evil habit. His\ncommand is to the old and young. The abandonment of its use will relieve\nmuch of your sufferings, and greatly increase the comforts and happiness\nof your children. The Great Spirit is grieved that so much crime and\nwickedness should defile the earth. There are many evils which He never\nintended should exist among His red children. The Great Spirit has for\nmany wise reasons withheld from man the number of his days, but He has\nnot left him without a guide, for He has pointed out to him the path in\nwhich he may safely tread the journey of life.\n\n\"'When the Great Spirit made man He also made woman. He instituted\nmarriage, and enjoined upon them to love each other and be faithful. It\nis pleasing to Him to see men and women obey His will. Your Creator\nabhors a deceiver and a hypocrite. By obeying His commands you will die\nan easy and happy death. When the Great Spirit instituted marriage He\nordained to bless those who were faithful with children. Some women are\nunfaithful and others become so by misfortune. Such have great\nopportunities to do much good. There are many orphans and poor children\nwhom they can adopt as their own. If you tie up the clothes of an orphan\nchild the Great Spirit will notice it and reward you for it. Should an\norphan ever cross your path be kind to him and treat him with tenderness,\nfor this is right. Parents must constantly teach their children morality\nand reverence for their Creator. Parents must also guard their children\nagainst improper marriages. They, having much experience, should select a\nsuitable match for their child. When the parents of both parties have\nagreed, then bring the young pair together and let them know what good\ntheir parents have designed for them. If in time they so far disagree\nthat they cannot possibly live contented and happy with each other they\nmay separate in mutual good feeling, and in this it is no wrong.\n\n\"'When a child is born to a husband and wife they must give great thanks\nto the Great Spirit, for it is His gift and an evidence of His kindness.\nLet parents instruct their children in their duty to the Great Spirit, to\ntheir parents and to their fellowmen. Children should obey their parents\nand guardians, and submit to them in all things. Disobedient children\noccasion great pain and misery. They wound their parents' feelings and\noften drive them to desperation, cause them great distress and final\nadmission into the place of evil spirit. The marriage obligations should\ngenerate good to all who have assumed them. Let the married be faithful\nto each other, that when they die it may be in peace. Children should\nnever permit their parents to suffer in their old age. Be kind to them,\nand support them. The Great Spirit requires all children to love, revere\nand obey their parents. To do this is highly pleasing to Him. The\nhappiness of parents is greatly increased by the affection and the\nattention of their children. To abandon a wife or children is a great\nwrong, and produces many evils. It is wrong for a father or mother-in-law\nto vex a son or daughter-in-law, but they should use them as if they were\ntheir own children. It often happens that parents hold angry disputes\nover their infant child. This is also a great sin. The infant hears and\ncomprehends the angry words of its parents. It feels bad and lonely. It\ncan see for itself no happiness in prospect. It concludes to return to\nits Maker. It wants a happy home, and dies. The parents then weep\nbecause their child has left them. You must put this evil practice from\namong you if you would live happy.\n\n\"'The Great Spirit when He made the earth never intended that it should be\nmade merchandise, but His will is that all His creatures should enjoy it\nequally. Your chiefs have violated and betrayed their trust by selling\nlands. Nothing is now left of our once large pobsessions save a few small\nreservations. Chiefs and aged men, you, as men, have no lands to sell.\nYou occupy and possess tract in trust for your children. You should hold\nthat trust sacred, lest your children are driven from their homes by your\nunsafe conduct. Whoever sells land offends the Great Spirit, and must\nexpect a great punishment after death.'\"\n\nJohnson here suspended the naration of the discourse of Handsomelake's,\nand thus addressed the council:\n\n\"Chiefs, keepers of the faith, warriors, women and children--You all know\nthat our religion teaches that the early day is dedicated to the Great\nSpirit, and that the late day is granted to the spirits of the dead. It\nis now meridian, and I must close. Preserve in your minds that which has\nbeen said. Accept my thanks for your kind and patient attention. It is\nmeet that I should also return my thanks to the Great Spirit that he has\nassisted me thus far in my feeble frame to instruct you. We ask you all\nto come up again to-morrow at early day, to hear what further may be\nsaid. I have done.\"\n\nThe next morning, after the council had been opened in the usual manner,\nJohnson thus continued.\n\n\"Relatives, uncover now your heads and listen. The day has thus far\nadvanced, and again gathered around the council-fire I see around me the\nseveral nations of the long house. This gives me great joy. I see also\nseated around me my counselors (keepers of the faith), who have been\nregularly appointed, as is the custom of our religion. Greetings have\nbeen exchanged with each other. Thanks have been returned to\nHandsomelake. Thanks also have been returned to our Creator by the\ncouncil now assembled. At this moment the Great Spirit is looking upon\nthis assembly. He hears our words, knows our thoughts, and is always\npleased to see us gathered together of good. The sun is now high, and\nsoon it will reach the middle heavens. I must therefore make haste.\nListen attentively, and consider well what you shall hear. I return\nthanks to our Creator, that He has spared your lives through the dangers\nof the darkness. I salute and return my thanks to the four Celestial\nBeings who have communicated what I am about to say to you. I return\nthanks to my grandfather (Handsomelake), from whom you first heard what I\nam about to speak. We all feel his loss. We miss him at our councils. I\nnow occupy his place before you, but I am conscious that I have not the\npower which he possessed.\n\n\"Counselors, warriors, mother sand children--Listen to good instruction.\nConsider it well. Lay it up in your hearts, and forget it not. Our\nCreator when He made us designed that we should live by hunting. It\nsometimes happens that a man goes out for to hunt, leaving his wife with\nhis friends. After a long absence he returns and finds that his wife has\ntaken another husband. The Great Spirit says this is a great sin, and\nmust be put from among us.\n\n\"The four messengers further said that it was wrong for a mother to\npunish a child with a rod. It is not right to punish much, and our\nCreator never intended that children should be punished with a whip or be\nused with much violence. In punishing a refractory child water only is\nnecessary, and it is sufficient. Plunge them under. This is not wrong.\nWhenever a child promises to do better the punishment must cease. It is\nwrong to continue it after promises of amendment are made. Thus they\nsaid.\n\n\"It is right and proper always to look upon the dead. Let your face be\nbrought near to theirs, and address them. Let the dead know that their\nabsence is regretted by their friends, and that they grieve for their\ndeath. Let the dead know, too, how their surviving friends intend to\nlive. Let them know whether they will so conduct themselves that they\nwill meet them again in the future world. The dead will hear and\nremember. Thus they said.\n\n\"Continue to listen while I proceed to relate what further they said. Our\nCreator made the earth. Upon it He placed man, and gave him certain rules\nof conduct. It pleased Him also to give them many kinds of amusement. He\nalso ordered that the earth should produce all that is good for man. So\nlong as he remains, it will not cease to yield. Upon the surface of the\nground berries of various kinds are produced. It is the will of the Great\nSpirit that when they ripen we should return our thanks to Him, and have\na public rejoicing for the continuance of these blessings. He made\neverything which we live upon, and requires us to be thankful at all\ntimes for the continuance of His favors. When our life (corn, &c,), has\nagain appeared, it is the will of the Great Spirit that we assemble for a\ngeneral thanksgiving. It is His will also that His children be brought\nand to participate in the feather dance. Your feast must consist of the\nnew production. It is proper at these times, should any present not have\ntheir names published, or any changes have been made, to announce them\nthen.\n\n\"The festival must last four days. Thus they said. Upon the first day must\nbe performed the feather dance. This ceremony must take place in the\nearly day, and cease at the middle day. In the same manner, upon the\nsecond day, is to be performed the Thanksgiving dance. On the third, the\nThanksgiving concert. Ah-do-weh is to be introduced. The fourth day is\nset apart for the peach-stone game. All these ceremonies instituted by\nour Creator must be commenced at early day, and cease at the middle day.\nAt all these times we are required to return thanks to our Grandfather\nHeno (Thunder) and his assistants. To them is assigned the duty of\nwatching over the earth and all its produces for our good. The great\nFeather and Thanksgiving dances are the appropriate ceremonies of\nThanksgiving to the Ruler and Maker of all things. The Thanksgiving\nconcert belongs appropriately to our grandfathers. In it we return thanks\nto them. During the performance of this ceremony we are required also to\ngive them the smoke of tobacco. Again we must at this time return thanks\nto our mother--the earth--for she is our relative. We must also return\nthanks to our life and its sister. All these things are required to be\ndone by the light of the sun. It must not be protracted until the sun has\nhid its face and darkness surrounds all things.\n\n\"Continue to listen. We have a change of season. We have a season of\ncold. This is the hunting season. It is also one in which the people can\namuse themselves. Upon the fifth day of the new moon Nis-go-wuk-na (about\nFebruary 1st), we are required to commence the annual jubilee of\nthanksgiving to our Creator. At this festival all can give evidence of\ntheir devotion to the will of the Great Spirit, by participating in all\nof its ceremonies.\n\n\"Continue to listen. The four Messengers of the Great Spirit have always\nwatched over us, and have ever seen what was transpiring among men. At\nsome times Handsomelake was transported by them to the regions above. He\nlooked down upon the earth and saw an assembly. Out of it came a man. His\ngarments were torn, tattered, and filthy. His whole appearance indicated\ngreat misery and poverty. They asked him how this spectacle appeared to\nhim. He replied that it was hard to look upon. They then told him that\nthe man he saw was a drunkard; that he had taken the firewater and it had\nreduced him to poverty. Again he looked and saw a woman, seated on the\nground. She was constantly engaged in gathering up and secreting about\nher person her worldly effects. They said the woman you see is\ninhospitable. She is selfish to spare anything, and will never leave her\nworldly goods. She can never pass from earth to heaven. Tell this to your\npeople. Again he looked, and saw a man carrying in each hand large pieces\nof meat. He went about the assembly to give each a piece. This man they\nsaid is blessed, for he is hospitable and kind. He looked again, and saw\nstreams of blood. They said thus will the earth be if the firewater is\nnot put from among you. Brother will kill brother, and friend kill\nfriend. Again they told him to look towards the east. He obeyed as far as\nhis vision reached. He saw the increasing smoke of numberless\ndistilleries arising and shutting out the light of the sun. It was a\nhorrible spectacle to witness. They told him that here was the place that\nmanufactured the firewater. Again he looked, and saw a costly house, made\nand furnished by the pale faces. It was a house of confinement where were\nfetters, ropes and whips. They said those who persisted in the use of\nfirewater would fall into this. Our Creator commands us to put this\ndestructive vice far from us. Again he looked and saw various\nassemblages. Some of them were unwilling to listen to instruction. They\nwere rioters and took great pride in drinking the strong waters. He\nobserved another group who were half inclined to hear, but the\ntemptations of vice that surrounded them allured them back, and they also\nrevelled in the fumes of the firewater. He saw another assemblage who had\nmet to hear instruction. This they said was pleasing to the Great Spirit.\nHe loves those who will listen and obey. It has grieved Him that His\nchildren are now divided by separate interests, and are pursuing so many\npaths. It pleases Him to see His people live together in harmony and\nquiet. The firewater creates many dissensions and divisions among us.\nThey said the use of it would cause many to die unnatural deaths.\nMany will be exposed to cold and freeze. Many will be burned, and others\nwill be drowned while under the influence of the firewater.\n\n\"Friends and relations, all these things have often happened. How many of\nour people have frozen to death, how many have burned to death: how many\nhave been drowned, while under the influence of the strong water. The\npunishment of those who use the firewater commences while they are yet on\nthe earth. Many are now thrown into houses of confinement by the pale\nfaces. I repeat to you the Ruler of us all requires us to unite and put\nthis evil from among us. Some say the use of the firewater is not wrong,\nand that it is food. Let those who do not believe it is wrong make this\nexperiment: Let all who use the firewater assemble and organize into a\ncouncil, and those who do not into another council near them. A great\ndifference will then be discovered. The council of drunkards will end in\na riot and tumult, while the other will have harmony and quiet. It is\nhard to think of the great prevalence of this evil among us. Reform, and\nput it from among you. Many resolve to use the firewater until near\ndeath, when they will repent. If they do this nothing can save them from\ndestruction, for medicine can then have no power. Thus they said.\n\n\"All men were made equal by the Great Spirit, but He has given them a\nvariety of gifts. To some a pretty face, to others an ugly one: to some a\ncomely form, to others a deformed figure; some are fortunate in\ncollecting around them worldly goods; but you are all entitled to the\nsame privileges, and therefore must put pride from among you. You are not\nyour own maker, nor the builders of your own fortunes; all things are the\ngifts of the Great Spirit, and to Him must be returned thanks for their\nbestowal; He alone must be acknowledged as the giver. It has pleased Him\nto make differences among men, but it is wrong for one man to exalt\nhimself above another. Love each other, for you are all brothers and\nsisters of the same great family. The Great Spirit enjoins upon all to\nobserve hospitality and kindness, especially to the needy and helpless,\nfor this is pleasing to Him. If a stranger wanders about your abode,\nspeak to him with kind words; be hospitable toward him; welcome him to\nyour home, and forget not always to mention the Great Spirit. In the\nmorning give thanks to the Great Spirit for the return of day and the\nlight of the sun. At night renew your thanks to Him that His ruling power\nhas preserved you from harm during the day and that night has again come\nin which you may rest your wearied bodies.\n\n\"The four messengers said further to Handsomelake, 'Tell your people, and\nparticularly the keeper of the faith, to be strong-minded and adhere to\nthe true faith. We fear the evil-minded will go among them with\ntempations. He may introduce the fiddle; he may bring cards and leave\nthem among you; the use of these is a great sin. Let the people be on\ntheir guard and the keepers of the faith be watchful and vigilant that\nnone of these evils may find their way among the people. Let the keepers\nof the faith preserve the law of moral conduct in all its purity. When\nmeetings are to be held for instruction and the people are preparing to\ngo, the evil-minded is then busy. He goes from one to another whispering\nmany temptations, by which to keep them away. He will even follow persons\ninto the door of the council and induce some at that time to bend their\nsteps away; many resist until they have entered, and then leave. This\nhabit once indulged in, obtains fast hold and the evil propensity\nincreases with age. This is a great sin, and should be at once abandoned.\nThus they said.'\n\n\"Speak evil of no one; if you can say no good of a person, then be\nsilent; let all be mindful of this, for these are the words of our\nCreator. Let all strive to cultivate friendship with those who surround\nthem. This is pleasing to the Great Spirit.\n\n\"Counselors, warriors, women and children--I shall now rest. I thank you\nall for you kind and patient attention. I thank the Great Spirit that He\nhas spared the lives of so many of us to witness this day. I request you\nall to come up again to-morrow at early day. Let us all hope that until\nwe meet again the Creator and Ruler of us all may be kind to us and\npreserve our lives, na-ho.\"\n\nThe council on the following day was opened with a few short speeches by\nsome of the chiefs or keepers of the faith, returning thanks for the\nprivileges of the occasion, as usual at councils; after which Johnson,\nresuming his discourse, spoke as follows:\n\n\"Friends and relatives, uncover now you heads. Continue to listen to my\nrehearsal of the saying communicated to Handsomelake by the four\nmessengers of the Great Spirit. We have met again around the council\nfire. We have followed the ancient custom and greeted each other. This is\nright and highly pleasing to our Maker. He now looks down upon this\nassemblage; He sees us all; He is informed of the cause of our gathering,\nand it is pleasing to Him. Life is uncertain; while we live let us love\neach other; let us sympathize always with the suffering and needy; let us\nalso always rejoice with those who are glad. This is now the third day,\nand my time for speaking to you is drawing to a close. It will be a long\ntime before we meet again; many moons and seasons will have passed before\nthe sacred council-brand be again uncovered; be watchful, therefore, and\nremember faithfully what you may now hear.\n\n\"In discoursing yesterday upon the duties of the keepers of the faith, I\nomitted some important things. The Great Spirit created this office; He\ndesigned that its duties should never end. There are some who are\nselected and set apart by our Maker to perform the duties of this office;\nit is therefore their duty to be faithful, and to be always watching.\nThese duties they must ever perform during their lives. The faithful when\nthey leave this earth will have a pleasant path to travel. The same\noffice exists in heaven, the home of our Creator. They will take the same\nplace when they arrive there. There are dreadful penalties awiting those\nkeepers of the faith who resign their office without a cause. Thus they\nsaid.\n\n\"It was the original intention of our Maker that all our feasts of\nthanksgiving should be seasoned with the flesh of wild animals, but we\nare surrounded by the pale faces, and in a short time the woods will all\nbe removed: then there will be no game for the Indians to use in their\nfeasts. The four messengers said in consequence of this that we might use\nthe flesh of domestic animals. This will not be wrong. The pale faces are\npressing upon every side. You must therefore live as they do. How far you\ncan do so without sin I will now tell you. You may grow cattle and for\nyourselves a comfortable dwelling house. This is not sin, and it is all\nyou can safely adopt of the customs of the pale faces. You cannot live as\nthey do. Thus they said.\n\n\"Continue to listen. It has pleased our Creator to set apart as our life\nthe three Sisters. For this special favor let us ever be thankful. When\nwe have gathered in our harvest let the people assemble and hold a\ngeneral thanksgiving for so great a good. In this way you will show your\nobedience to the will and pleasure of your Creator. Thus they said.\n\n\"Many of you are ignorant of the spirit of medicine. It watches over us\nconstantly, and assists the needy whenever necessity requires. The Great\nSpirit designed that some man should possess the gift and skill in\nmedicine, but He is pained to see a medicine man making exorbitant\ncharges for attending the sick. Our Creator made for us tobacco. This\nplant must always be used in administering medicine. When a sick person\nrecovers his health he must return his thanks to the Great Spirit by\nmeans of tobacco, for it is by His goodness that he is made well.\nHe blesses the medicine, and the medicine man must receive as a reward\nwhatever the gratitude of the restored may tender. This is right and\nproper. There are many that are unfortunate and cannot pay for\nattendance. It is sufficient for such to return thanks to the medicine\nman upon recovery. The remembrance that he has saved the life of a\nrelative will be a sufficient reward.\n\n\"Listen further to what the Great Spirit has been pleased to communicate\nto us. He has made us, as a race, separate and distinct from the pale\nfaces. It is a great sin to intermarry and intermingle the blood of the\ntwo races. Let none be guilty of this transgression.\n\n\"At one time the four messengers said to Handsomelake, 'Lest the people\nshould disbelieve you and not repent and forsake their evil ways, we will\nnow disclose to you the house of torment, the dwelling place of the\nevil-minded.' Handsomelake was particular in describing to us all that he\nwitnessed, and the course which departed spirits were accustomed to take\non leaving the earth. There was a road which led upward; at a certain\npoint it branched; one branch led straight forward to the house of the\nGreat Spirit, and the other turned aside to the house of torment; at the\nplace where the roads separated were stationed two keepers, one\nrepresenting the good and the other the evil spirit; when a person\nreached the fork, if wicked, by a motion of the evil keeper, he turned\ninstinctively upon the road which led to the abode of the evil-minded;\nbut if virtuous and good, the other keeper directed him upon the straight\nroad; the latter was not much traveled, while the former was so\nfrequently trodden that no grass could grow in the pathway. It sometimes\nhappens that the keepers have great difficulty in deciding which path the\nperson should take, when the good and bad actions of the individual were\nnearly balanced. Those sent to the house of torment sometimes remain one\nday, (which is one year with us); some for a longer period. After they\nhave atoned for their sins they pass to heaven; but when they have\ncommitted either of the great sins, (witchcraft, murder, or infantcide),\nthey never pass to heaven, but are tormented forever. Having conducted\nHandsomelake to this place, he saw a large dark-colored mansion,\ncovered with soot, and beside it stood a lesser one. One of the four then\nheld out his rod, and the top of the house moved up until they could look\ndown upon all that was within. He saw many rooms. The first object which\nmet his eyes was a haggard-looking man, his sunken eyes cast upon the\nground, and his form half consumed by the torments he had undergone. This\nman was a drunkard. The evil-minded then appeared and called him by name.\nAs the man obeyed his call, he dipped from a caldron a quantity of red-\nhot liquid and commanded him to drink it, as it was an article he loved.\nThe man did as he was commanded, and immediately from his mouth issued a\nstream of blaze. He cried in vain for help. The tormentor then requested\nhim to sing and make himself merry as he had done while on earth, after\ndrinking the firewater. Let drunkards take warning from this. Others were\nthen summoned. There came before him two persons who appeared to be\nhusband and wife. He told them to exercise the privilege they were so\nfond of while on earth. They immediately commenced a quarrel of words.\nThey raged at each other with such violence that their tongues and eyes\nran out so far they could neither see nor speak. This, said they, is the\npunishment of quarrelsome and disputing husbands and wives. Let such also\ntake warning, and lie together in peace and harmony. Next he called up a\nwoman who had been a witch. First he plunged her into a caldron of\nboiling liquid. In her cries of distress she begged the evil-minded to\ngive her some cooler place. He then immersed her into one containing\nliquid at the point of freezing. Her cries were then that she was too\ncold. This woman, said the four messengers, shall always be tormented in\nthis manner. He proceeded to mention the punishment which awaits all\nthose who cruelly ill-treat their wives. The evil-minded next called up a\nman who had been accustomed to beat his wife. Having led him up to a red-\nhot statue of a woman, he directed him to do that which he was fond of\nwhile upon earth. He obeyed, and struck the figure. The sparks flew in\nevery direction, and by the contact his arm was consumed. Such is the\npunishment, they said, awaiting those who ill-treat their wives. From\nthis take seasonable warning. He looked again and saw a woman, whose arms\nand hands were nothing but bones. She had sold firewater to the Indians,\nand the flesh was eaten from her hands and arms. This, they said, would\nbe the fate of rum-sellers. Again he looked, and in one apartment saw and\nrecognized Ho-ne-ya-wus (farmer's brother), his former friend. He was\nengaged in removing a heap of sand, grain by grain, and although he\nlabored continually, yet the heap was not diminished. This, they said,\nwas the punishment of those who sold land. Adjacent to the house of\ntorment was a field of corn filled with weeds. He saw a woman in the\nact of cutting them down, but as fast as this was done they grew up\nagain. This, they said, was the punishment of lazy women. It would be\nproper and right, had we time, to tell more of this place of punishment,\nbut my time is limited and must pass to other things.\n\n\"The Creator made men dependent upon each other. He made them sociable\nbeings: therefore, when your neighbors visit you set food before them. If\nit be your next door neighbor, you must give him to eat. He will partake\nand thank you.\"\n\n\"Again they said, 'You must not steal.' Should you want for anything\nnecessary, you have only to tell your wants and they will be supplied.\nThis is right. Let none ever steal anything. Children are often tempted\nto take things home which do not belong to them. Let parents instruct\ntheir children in this rule.\n\n\"Many of our people live to a very old age. Your Creator says that your\ndeportment toward them must be that of reverence and affection. They\nhave seen and felt much of the miseries and pains of earth. Be always\nkind to them when old and helpless. Wash their hands and face and nurse\nthem with care. This is the will of the Great Spirit.\n\n\"It has been the custom among us to mourn for the dead one year. This\ncustom is wrong. As it causes the death of many children, it must be\nabandoned. Ten days mourn for the dead, and not longer. When one dies, it\nis right and proper to make an address over the body, telling how much\nyou loved the deceased. Great respect for the dead must be observed among\nus.\n\n\"At another time the four messengers said to Handsomelake that they would\nshow him the destroyer of Villages (Washington), of whom you have so\noften heard. Upon the road leading to heaven he could see a light, far\naway in the distance, moving to and fro. Its brightness far exceeded the\nbrilliancy of the noonday sun. They told him the journey was as follows:\nFirst they came to a cold spring, which was a resting place; from this\npoint they proceeded into pleasant fairy grounds, which spread away in\nevery direction: soon they reached heaven; the light was dazzling:\nberries of every description grew in vast abundance: the size and quality\nwere such that a single berry was more than sufficient to appease the\nappetite: a sweet fragrance perfumed the air; fruits of every kind met\nthe eye. The inmates of this celestial abode spent their time in\namusement and repose. No evil could enter there. None in heaven ever\ntransgress again: families are reunited and dwell together in harmony:\nthey possessed a bodily form, the senses and the remembrance of earthly\nlife; but no white man ever enters heaven. Thus they said. He looked and\nsaw an inclosure upon a plain, just without the entrance of heaven.\nWithin it was a fort. Here he saw the 'destroyer of villages,' walking to\nand fro within the inclosure. His countenance indicated a great and good\nman. They said to Handsomelake, 'The man you see is the only pale face\nthat ever left the earth; he was kind to you when on the settlement of\nthe great difficulty between the Americans and the Great Crown (Great\nBritain), you were abandoned to the mercy of your enemies. The Crown told\nthe great American that as for his allies, the Indians, he might kill\nthem if he liked. The great American judged that this would be cruel and\nunjust; he believed they were made by the Great Spirit, and were entitled\nto the enjoyments of life; he was kind to you and extended over you his\nprotection: for this reason he has been allowed to leave the earth. But\nhe is never permitted to go into the presence of the Great Spirit.\nAlthough alone, he is perfectly happy. All faithful Indians pass by him\nas they go to heaven. They see him and recognize him, but pass on in\nsilence. No words ever pass his lips.\n\n\"Frieads and relatives, it was by the influence of this great man that\nwe were spared as a people, and yet live. Had he not granted as his\nprotection, where would we have been? Perished--all perished.\n\n\"The four messengers further said to Handsomelake that they were fearful\nthat unless the people repent and obey his consmands, the forbearance and\npatience of the Creator would be exhausted; that He would grow angry\nwith them and cause their increase to cease.\n\n\"Our Creator, made light and darkness; He made the sun to heat and\nshine over the world; He made the moon, also, to shine by night and to\ncool the world, if the sun make it too hot by day. The keeper of the\nclouds, by direction of the Great Spirit, will then cease to act. The\nkeeper of the springs and running brooks will cease to rule them for the\ngood of man. The sun will cease to fulfil its office. Total darkness will\nthen cover the earth. A great smoke will rise and spread over the face of\nthe earth. Then will come out of it all monsters and poisonous animals\ncreated by the evil-minded, and they, with the wicked upon the earth,\nwill perish together.\n\n\"But before this dreadful time shall come, the Great Spirit will take\nhome to Himself all the good and faithful. They will lay themselves down\nto sleep, and from this sleep of death they will arise and go home to\ntheir Creator. Thus they said.\n\n\"I have done. I close thus, that you may remember and understand the fate\nwhich awaits the earth, the unfaithful and the unbelieving. Our Creator\nlooks down upon us. The four Beings from above see us. They witness with\npleasure this assemblage, and rejoice at the object for which it is\ngathered. It is now forty-eight years since we first began to listen to\nthe renewed will of our Creator. I have been unable, during the time\nalloted to me, to rehearse all the savings of Ga-ne-o-di-yo\n(Handsomelake); I regret very much that you cannot hear them all.\n\n\"Counselors, warriors, women and children, I have done. I thank you all\nfor your attendance, and for your kind and patient attention. May the\nGreat Spirit, who rules all things, watch over and protect you from every\nharm and danger while you travel the journey of life. May the Great\nSpirit bless all, and bestow upon you life health, peace and prosperity:\nand may you in turn appreciate His great goodness. This is all.\"\n\n\n\n\nSketches of an Iroquois Council, or Condolence.\n\nIn giving the description of the condolence, I have chosen the following\nwritings of Mr. G. S. Riley, of Rochester, to-wit:\n\nA grand council of the confederate Iroquois was held Octobcr 1, 1845, at\nthe Indian councilhouse, on the Tonawanda reservation, in the county of\nGenesee. Its proceedings occupied three days. It embraced representatives\nfrom all the six nations--the Mohawk, the Onondaga, the Seneca, the\nOneida, the Cayuga, and the Tuscarora. It is the only one of the kind\nwhich has been held for a number of years, and is probably the last which\nwill ever be assembled with a full representation of the confederate\nnations.\n\nThe Indians from abroad arrived at the council-grounds, or the immediate\nvicinity, two days previous, and one of the most interesting spectacles\nof the occasion was the entry of the different nations upon the domain\nand hospitality of the Senecas, on whose grounds the council was to be\nheld. The representation of the Mohawks, coming as they did from Canada,\nwas necessarily small. The Onondagas, with acting Todotahhoh, of the\nconfederacy, and his two counselors, made an exceedingly creditable\nappearance. Nor was the array of the Tuscaroras, in point of numbers, at\nleast, deficient in attractive and improving features.\n\nWe called upon and were presented to Black Smith, the most influential\nand authoritative of the Seneca sachems. He is about sixty years old, is\nsomewhat portly, is easy enough in his manners, and is well disposed, and\neven kindly towards all who convinced him that they have no sinister\ndesigns in coming among his people.\n\nJemmy Johnson is the great high priest of the confederacy. Though now\nsixty-nine years old, he is yet an erect, fine-looking and energetic\nIndian, and is hospitable and intelligent. He is in possession of the\nmedal presented by Washington to Red Jacket in 1792, which, among other\nthings of interest, he showed us.\n\nIt would be imcompatible with the present purpose to describe all the\ninteresting men who were assembled, among whom were Captain Frost,\nMessrs. Le Fort, Hill, John Jacket, Dr. Wilson and others. We spent much\nof the time during the week in conversation with the chiefs and most\nintelligent Indians of the different nations, and gleaned from them much\ninformation of the highest interest, in relation to the organization,\ngovernment, laws, religion and customs of the people and characteristics\nof the great men of the old and once powerful confederacy. It is a\nsingular fact, that the peculiar government and national characteristics\nof the Iroquois is a most interesting field of research and inquiry,\nwhich has never been very thoroughly, if at all, investigated, although\nthe historic events which marked the proud career of the confederacy have\nbeen perseveringly sought and treasured up in the writings of Stone,\nSchoolcraft, Hosmer, Yates and others.\n\nMany of the Indians speak English readily, but with the aid and\ninterpretations of Mr. Ely S. Parker, a young Seneca of no ordinary\ndegree of attainment in both scholarship and general inteligence, and\nwho, with Le Fort, the Onondaga, is well versed in old Iroquois matters,\nwe had no difficulty in conversing with any and all we chose to.\n\nAbout midday on Wednesday, October 1, the council commenced. The\nceremonies with which it was opened and conducted were certainly unique--\nalmost indescribable; and as its proceedings were in the Seneca tongue,\nthey were in a great measure unintelligible, and in fact, profoundly\nmysterious to the pale faces. One of the chief objects for which the\ncouncil had been convoked, was to fill two vacancies in the Sachems of\nthe Senecas, which had been made by the death of the former incumbents;\nand preceding the installation of the candidates for the succession there\nwas a general and dolorous lament for the deceased Sachems, the utterance\nof which, together with the repetition of the laws of the confederacy,\nthe installation of the new Sachems, the impeachment and disposition of\nthree unfaithful Sachems, the elevation of others in their stead, and the\nperformance of the various ceremonies attendant upon these proceedings,\nconsumed the principal part of the afternoon.\n\nAt the setting of the sun a bountiful repast, consisting of an\ninnumerable number of rather formidable looking chunks of boiled fresh\nbeef, and abundance of bread and succotash, was brought into the council\nhouse. The manner of saying grace on this occasion was indeed peculiar. A\nkettle being brought, hot and smoking from the fire, and placed in the\ncenter of the council house, there proceeded from a single person, in a\nhigh shrill key, a prolonged and monotonous sound, resembling that of the\nsyllable _wah_ or _yah_. This was immediately followed by a\nresponsive but protracted tone, the syllable _whe_ or _swe_,\nand this concluded grace. It was impossible not to be somewhat mirthfully\naffected at the first hearing of grace said in this novel manner. It is,\nhowever, pleasurable to reflect that the Indians recognize the duty of\nrendering thanks to the Divine Being in some formal way for the bounties\nand enjoyments which He bestows; and, were an Indian to attend a public\nfeast among his pace faced brethren, he would be affected perhaps to a\ngreater degree of marvel at witnessing a total neglect of this ceremony\nthan we were at his singular way of performing it.\n\nAfter supper commenced the dances. All day Tuesday and on Wednesday, up\nto the time that the places of the deceased Sachems had been filled,\neverything like undue joyfulness had been restrained. This was required\nby the respect customarily due to the distinguished dead. But now the\nbereaved Sachems being again filled, all were to give utterance of\ngladness and joy. A short speech by Capt. Frost, introductory to the\nenjoyments of the evening, was received with acclamatory approbation, and\nsoon eighty or ninety of these sons and daughters of the forest--the old\nmen and the young, the maidens and the matrons--were engaged in the\ndance. It was indeed a rare sight.\n\nOnly two varieties of dancing were introduced the first evening, the\ntrotting dance and the fish dance. The figures of either are exceedingly\nsimple, and but slightly different from each other. In the first named,\nthe dancers all move round a circle in a single file, keeping time in a\nsort of trotting step to an Indian song of yo-ho-ha, or yo-ho-ha-ha-ho,\nas sung by the leader, or occasionally by all conjoined. In the other,\nthere is the same movement in single file round a circle, but every two\npersons, a man and a woman, or two men, face each other, the one moving\nforward, the other backward, and all keeping step to the music of the\nsingers, who are now, however, aided by a a couple of tortoise or turtle\nshell rattlers, or an aboriginal drum. At regular intervals there is a\nsort of cadence in the music, during which a change of position by all\nthe couples takes place, the one who had been moving backward taking the\nplace of the one moving forward, when all again move onward, one-half of\nthe whole, of course, being obliged to follow on by dancing backwards.\n\nOne peculiarity in Indian dancing would probably strongly commend itself\nto that class among pale faced beau and belles denominated bashful;\nthough, perhaps, it would not suit others as well. The men, or a number\nof them, usually begin the dance alone, and the women, or each of them,\nselecting the one with whom she would like to dance, presents herself at\nhis side as he approaches and is immediately received into the circle.\nConsequently, the young Indian beau knows nothing of the tact required to\nhandsomely invite and gallantly lead a lady to the dance; and the young\nIndian maiden, unannoyed by obnoxious offers, at her own convenience,\ngracefully presents her personage to the one she designs to favor, and\nthus quietly engages herself in the dance. And moreover, while an Indian\nbeau is not necessarily obliged to exhibit any gallantry as towards a\nbelle till she has herself manifested her own good pleasure in the\nmatter; so, therefore, the belle cannot indulge herself in vascilant\nflirtations with any considerable number of beaux without being at once\ndetected.\n\nOn Thursday the religious ceremonies commenced, and the council from the\ntime it assembled, which was about 11 o'clock A. M., till 3 or 4 o'clock\nP. M., gave the most serious attention to the preaching of Jimmy Johnson,\nthe great high priest, and the second in the succession under the new\nrevelation. Though there are some evangelical believers among the\nIndians, the greater portion of them cherish the religion of their\nfathers. This, as they say, has been somewhat changed by the new\nrevelation, which the Great Spirit made to one of their prophets about\nforty-seven years ago, and which, as they also believe, was approved by\nWashington.\n\nThe profound regard and eneration which the Indians have ever retained\ntowards the name and memory of Washington is most interesting evidence of\nhis universally appreciated worth, and the fact that the red men regard\nhim not merely as one of the best, but as the very best man that ever has\nexisted, or that will ever exist, is beautifully illustrated in a\nsingular credence which they maintain even to this day, namely, that\nWashington, is the only white man who has ever entered heaven and is the\nonly one who will enter there till the end of the world.\n\nAmong the Senecas public religious exercises takes place but once a year.\nAt these times Jimmy Johnson preaches hour after hour for three days, and\nthen rests from any public charge of ecclesiastical offices the remaining\nthree hundred and sixty-two days of the year. On this, an unusual\noccasion, he restricted himself to a few hours in each of the last two\ndays of the council. We were told by young Parker, who took notes of his\npreaching, that his subject matter on Thursday abounded in good\nteachings, enforced by appropriate and happy illustrations and striking\nimagery. After he had finished the council took a short respite. Soon,\nhowever, a company of warriors, ready and eager to engage in the\ncelebrated corn dance, made their appearance. They were differently\nattired. While some were completely enveloped in a closely-fitting and\ngaudy-colored garb, others, though perhaps without intending it, had made\nwonderfully close approaches to an imitation of the costume said to have\nbeen so fashionable in many parts of the State of Georgia during the last\nhot summer, and which is also said to have consisted simply of a shirt\ncollar and a pair of spurs. But, in truth, these warriors, with shoulders\nand limbs in a state of nudity, with faces bestreaked with paints, with\njingling trinkets dangling to their knees, and with feathered war caps\nwaving above them, presented a truly picturesque and romantic appearance.\nWhen the center of the council house had been cleared and the musicians\nwith the shell rattlers had taken their places, the dance commenced, and\nfor an hour and a half--perhaps two hours--it proceeded with surprising\nspirit and energy. Almost every posture of which the human frame is\nsusceptible, without absolutely making the feet uppermost and the head\nfor once to assume the place of the feet, was exhibited. Some of the\nattitudes of the dancers were really imposing, and the dance as a whole,\ncould be got up and conducted only by Indians. The women, in the\nperformance of the corn dance are quite by themselves, keeping time to\nthe beat of the shells and gliding along sideways, without scarcely\nlifting their feet from the floor.\n\nIt would probably be well if the Indian everywhere could be inclined to\nrefrain at least from the more grotesque and boisterous peculiarities of\nthe dance. The influence of these cannot be productive of any good, and\nit is questionable whether it will be possible, so long as they are\nretained, to assimilate them to any greater degree of civilization, or to\nmore refined methods of living and enjoyment than they now possess. The\nsame may be said of certain characteristics of the still more Vandalic\nwar dance. This, however, was not introduced at the council.\n\nA part of the proceedings of Friday, the last day of the council, bore\nresemblance to those of the preceding day. Jimmy Johnson resumed his\npreaching, at the close of which the corn dance was again performed,\nthough with far more spirit and enthusiasm than at the first. Double the\nnumbers that then appeared, all hardy and sinewy men, attired in original\nand fantastic style, among whom was one of the chiefs of the confederacy,\ntogether with forty or fifty women of the different nations, now engaged,\nand for more than two hours persevered in the performance of the various\ncomplicated and fatigueing movement of this dance. The appearance of the\ndusty throng, with its increased numbers, and of course proportionably\nincreased resources for the production of shrill whoops and noisy\nstamping, and for the exhibition of striking attitudes and rampant\nmotions, was altogether strange, wonderful and seemingly superhuman.\n\nAfter the dance had ceased, another kind of sport--a well contested foot\nrace--claimed attention. In the evening, after another supper in the\ncouncil house, the more social dances--the troting, the fish, and one in\nwhich the women alone participated--were resumed. The fish dance seemed\nto be the favorite, and being invited to join in by one of the chiefs, we\nat once accepted the invitation, and followed in mirthful chase of\npleasure with a hundred forest children. Occasionally the dances are\ncharacterized with ebulitions of merriment and flashes of real fun, but\ngenerally a singular sobriety and decorum are observed. Frequently, when\ngazing at a throng of sixty or perhaps one hundred dancers, we have been\nscarcely able to decide which was the most remarkable, the staid and\nimperturable gravity of the old men and women, or the complete absence of\nlevity and frolicsomeness in the young.\n\nThe social dances of the evening, with occasional speeches from the\nsachems and chiefs, were the final and concluding ceremonies of this\nsingular but interesting affair. Saturday morning witnessed the\nseparation of the various nations and the departure of each to their\nrespective homes.\n\nThe writer would liked to have said a word or two or relation to the\npresent condition and prospects of the Indians, but the original design\nin regard to both the topics and brevity of this writing having been\nalready greatly transcended, it must be deferred. The once powerful\nconfederacy of the Six Nations, occupying in its palmy days the greater\nportion of New York State, now number only a little over 3,000. Even this\nremnant will soon be gone. In view of this, as well as of the known fact\nthat the Indian race is everywhere gradually diminishing in numbers, the\nwriter cannot close without invoking for this unfortunate people renewed\nkindliness, sympathy and benevolent attention. It is true, that with some\nfew exceptions, they possess habits and characteristics which render them\ndifficult to approach; but still, they are only what the creator of us\nall has made them. And let it be remembered, it must be a large measure\nof kindliness and benevolence that will repay the injustice and wrongs\nthat have been inflicted upon them.\n\n\n\n\nATOTARHO.\n\nAtotarho, who by tradition was an Onondaga, is the great embodiment of\nthe Iroquois courage, wisdom and heroism, and he is invested with\nallegoric traits which exalt him to a kind of superhuman character.\nUnequalled in war and arts his fame spread abroad, and exalted the\nOnondaga nation in the highest scale. He was placed at the head of the\nconfederacy, and his name was used after his death as an examplar of\nglory and honor. While like that of Caesar, it became perpetuated as the\nofficial title of the presiding Sachem of the confederacy. He was a man\nof energy and renown. And such was the estimation in which he was held in\nhis life time, and the popular veneration for his character after death,\nthat, as above denoted, his name became the distinctive title for the\noffice, and is not yet extinct, although the tribes have no longer war to\nprosecute or foreign embassadors to reply to.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\n\n\nIROQUOIS LAWS OF DESCENT.\n\nAt the establishment of the confederacy, fifty sachems were founded and\na name assigned to each, by which they are still known, and these names\nare kept as hereditary from the beginning to the present time. There were\nalso fifty sub-sachems, or war chiefs--that is, to every sachem was given\na war chief, to stand behind him to do his biddings. These sachemships\nwere, and are still confined to the five nations; the Tuscaroras were\nadmitted into the confederacy without enlarging the framework of the\nleague, by allowing them their own sachems and sub-sachems, or war\nchiefs, as they inherited from their original nation of North Carolina.\n\nBut how, it may be asked, is a government so purely popular and so simple\nand essentially advisory in its character, to be reconciled with the laws\nof hereditary descent, fixed by the establishment of heraldic devices and\nbringing its proportion of weak and incompetent minds into office, and\nwith the actual power it exercised and the fame it acquired. To answer\nthis question, and to show how the aristocratic and democratic principles\nwere made to harmonize in the Iroquois government, it will be necessary\nto go back and examine the laws of descent among the tribes, together\nwith the curious and intricate principles of the clans or tribal bond.\n\nNothing is more fully under the cognizance of observers of the manners\nand customs of the Indians, than the fact of the entire nation or tribe\nbeing separated into distinct clans, each of them distinguished by the\nname and device of some quadruped, bird, or other object in the animal\nkingdom. This device is called by the Tuscaroras Or-reak-sa (clan). The\nIroquois have turned it to account by assuming it as the very basis of\ntheir political and tribal bond.\n\nA government wholly verbal must be conceded to have required this\nproximity and nearness of access. The original five nations of the\nIroquois were, theoretically, separated into eight clans or original\nfamilies of kindreds, who are distinguished respectively by the clans of\nthe wolf, bear, turtle, deer, beaver, falcon, crane and the plover. I\nfind that there is a little difference in the clans of the Tuscaroras,\nwhich are the bear, wolf, turtle, beaver, deer, eel and snipe. It is\ncontrary to the usage of the Indians that near kindred should intermarry,\nand the ancient rule interdicts all intermarriage between persons of the\nsame clan. They must marry into a clan which is different from their own.\nA Bear or Wolf male cannot marry a Bear or Wolf female. By this custom\nthe purity of blood is preserved, while the ties of relationship between\nthe clans themselves is strengthened or enlarged.\n\nThe line of descent is limited exclusively in the female's children.\nOwing to this arrangement, a chieftain's son cannot succeed him in\noffice, but in case of his death, the right of descent being in his\nmother, he would be succeeded, not by one of his male children, but by\nhis brother; or failing in this then by the son of his sister, or by some\ndirect, however remote, descendent of a maternal line.\n\nIt will be noticed that the children are not of the same clan as their\nfather, but are the same as their mother. Thus, he might be succeeded by\nhis own grandson, by the son marrying in his father's clan, and not by\nhis daughter. It is in this way that the chieftainship is continually\nkept in a family dynasties in the female line.\n\nWhile the law of descent is fully recognized, the free will of the female\nto choose a husband from any of the clans, excluding only her own, is\nmade to govern and determine the distribution of political power, and to\nfix the political character of the tribe. Another peculiarity may be here\nstated. In choosing a candidate to fill a vacancy of the chieftainship,\nmade either by death or misconduct, the power is lodged in the older\nwomen of the clan to choose the candidate, and then to be submitted for\nthe recognition of the chiefs and sachems in council, for the whole\nnation. If approved, a day is appointed for the recognition also of the\nSix Nations, and he is formally installed into office. Incapacity is\nalways, however, without exception, recognized as a valid objection to\nthe approval of the council.\n\n\n\n\nLEGENDARY.\n\nOn long winter evening the Indian hunters gatherd around their fireside,\nto listen to the historical traditions, legends of war and hunting, and\nfairy tales which had been handed down through their fathers and father's\nfathers, with scarcely any variation for centuries, kindling the\nenthusiasm of the warrior and inspiring the little child some day to\nrealize similar dreams, and hand his name down to posterity as the author\nof similar exploits.\n\nThey have superstitious fears of relating fables in summer: not until\nafter snow comes will they relate of snakes, lest they should creep into\ntheir beds, or of evil genii, lest they in some way be revenged.\n\nIt is very difficult for a stranger to rightly understand the morals of\ntheir stories, though it is said by those who know them best, that to\nthem the story was always an illustration of some moral or principle.\n\nTo strangers they offer all the rites of hospitality, but do not open\ntheir hearts. If you ask them they will tell you a story, but it will not\nbe such a story as they tell when alone. They will fear your ridicule and\nsuppress their humor and pathos: so thoroughly have they learned to\ndistrust pale faces, that when they know that he who is present is a\nfriend, they will still shrink from admitting him within the secret\nportals of their heart.\n\nAnd when you have learned all that language can convey, there are still a\nthousand images, suggestions and associations recurring to the Indian,\nwhich can strike no chord in your heart. The myriad voices of nature are\ndumb to you, but to them they are full of life and power.\n\n\nNO. 1.--THE HUNTER AND MEDICINE LEGEND.\n\nThere once lived a man who was a great hunter. His generosity was the\ntheme of praise in all the country, for he not only supplied his own\nfamily with food, but distributed game among his friends and neighbors,\nand even called the birds and animals of the forest to partake of his\nabundance. For this reason he received the appellation of \"Protector of\nBirds and Animals.\"\n\nHe lived a hunter's life till war broke out between his own and some\ndistant nation, and then he took the war path. He was as brave a warrior\nas he was a skillful hunter, and slew a great multitude of the enemy,\ntill all were lying dead around him, except one, who was a _mighty man\nof valor_, and in an unguarded moment the hunter received a blow from\nhis tomahawk on the head, which felled him to the earth; his enemy then\ntook his scalp and fled.\n\nSome of his own party saw what befell him, and supposing him dead left\nhim on the field of battle; but a fox who had wandered this way\nimmediately recognized his benefactor. Sorrowful indeed, was he to find\nhim thus slain, and began to revolve in his mind some means of restoring\nhim to life. \"Perhaps,\" said he, \"some of my friends may know of a\nmedicine by which his wounds may be healed, and he may live again.\" So\nsaying, he ran into the forest and uttered the \"death lament,\" which was\nthe signal for all the animals to congregate. From far and near they\ncame, till hundreds and thousands of every kind had assembled around the\nbody of the hunter, eagerly inquiring what had happened. The fox\nexplained he had accidentally came that way and found their friend\nstretched lifeless upon the earth. The animals drew near and examined him\nmore closely, to be sure that life was extinct; they rolled him over and\nover on the ground and were satisfied that he was dead, there was not a\nsingle sign of life.\n\nThen they held a grand council of which the bear was the speaker. When\nall were ready to listen, he asked if any one present was acquainted with\nany medicine which would restore the dead man to life. With great\nalacrity each one examined his medicine box, but finds nothing adapted to\nthis purpose. Being defeated in their noble object of restoring their\nfriend, all join in a mournful howl--a requiem for the dead. This\nattracted a singing bird, the oriole, who came quietly to learn the cause\nof the assembling of the great concourse and their profound lamentation.\nThe bear made known the calamity which had befallen them, and as the\nbirds would feel themselves equally afflicted, he requested the oriole to\nfly away and invite all the feathered tribes to come to the council and\nsee if their united wisdom cannot devise a remedy that will restore their\nfriend to life.\n\nSoon were assembled all the birds of the air, even the great eagle of the\nIroquois, which was seldom induced to appear upon the earth, hastens to\npay her respects to the remains of the renowned and benevolent hunter.\nAll being satisfied that he was really dead, the united council of birds\nand animals, which remained convened, decided that his scalp must be\nrecovered, saying that any bird or animal who pleased might volunteer to\ngo on this mission. The fox was the first to offer his services and\ndeparted full of hope that his zeal would be crowned with success. But\nafter many days he returned, saying he could find no trace of man's\nfootsteps, not a chick or child belonged to any settlement The great love\nwhich they bore their friend prompted several others to go upon the same\nmission, and to the animals belonged the first right as they had first\nfound him; but at length the birds were anxious to show their devotion\nand the pigeon hawk begged leave to make the first flight, as he was more\nswift of wing than any other and could visit the whole world in the\nshortest space of time. They had scarcely missed him when he returned: he\nsaid he had been over the entire earth and found it not. They did not\nconsider his voyage satisfactory, as he had flown so swiftly that it was\nimpossible for him to see anything distinctly by the way.\n\nNext the white heron proposed that he be sent, because of being so slow\nof wing he could see every object as he passed. On his aerial voyage he\ndiscovered a plain covered with the vines of the wild bean, laden with\nthe delicious fruit; it was too great a temptation for him to resist, and\nhe descended to enjoy a feast. So gluttonously did he partake that he\ncould not rise again from the earth, and the council after many days of\nanxious waiting, called for a substitute. Here the crow came forward and\nacknowledged his fitness for such, an office, as he was also slow of wing\nand was accustomed to hover settlements and discern them afar off, he\nwould not be suspected of any particular design should he linger near the\none that contained the scalp.\n\nThe warrior who possessed the coveted treasure knew the birds and animals\nwere holding council on the field of battle to devise means to recover\nit, but when the crow drew near he was not alarmed. The smoke of the\nwigwams indicated a settlement and as the crow sailed lazily through the\nair at a great height above the roofs of the cabins, he espied the scalp\nwhich he knew must be the one he sought, stretched out to dry.\n\nAfter various unsuccessful strategems, he was able to seize it, and flew\naway to exhibit his trophy to the council.\n\nNow, they attempted to fit it to his head, but, being dry, it was\nimpossible; so search was made to find something with which to moisten\nit, but in vain. Then slowly moved forward the great eagle, and bids them\nlisten to his words.\n\n\"My wings are never furled; night and day, for years and hundreds of\nyears, the dews of heaven have been collected upon my back, as I sat in\nmy nest above the clouds. Perhaps these waters may have a virtue no\nearthly fountain can possess, we will see.\"\n\nThen she plucked a feather from her wing and dipped it in the dewey\nelixir, which was then applied to the shriveled scalp, and lo! it became\npliable and fresh as if just removed. Now it would fit, but there must be\na healing power to cause the flesh to unite, and again to awaken life.\n\nAll were anxious to do something in the great work, therefore all went\nforth to bring rare leaves, flowers, barks, the flesh of animals and the\nbrain of birds, to form a healing mixture. When they returned it was\nprepared, and having been moisted with the dew, was applied to the scalp,\nand instantly adhered to it and became firm. This caused the hunter to\nsit up; he looked around in astonishment upon his numerous friends,\nunable to divine the meaning of so strange an assemblage.\n\nThen they bade him stand upon his feet and told him how he was found dead\nupon the plain and how great was the lamentation of all those who had so\nlong experienced his kindness, and the efforts they had made to restore\nhim to life. They then gave him the compound which had been the means of\nrestoring him to life, saying, \"it was the gift of the Great Spirit to\nman. He alone had directed them in the affairs of the council, had\nbrought the eagle to furnish the heavenly moisture, and gave them wisdom\nin making the preparation, that they might furnish to man a medicine\nwhich should be effectual for every wound.\"\n\nWhen they had finished the animals departed to their forest haunts, the\neagle soared again to his eyrie, and the birds of the air flew away to\ntheir nests in the tall trees, all happy and rejoicing that they had\naccomplished this great good.\n\nThe hunter returned to his home and spread abroad the news of the miracle\nand the knowledge of the wonderful medicine, which is used to this day\namong the Iroquois by those who are the favorites of the Great Spirit.\n\n\nNO. 2.\n\nAn Indian hunter went forth to hunt, and as he wandered through the\nforest he heard a strain of beautiful music far off among the trees. He\nlistened, but could not tell whence it came; he knew it could not be by\nany human voice, or from any instrument he had ever heard. As it came\nnear it ceased. The next evening he went forth again, but he heard no\nmusic, and again, but in van.\n\nThen came the Great Spirit to him in a dream and told him to fast, wash\nhimself till he was purified, then he might go forth and would hear again\nthe music. So he purified himself and went again among the dark trees of\nthe forest, and soon his ear caught the sweet strains, as he drew near\nthey became more beautiful; he listened till he learned them and could\nmake the same sweet sound, then he knew that it was a plant with a tall\ngreen stem and long tapering leaves. He took his knife and cut the stalk,\nbut ere he had scarcely finished, it healed and was the same as before;\nhe cut it again, and again it healed. Then he knew it would heal\ndiseases, he took it home, dried it by the fire, pulverized it, and\napplied a few particles of it to a dangerous wound; no sooner had it\ntouched the wound than it was healed. Thus the Great Spirit taught the\nIndian the nature of medicinal plants, and directed him where they were\nto be found, when and how used.\n\n\nMEDICINE LEGENDS.\n\nThe two above are the legends concerning the principal medicines used\namong the Iroquois. The ancient manner of administering them, was to take\na small wooden goblet and go to a running stream, dipping toward the way\nwhich the stream ran, fill the goblet and return, place it near the fire\nwith some tobacco near it; a prayer is offered while tobacco is thrown\nupon the fire, that the words may ascend upon the smoke.\n\nThe medicine is placed on a piece of skin near the goblet, being very\nfinely pulverized, is taken up with a wooden spoon and dusted upon the\nwater in three spots, in the form of a triangle, thus--\n\n *\n* *\n\nThe medicine man then looks at it critically, if it spreads over the\nsurface of the water and whirls about, it is a sign that the invalid will\nbe healed; if it sinks directly in the places where it was put, there is\nno hope, the sick person must die and the whole is thrown away.\n\nOnce in six months there is a great feast made, at the hunting season in\nfall and spring. On the night of the feast as soon as it is dark, all who\nare present assemble in one room, where no light or fire is allowed to\nburn, and placing the medicine near the covered embers, the tobacco by\nits side, they commence singing, which proclaims that the crows are\ncoming to their feast, and also many other birds and various animals,\nthe brains of whose species form part of their medicine. At the end of\nthe song some one imitates the caw of a crow, the songs of the birds, the\nhowls of the wolf, etc., as if the animals were present.\n\nThree times in the course of the night they offer a prayer, while\nthrowing tobacco on the smothered flames, asking that the people may be\nprotected from all harm, and if they receive wounds that the medicine may\nbe effectual in healing them.\n\nAt the commencement of the ceremonies the doors are locked, and no one\nis allowed to enter or leave the house while they continue; neither is\nany one allowed to sleep, as that would spoil the medicine. The feast\nbegins just before the dawn of day. The master of ceremonies first takes\na deer's head, bites off a piece, imitates the cry of a crow and passes\nthe head of the animal to another, who does the same, till all have\ntasted and imitated the peculiar note of some bird or animal.\n\nAs soon as it begins to be light the presiding officer takes a duck's\nbill, and dipping it full of the medicine, gives it to each one present,\nwho puts it in a bit of skin and wraps it in several coverings, keeps it\ncarefully until the next semi-annual feast. The skin of a panther is\npreferred for the first envelope if it can be obtained.\n\nThose who take part in the ceremonies are medicine men. Chiefs are\nallowed to be present; also, any who have been cured of any disease by\nthe medicine.\n\nWithout the building the young people gather for merriment, and the\nfragments of the feast are given to them when it is finished.\n\nWhen the medicine described in the second legend is used, the tune is\nsung which was heard at its discovery, both at the ceremonies of the\nfeast and the time of administering it.\n\nThey seem to think the ceremonies effectual in making the medicinal\nqualities of the compound imperishable. Each medicine man has a large\nquantity which he keeps in a bag, and in order not to exhaust the whole,\nnow and then, adds pulverized corn roots, squash vines, etc., and\nwhenever it is administered several persons assemble and sing. Both kinds\nare considered especially useful in healing wounds received in war.\n\nIn reading the first legend there will be seen very humorous allusions to\nthe habits of the pigeon, heron and crow, and there is a curious\ninvention inspiring faith in the means used in healing. I have seen many\nwho affirmed that they had tested the wonderful powers of each.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\n\n\nCIVILIZATION.\n\nWhatever may be the theories on the subject of Indian civilization, I\nthink it must be evident that the present position of the Tuscarora\nnation on their reservation, is extremely favorable for the attainment of\nthat object. They can no longer live by the chase. It is not now with\nthem as it was with the Indians on the Delaware, when William Penn said,\n\"their pleasures feed them--hunting, fishing and fowling.\" Surrounded by\nthe white settlements, placed in the vicinity of cities and towns, they\nare obliged to apply to agriculture and other modes of labor, for the\nmeans of subsistence. They are now building good houses, planting\norchards of various kinds of fruit, raising stock, etc.; they have horses\nand carriages. Artificial wants--the very pillars of civilization--are\nincreasing upon them. These require exertion, call into action their\nmental faculties, force them to provide for coming exigencies, gradually\ntames down their wild nature, and prepares them for that subdued, but\nimproved state, in which alone is to be found the highest point of\ncultivation, as well as the highest enjoyment intended for man in this\nprobationary world.\n\nIf this experiment fails, we may, with melancholy, certainly look forward\nto a period when this futile branch of the human family shall be swept\ninto oblivion, when the fine sounding names of the lofty mountains, the\nnoble rivers, the splendid cataracts, the great inland seas and the\nsilvery lakes will be the sole memorials of a race, that, only two or\nthree centuries ago, covered the face of this vast continent.\n\nOn the other hand, if this experiment should succeed, it will open a door\nof hope for the preservation, or if we may use the term, physical\nsalvation of this apparently doomed race. It may encourage the\nphilanthrophist to stretch forth his hand for the protection of the yet\nremaining tribes beyond the Mississippi; and the child may already be\nborn, who will live to behold that vast wilderness thickly dotted over\nwith Indian communities, with towns, villages, farms and manufacturing\nhamlets. They may live to see the hoe and the spade take the place of the\nbow and the tomahawk; the lion and the lamb feeding together; the sword\nbeaten into a plowshare, and the spear into a pruning hook.\n\n\n\n\nDOMESTIC.\n\nIn the first place, to women, in every well regulated society, should be\ncommitted the management of the families and the business connected with\nthe household concerns, and they should be qualified to exercise a\nsalutary influence within their appropriate sphere.\n\nSecondly, as mothers they are responsible for the nursing and rearing of\ntheir children and for the proper sustenance of them in early life. They\nare also responsible for the habits of their children, including\ncleanliness and general propriety of behavior.\n\nA sensible, judicious mother can greatly control her children in these\nmatters; she can make them modest or impertinent, ingenuous or deceitful,\nfearful or intrepid. The germ of all these traits of character exist in\nchildhood, and a mother can repress or strengthen them.\n\nThirdly, a mother is responsible for the principles her children may\nentertain in early life, and it is for her to say whether they shall be\nimbued with sentiments of honesty, industry and morality, or with those\nof a contrary character--fraud, idleness and dishonesty.\n\nShe is, to a very considerable extent responsible for the temper and\ndisposition of her children. Constitutionally he may be irritable or\nrevengeful, but she may correct or repress these passions and in their\nplaces instil better feelings.\n\nLastly, and above all, she is responsible for the religious education of\nher children. The beginning of wisdom is a reverence for our creator, and\nobedience to his requirings; and this is within the power of every good\nmother to inculcate and cherish in the hearts of her children; at the\nsame time it is the most important duty she owes them, and their\nusefulness and character throughout life may depend upon her correct and\nfaithful discharge of it.\n\nIf these be the appropriate duties and obligations of a mother, will it\nnot be vain to expect that the Indian warrior will be qualified for that\nstation, or that they will be in a condition to give a proper education\nto their children, or train them up in habits or principles that will\nrender them intelligent and good citizens, whilst they themselves are\nleft in ignorance, and while, instead of devoting their time and\nattention to his discharge of these high moral duties, they are held in a\nstate of servile degradation and compelled to perform all the menial\ndrudgeries of life?\n\nWomen are created by Providence equal to men in everything except mere\nphysical strength. Generally, they have much more discretion, and\ncertainly are far more virtuous. They were designed to exercise a\nconservative influence in society and should be placed in a position\nwhich would enable them to fulfill this-most important office; for\nhistory confirms the deeply interesting fact, that no people ever yet\nwere elevated to the rank of civilization, while their females were held\nin a servile condition, and we are also admonished by experience, that no\ncommunity can be virtuous and happy, which is not chastened by the\ncontrolling example of female delicacy and refinement.\n\nThese views are submitted to the consideration of the Tuscaroras, in the\nhope that they will receive their serious attention, and lead to the\nadoption of an improved and proper division of the employments, both of\nthe men and women of the nation; especially to the extension of more care\ntowards the suitable education of their females, and the consequent\nelevation of the Tuscarora women to their appropriate station and\ndignity, as the wives and rational companions of intelligent and educated\nhusbands.\n\nIn my communications, I have not felt it my duty to call your attention\nto any particular forms or observances in relation to your religious\nobligations. I believe that God is a spirit, and true worship to Him can\nonly be performed in spirit and in truth. I also believe that however\ndiversified the human family may be in regard to the circumstances in\nwhich they may be placed, all stand equally before their creator, as\nobjects of His care and personal regard; in His great mercy He visits us\nwith remorse and sadness, when we have wilfully done what we know to be\nwrong, and which, if persisted in, might lead us to destruction; and it\nis He who fills our hearts with peace and consolation when we do that\nwhich we believe to be right. His goodness is not limited to any people\nor place nor, is that adoration which is due to Him confined within\ntemples built with human hands, or restricted to any particular form; He\nis everywhere present and in every place; the incense of a pious, devoted\nheart, may acceptably be offered to Him in the rude homes of the red man.\n\nThe plants of the earth are not more directly under the influences of the\nnatural light and warmth by which they are nourished, than is the\nimmortal soul or spirit of man under the immediate care and sustaining\nsupport of the divine presence, which is always near and round about us;\nfor it is in Him we live, and move, and have our existence.\n\nDeeply impressed with the certainty of these truths, and fully believing\nHe will never fail to lead in the paths of safety and peace, those who\nsincerely look to Him for instruction and faithfully follow His counsel,\nI recommend you, with myself, carefully to attend to His manifestations\nof light and truth upon our minds, which will never deceive nor mslead,\nbut, if obeyed, wisely conduct us through the dangers of this life, and\nfinally will prepare us for a happy admission into the realms of eternal\nrest.\n\n\n\n\nOsteological Remains.\n\n\"In the town of Cambria, six miles west of Lockport, a Mr. Hammon, who\nwas employed with his boy in hoeing corn, in 1824, observed some bones of\na child, exhumed. No farther thought was bestowed upon the subject for a\ntime, for the plain of the Ridge was supposed to have been the site of an\nIndian village, and this was supposed to be the remains of some child who\nhad been recently buried there. Eli Bruce, hearing of the circumstance,\nproposed to Mr. H. that they should repair to the spot, with suitable\ninstruments, and endeavor to find some relics. The soil was a light loam,\nwhich would be dry and preserve bones for centuries without decay. A\nsearch enabled them to come to a pit but a slight distance from the\nsurface. The top of the pit was covered with small slabs of the Medina\nsandstone, and was twenty-four feet square, four and a half feet deep,\nplanes agreeing with the four cardinal points. It was filled with human\nbones of both sexes and ages. They dug down at one extremity and found\nthe same layers to extend to the bottom, which was the dry loam, and from\ntheir calculations, they deduced that at least four thousand souls had\nperished in one great massacre. In one skull two flint arrow-heads were\nfound, and many had the appearance of having been fractured and cleft\nopen by a sudden blow. They were piled in regular layers, but with no\nregard to size or sex. Pieces of pottery were picked up in the pit, and\nhad also been plowed up in the field adjacent. Traces of a log council\nhouse were plainly discernable. For, in an oblong square, the soil was\npoor, as if it had been cultivated, till the whites broke it up, and\nwhere the logs of the house had decayed, was a strip of rich mould. A\nmaple tree, over the pit, being cut down, two hundred and fifty\nconcentric circles were counted, making the mound to be A. D. 1574.\nIt has been supposed by the villagers that the bones were deposited there\nbefore the discovery of America, but the finding of some metal tools with\na French stamp, placed the date within our period. One hundred and fifty\npersons a day visited this spot the first season, and carried off\nportions of the bones. They are now nearly all gone and the pit plowed\nover. Will any antiquarian inform us, if possible, why these bones were\nplaced here? To what tribe do they belong? When did such a massacre\noccur?\"\n\nThe above is taken from the writings of Mr. Schoolscraft. On account of\nthe questions above, I propose to give a tradition, (which the Tuscaroras\nhave preserved,) to give the antiquarians and critics a question to\nsolve. Was the great massacre above made in the circumstance of the\ntradition below, to wit: There was a settlement or Indian nation where\nappeared several white men under the cloak of missionaries, (the reason I\nuse the term cloak is by the way it terminated), and preached to them the\ngospel of Jesus Christ, and the great love evinced by the Father in\nsending his only son to suffer and die on the cross to redeem the red\nchildren of nature, as well as the pale faces, from their degradation,\nshame and woe, to that of endless felicity beyond the shores of time. And\nthat they wished to erect a house of worship in their midst, in which\nthey might do their oblation to the Great Spirit, and that if they\nembraced the gospel they would have annuities from the government, to all\nof which the simple people of the forest made their assent. They\nimmediately went to work, dug for the cellar, and erected the building on\nabutments of wood, and alleged that they would finish the cellar\nafterwards. When the chapel was finished the Indians began to worship in\nit. Now the time of the annuity arrived. The Indians were told to all\ncongregate and into the church, men, women and children, and all those\nwho refused to enter, should be omitted in the distribution of the\nannuity. Consequently the building was entered by them and filled jammed\nfull. But there were two suspecting Indians who kept a proper distance\naway, ambushed, to see the result. After it was thought all had entered,\nthere was a company of soldiers with guns and burning faggots, surrounded\nthe building and set it on fire on all sides, after they had fastened the\ndoor. In this condition they all perished within the flames. I will not\nmake any attempt to give a sketch or in any way write in words the\nhorrors and heart-rendings cries and moans of the dying children of\nnature in the flames, through a disguise of sheep's clothing, but will\nleave it to the conjecture of the reader.\n\nAfter the flames had subsided, these two Indians repaired to the doomed\nspot, and found a heap of bones hob-nob, and they observed that some of\nthe skulls and bones of the different parts of the body were fractured\nand broke open, supposed to have been done by, the falling timbers of the\nburning house. It is said, \"in one skull, two flint arrow-heads were\nfound.\" How easy for the artifice of the white men that accomplished the\nmassacre in the manner they did, to have sunk these two flint arrows into\none of those skulls, to leave the conjecture in after times to have been\ndone by an Indian war.\n\nMr. C. P. Turner, with an honorable age of 72 years, in 1878. told me\nthat he visited the deposit of these bones, the next day after they were\nuncovered, saw the skull with the two flint arrows in it, and saw the\ngreat deposit of bones in this mound, and also said the pile was in hap-\nhazard, and not \"in regular layers,\" as stated above. He also saw bones\nwhich indicated being those of a child about 20 inches in height.\n\nThe Tuscaroras who preserve this tradition are located in the vicinity in\nwhich this mound of bones were found. All historians are very cautious to\nleave out or omit from the pages of their history, any circumstance in\nthe nature of the above tradition.","title":"Legends, Traditions, and Laws of the Iroquois, or Six Nations, and History of the Tuscarora Indians","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":75818}